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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th March 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      The Cerberean opposition , after barking tremendously , has come to the resolution not to bite . Professing to be satisfied with Lord Debut's promise , that he will confine himself to urgent measures , and dissolve the present , in time for the Uew Parliament to meet in autumn , they have agreed to interpose no further obstacles in the path of the New Ministry . On Monday Lord J . Rdssell announced the altered tactics to be pursued by the Chesham-place brigade ; and since then , the business in both houses has proceeded as might be expected io . a Parliament whose days are numbered , . Tbq only actual work is that of voting the money , and it is ^ gone about in Tatuer a corTou 3 fashion . The New Ministry have adopted the estimates of their predecessors . They find their

      work done to their hand , and the explanations called for are tendered by the unsalaried opposition chiefs , while the salaried ministry look on , or merely thiow in a word now and then , redolent of happiness at being paid for doing nothing . Of course all this is very galling to the Gbets , Elliotts , and other members of the formerly ' Happy Family' , and occasionally the feeling escapes in language verging on unparliamentary . Admiral Beukexey wa 3 surprised at the ' audacity * of the Government in adopting the ready-made estimates , and reminded them , that when in opposition they had circulated the most 'infamous stories' about the Board of Admiralty , whoso labonrs they thus coolly appropriated . On the other hand , as the Whigs are not likely to find fault with their own estimates , and have formed an . iliianco offensive and defensive with the Financial

      Reformers , these latter in turn refrain from the usual criticism , fault finding , and divisions , which were sever expected to save one penny of the public money . The farce of voting the supplies will , therefore , this year be got through in less time thau usual , and without a great deal of the humbug on all sitie 3 , by which dust is thrown in tbe eyes of poor Jons Bull . So anxious is Lord John to get rid of tliis necessary preliminary to a General Election , that he has suggested the Government should take Thursdays as well as Mondays and Fridays , for supply days . The whole of the army estimates were granted almost without discussion in a few minutes , and the

      Admiralty charges would have been as summarily disposed of , had it not been that sundry ' hon . and gallant * members were determined to give their budget of grievances and ' notions' an airing . Talk , however , was the only object , and in talk it ended . The sole measure which seems likely to delay cither house and prevent a speedy dissolution is the Militia Bill of the new cabinet , which is promised for Monday next . Since Lord Johh introduced the measure which led to the downfall of his government , a . very great change has taken place in public opinion . Tlio scribes of the Factions had wrought up the war panic to such a pitch , that it is exceedingly probable under

      its influence the nation might have been induced to acquiesce in a measure most unjust , burdensome , and injurious in its operation . The actual interregnum of Government which has since occurred , in consequence of Lord John ' s resignation ^ has demonstrated that the alarm and the danger on which the Militia Bill was professedly based , had very little foundation in reality . Had the French Dictator been so anxious , or so prepared , for a descent upon England as was pretended , he could not have had a better opportunity thau Lord John offered him . It is not improbable

      that the alteration of opinion out of doors , has been accompanied by a similar change in Parliament . The invasion panic has subsided ; aud those who speak now , as they might have done four weeks ago , will most likely be laughed at , instead of applauded . If such a feeling exists , we may be certain that a Militia Bill will be among the bequests to a new Parliament , and a Government which does not ' exist by sufferance . * Upon that , and upon every question but the Estimates , the Opposition have the power of arresting progress whenever they please . The number and nature of the measures

      tney choose to let the Derby Cabiet proceed with , is a matter entirely for their decision ; and as it would siarcely « suit their game' to allow the new Government to make political capital by passing any really beneficial measures , we may rest assured that the Parliament elected under the auspices of Lord John lirssEix , will be true to its character . In its last , it will do as little as it has done in all previous sessions . We are already in the rapids of a dissolution . Motions are made for the sake of form , languidly debated , and then withdrawn . Parliament is doomed , tJe Government is a provisional one , and all things are iu a state of transition . Upon all but the money votes , it is mere make-believe in St . Stephen ' s .

      In proportion as the interest within Parliament diminishes , that in the preparation for the coming ejection increases . In all probability the dissolution wih take place either towards the end of May or the beginning of June , and the new Parliament assemble tor the first tune in August . Lord Bbougham , with the asseiit of the Premier , has proposed to reduce the time irom fifty days to thirty-five . In these days of express trains and crack steamers , the allowance of time required by our predecessors even of the last generation , has become to long , and Parliament , carried along by the momentum of the new system , is going for once to adodt tradition and ignore its practice to the actual realities of the age . At the same time the Carlton and the Reform Clubs are gathering the funds which are intended to corrupt , debauch , degrade , and demoralise the constituencies and the

      country at large . It is computed that at least two millions of money will be spent in this way ; and we cordially concur with Lord Bkeadalbane , in thinking that the bribers are infinitely the worst in these disgraceful and infamous transactions . If the people reall y possessed the electoral power , and could exercise any positive influence on the result , there might bs some reason for scanning the addresses of the various candidates , but in the majority of cases these are worth no more than waste paper . It is not the political creed , but the purse and the political consexioas of candidates , which determine their success tfutare . Nothing of importance in other Home news calls for particular comment . te in

      . , ^? Sapa kproceed s the samehigh-handod style which has distinguished his career ever since jne coup detat . Little as there appeared to do for "is mock chambers , he has made that little less , "upon the question of taxation , for instance , ho might "ava at least made a show of consulting those who are nominall y the representatives of the people ; but we innce President has not considered it necessary w make even that concession to appearances . He fas decreed' a budget in the imperial style , whick *« characterised his decrees on other scarcely less important matters . France must now understand that th ! apst a ? ' cldms and exercises the right divine , « - assertion of which sent Charles the First to

      int ? i ln J thlsc ° antry ; and which , even in the » tt palmy days of despotism in France , was exer' -ed under restrictions and limitations . There can « ubs ? ii U 1 ! atake in the lela « on 3 which henceforth ° art between the Ruler and the people in France . « th = r T 1 ®? toBrat : aey are slaves , with no right « Wor ^ i t- P P y » save ™ so far as may ^ ' teJ , ! - hl ? imperial f leasure - The Process of c i nniv ^ nsonmeHS and expatriation goes on unr * ak « of Hf Odred 8 of V STBma tog ging to all * koeat « Si Representatives , journalists , artists , « aaa labourers , are transported to the pesti-

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      lential jungles of Cayenne , banished from France , oi < placed under police surveillance . Decrees have also been issued just previous to the assembling of the twin Chambers of Mutes , by which all possibility of the Marionettes doing or saying anything but that set down for them by those who pull the puppets , is prevented . The Carps Legislatif , under these decrees , will be the most hideous mockery of a representative Assembly that ever was known under the sun , and no man who has a particle of self respect could disgrace himself by taking a 6 eat in it . But while thus sternly aiming at crushing every . vestige of Liberty in France , andariayingeveFything ^ njmperialdrapery , Ip . ntialinnirlfis of Cavenne . haimhori fi-nm "fiVannn nv

      events continually occur ^ -which ^ p ^ pve that the fire cannot be trampled out . ' and ' that ' ere long tfie sparks will fly up , and light a flame from o ne end of the country to the other . Last week we noticed the return of Cavaignac and Cabnot for Paris . This week the Republican candidate at Lyons has again beaten the Government candidate , and this time by a legal majority . The Republican candidate has also been returned at Lisle . As demonstrations , significant aud timely , these returns may be usefulwhether the deputies will stoop to the degradation of

      swearing allegiance to the person of a perjured traitor , is another question . Great preparations are makiag for the first sitting of the two bodies on Monday next , in the Tuileries . If the assemblage is devoid of the importance and deep solemnity which attaches to a real Parliament , it will at least have plenty of glitter and gewgaw splendour . That , however , can be done as well by theatrical managers . We have no doubt that the directors of the Italian Opera in Covent Garden , with the same command of funds , could get up a much more tasteful , imposing and effective spectacle .

      In Belgium M . Bonapabte has received a decided check . The pusillanimity of the Government has been nobly rebuked by Us fearless and conscientious magistracy , who , after a long trial , acquitted the writers in the ' Bulletin Frangais , ' of the charges made against them , in consequence of having called Af . Bonaparte ' s conduct by its proper name . The defendants , instead of retracting any of their words , attacked , with great boldness , the whole of the cruel , perfidious , and arbitrary career of the Dictator since the coup d'etat , and despite the most strenuous exertions of the Procureur-General , were acquitted amidst shouts of applause , which will find an ominous echo in the Elysee , and strike fear to the heart of the tyrant .

      Austria verges fast towards bankruptcy . The money matters , by the confession of the * Times' , ? own correspondent , ' grow daily worse , and the jobbers have lost all hope that things will improve . Fresh loans in prospect , but with an entire want of confidence on the part of the nation , it is impossible the system can be long mantained . From America we have intelligence that KosSUTH's mission has turned out a comparative failure . There has been plenty of enthusiasm—shouting , speeches

      , banners , flags , and feasting , but the money and the arms to free Hungary are not forthcoming . It is added , that in a short time the Magyar Chief will return to this country , and that a house has been taken and is preparing for the reception of himself and famil y at Kensington . The Americans are busily engaged with the Presidential election , but at present it is impossible to say what are the chances of any of the candidates . Mr . Webster ' s prospects look less encouraging than they did some time since .

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      THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF LABOUR . Mr . Editor , —My last communication embraced the question of The Political Condition of Labour ;' and I cannot but think that the facts and figures there given were conclusive againstthe gigantic wrong committed upon the industrious classes by the existing systematic mode of excluding them from possessing any political power ; for , although there may be many hundreds of working men upon the register , the fact that their votes are neutralised to t , hn patent

      shown , proves that their individual power is of infinitesimal importance . I now purpose to handle , in a cursory manner , the Social Condition of Labour , with the view of showing that as in the Political so in the Social , the working man has no power to resist aggression , or to erect an opposing barrier against the encroachments of Capital . I speak of present power ; active and demonstrative ; the meaus to execute , not the will to do .

      The relative positions of Employer and Employed are every day becoming more and more unstable . When men talk about identity of interests , they remind me of a man who was ever boasting of his enlarged views , which really consisted of a bundle of truisms and the results which should follow parental Government . The Competitive System gives the lie to the principle of Identity . Its practical operations prove that it is essentially one of connection and unceasing difference . Do what we may , Capital and

      Labour , whilst regarded as distinct interests , must ever be at war , if the independence belonging to each be preserved by both . And why ? Because the Master lives upon profit , the Workman upon the product of hia Labour . The former is naturally anxious to augment his income ; and the latter is equally anxious to make his Labour as remunerative as possible . Increased profits do not , in the competitive field , follow increased Labour . There are less profits made now from the employment of 1 , 000 men than there were

      twenty years ago from the services of 750 ; and as it requires enlarged Capital to bring into active use the 1 , 000 men , aud connected with it , greater risk and responsibility are incurred , of necessity the employer complains of his altered circumstances , and looks upon his wa % es-book as the CEdipus which can alone solve the riddle of his difficulties . On the other hand , the workman refers to the present method of transacting business , which necessitates from him additional skill and Labour ; and that method being feverish and volatile , now unusually active , and in a few weeks hence , all but prostrate he finds he has expended his energies when viewed in the aggregate for return

      a incommensurate with his position as a skilled labourer . Constant Labour is now the exception ; average employment the rule . If , then , out of the fifty-two weeks of the years , thirteen of them be passed in idleness , the product of the remaining thirty-nine is diminished one-fourth and in place of 312 days Labour realising him , say at the rate of 5 s . per day , the sum of £ 78 , it has , in fact , brought in but ± -o 8 103 ., his week ' s wages are reduced from 30 s . to 22 s . Gd his day's Labour from 5 s . to 3 s . 8 d . The workman , hence complains in his turn ; and how does it answer his appeal to bo told * that he cannot expect to be paid for being idle V Why is he

      an unwilling idler ? B y any fault of his own has he brought about such a result ? No . He is guiltless of any such offence . Better for him to work than to play , if the latter be not dictated by his own will . In many cases active Labour is less expensive than compulsory idleness . Well , these complaints of diminished profits and reduced wages through uncertain work , urged as they are b y the two interests in question , are ever forcing upon an employer stratagems and alterations , calculated , as he thinks , to turn the tide of affairs in his ^ favour ; while the employed are ever rebelling against such innovations , for to them , their tendencies are decidedl y against their future well-doing . Both classes are the victims of a false system , rather than enemies seeking each other ' s destruction . Each order is acting on tho defensive .

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      Competition impels them ever onward aud every move they make at its call , is to place Capital and Labour in greater enmity . Now to expect that amidst all this contention , there reall y exists or can ever exist , any feeling of Identity of Interests is to look for tho consummation of the impossible , concerning which men may possibly dream , but will never realise in practice , so long as Competition holds unbridled sway in the government of our industrial Dursuits . r f ! nmnof . ifinn imnola 4 \ , am «•* . „ ,. j ,

      It is doing no injustice to Capital to say , that it is mdifferent to the welfare . of Labour . It j a the fact that the time has gone by to look for such consideration . Masters and men now ocaupy independent posi-J ons . The former says , « I have requited the demauds of Labour , and hence it has no further claims upon mo . ' The latter say , My time , energy , and skill have been at the disposal of Capital , and the return is an average wage of 22 s . a week . ' Who can reconcile these statements ? Capital declares it has done its duty to Labour ; and the facts show such a miserable return . I say , we must look elsewhere tor the causes producing such results , being satisfied in our own minds , that what we call a cause is such , and not an effect of some active principle , the nature of which we are ignorant , before we either venture to adopt the identity of interest theory , or regard Capital as Labour ' s foe .

      A plethora of Labour is undoubtedly the opportunity of the Capitalist ; and while this redundancy is' a great fact , ' profits will ever press upon Labour for increased power . . What better proof , can becited to . prove , to such men as Sidney Smith , ' oT to go much higher , to the Earl of Derby ( who said iu a late speech , that there were not 500 men iu the country anxious for representative reform , thereby ghowmg one of his statesman-like capacities , as the chief know-all of the country ) !—what better evidence can be offered , proving to such men that

      Labour iBvn an unmistakeable state of plethora , than the erection of the Great Exhibition building ?' Here for many weekB 10 , 000 men found work ; and yet carpenters and joiners , painters and glaziers , tt ftoc genus omne , were as easily to be obtained as before , well , as one working man is treading upon the heels ot another , and both are seeking work , what is the uso of questioning the power of Capital to dictate terms , or of dreaming about . the combination of Labour effectually , ^ resist the aggression of the moneyocrat ? There are thousands of men to be removed from the labour market ; the demand for Labour has to be greatly stimulated : Capital has to

      be shorn of one of its leading advantages , before we can mention , as a thing existing , the Independence of Labour , or assert with effect , its just claims to legislative power . As working men , we are a dependent race of ereatures ; always within a week or a month or becoming paupers , either on the state or on our relations and friends . The pawnbroker is our banker , and twenty percent , is the rate of the discount ; and too often the tallyman is our creditor , whose sympathies are only reciprocal when prompt payment is the rule . This , then , is the social condition of Labour .

      We all know it . I could have described it in ' burning words . '—language very different from the foregoing . But where is the necessity ? We are the witnesses of our own suffering , degradation , immorality , andviciousneas . The picture is constantly bofore us ; it is painted upon the walls of the comfortless home , and its outline can be traced in the thousands who roam tho streets in quest of work , and roam in vain . We are sensible of our position , although we are far from unanimous in the method of amelioration . Still , despair is no part of our cha . racter . Oar history is full of difficulties ; and every day we live is expended in surmounting them to the best of our ability .

      Sir , the Labour problem we will solve if allowed fair-play in the work of solution . Kuowledge is constantly helping us in the task , and it will be-my pleasure , in another letter , or other letters , to pronounce a humble opinion as to the present disposable means of benefiting my class , and , with them , my country ; not to solve the said problem , but to demonstrate some of the leading propositions , the complete understanding of which may possibly help others in the working out of ao important a question as that which belongs to the future interests of Labour . Censor .

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      [ As the columns under this head are open for the free expression of all opinions , the Editor is not responsible for , or committed to , any , ]

      NATURAL STATE OF SOCIETY . 10 ME EDITOR OF THE STAR . " Dear Sir , —The earth on wh ch wo dwell , with it 3 oceans , seas lakes , rivers , mountains , valleys , deserts , forests , and plains , 13 one great storehouse , containing illimitable quantities of all the materials of wealth , requiring only the skill , ingenuity , and labour of man to convert them into articles of veal wealth for his support , and for the promotion of his happiness . Labour ( as saya Dr . Adam Smith ) is the only source of wealth . Labour is tho only true standard and measure of value , and the natural , and just reward or wages of labour , is all tho wealth that that labour can appropriate or produce . And the natural state of society is that wherein the' working man , employed in nroducine

      wealth , receives his full reward . " But this natural state of things could not last , " tho Doctor informs us , " beyond the first introduction of the appropriation of land , and the accumulation of capital "—of course he means accumulation in the hands of the few—and that " it would be to no purpose to trace farther what might have been its effeotB upon the recompense or wages of labour . " But why would h be to no purpose to trace it , Doctor » It is tho most important suhject in the whole science of political economy , Since the Doctor fails to give us any further light upon it , I must appeal to a still higher authority than his , for the information required , the oldest and the best ; authority whicb none but infidels , as they are called , irill dispute , and in the present case , 1 think even they have no interest in

      denying its claims . That authority is the Book that claims to make us wise unto salvation , physical , Booial , political , intellectual , moral , religious , and eternal , since it gives us " the promise of" prosperity and happiness in " the life that now is , as well as in that which is to come "The Bible . A book not much consulted on the subject of Political Economy , which , I think , I shall bo able to show is a great oversight , and on the part of the working classes more particularly ; as it contains two great worldly , as well aa a heavenly Charter for them ; and I am sure their religious tyaohers ought to feel themselves under no Bmall obligation , if their flocks should be induced thereby to study their bibles more attentively than they ever did before .

      I shall first attempt to prove , that the appropriation of more land , by any individual or body of men than he or they can properly cultivato and manage b y their own labour , is a gross usurpation and a flagrant violation of God ' s , tho great , and the only justand rightful Landowner ' s first Lund Charter to roan . Genesis , chap . I . — "In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth . And God said , Let there be light , aud there was light . And God made two great lights—tho greater light to rule the day , and tho lesser light to rule the light ; and ho made the Btars also . And God said , Let the waters be gathered together in one place , and be called

      seas ; and let the dry land appear ; and it was so . And God said , Let the earth bring forth grass , and herb yielding seed after its kind , and tho tree yielding fruit whose seed 13 , in itself , after its kind ; and God saw that it was good . And God said , Let tbe waters bring forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life , and great whales alao ; and , Let fowls be made , that may fly above tho earth in tho open firmament of Heaven ; and God saw that it was good . And Goii said , Let the earth bring forth the living creature after his kind , cattle , and creeping thing , and beast of the earth , after his kind '; and it was so . And God saw that it was good : " And God said , Let us mako man in our own image ,

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      after our likeness ; and let him . have dominion over the fish of the sea—and over the fowl of the air—and ' over the cattle—and over all the earth—and over every ' creenine thing that creepeth upon the earth . So God created man in his own image , male and female , created be them . And God blessed them ; and God said , Be fruitful , and multiply , and replenish the earth , and subdue it ; and have dominion over the fish of the sea—and over the fowl of the air—; ind over every living thing that movethupon the earth . And God said , Behold , I have given you every herb bearing seed , and every tree bearing fruit , upon the face of all the earth , to you they shall be for meat ; and to every beast , and fowl , and creeping thing , wherein thero is life I have given every green herb for meat ; and it was so * And God saw everything that he had made : and , behold it was very good . Thus the Heavens and the Earth were ' finished , and all the hostof them . " > -, .

      This was the first lease and covenant made by God , the one great and onl y rightful landowner , with his oreature man . He charges no rent . He gives no exclusive rights to individuals . Every human being has a free and equal right to be his tenant . lie only requires that each man should well manage his farm . Adam was God ' s first tenant we shall see the terms of his holding . Chap . II . — "And the Lord God planted a garden , eastward in Eden , and there he put the man whom he had formed ; and out of tho ground made the Lord God to grow in that garden every tree that is pleasant to the sight , and good for food ; aud a river went out of Eden to water the garden ; and there also went up a mist from the earth , and watered the whole face of tho ground . There the Lord God took the man , and put him into the garden of Eden to dress it , and to keep it . And the Lord God said , Of every tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat , except the one that I have forbidden . "

      Here Adam , wo see , had given to him the uso of the Garden of Eden , and that only , for to dress it , and to keep it , —that is , just as much land was given him in charge as was sufficient to provide for his wants , and , as he could cultivate and keep in order by his own labour—and this is as much land as any man or body of men have any right , by God ' s first Charter , to appropriate to themselves . And , in such a state of things , aa Dr . Adam Smith says , " No man has either landlord , to whom he ha 9 to pay rent , or master , to take from him profits , but the wages of his labour is all that his labour can appropriate or produce . And no interdiction is put by God upon early marriages , or checks upon population provided , but , on the contrary ;—God ' s First Charter ; is accompanied with God ' s first blessing and God ' s first solemn commandment , — "Be fruitful and multiply , and replenish the earth , and subdue it , and have

      dominion over everything that is upon the earth , and in the seas , —and none but fools and madmen will talk about and advise checks upon over-population before one tenth part of the earth is either cultivated or even subdued . " And as all the wild animals in earth and sea , by God ' s Charter , belong equally to all men , none but cheats and rogues will make laws to prevent any from taking them . We now proceed to God ' B Second Land Charter , suited to a more advanced state of society , which was the Land Charter given to his people Israel . It is similar in principlo to the one alread y described . The principle of this Second Charter is , that the whole of the land inhabited by any nation , belongs to the whole of the people composing that nation in equal portions to each family , in proportion to the number of individuals in each family , with effectual means devised to prevent any portion of that land from

      being ever permanentl y alienated from the families to which it originally belonged , or from accumulating in largo tracts in the hands of any individuals . Numbers—Chap . XXVI , v . 51 , &c— " These were the numbered of the children of Israel , —of males twenty years old and upwards , able to go to war , six hundred and one thousand seven hundred and thirty . And the Lord spake unto Moses , saying—Unto these tbe land shall be divided for an inheritance , according to the number of names . To many thou shalt give the more inheritance ; and to the few thou shalt give the . less inheritance ; to . every one shall his inheritance be given , according to those that were numbered of him . The land shall be divided by lot ; according to the names of the tribes of their fathers shaU they inherit ; and according to the lot shall the possession thereof bo divided between many and few . "

      "Then the daughters of Zelophehad , the son of Hopha , of the . tribe of Manasseh , came and stood before Moses , Elvnzar , the priest , the princes , and the congregation , and said , Our father died in the wilderness , why should the name of our father be done away from among his family , because ) he hath nO 80 n ? Givo U 9 , therefore , u . possession among the brethren of our father . And Moses brought their cause before the Lord . And the Lord said unto Moses , The daughters of Zelophehad speak ri ght : thou shalt surely give them a possession of an inheritance- -thou shall ; cause the inheritance of their father to pass unto them . Anil thou shalt speak unto the children of Israel , saying , If a man die , and he have no son , then ye shall cause his inheritance to pass to his daughter . And if he have no daughter , ye shall . give his inheritance to his brethren ; and if he have no breathren , then ye shall give it to his father ' s brethren ; and if his father have no brethren , then ye shall give his inheritance unto his kinsman that is next to him of his family , and ho shall possess it ; and it shall be unto the children " of Israel a statute of judgment , as the Lord commanded Moses .

      " And tho Lord said unto Moses , These are the men that shall divide the land unto you , Eleazar , the priest , and Joshua , the son of Nun . And yo shall takeone prince of every tribe to divide by inheritance among each tribe ; and the names of the men are these : of the tribe of Judah , Caleb , the son of Jephunneh ; of the tribo of Simeon , Shemuel , the son of Ammihud ; of Benjamin , Elidad , the son of Chislon ; of Dan , Bukki , the son of Jogli ; of the tribe of Joseph , for the half of the tribe of Maimssuli , llanniel , the son of Ephod ; and of the tribe of Ephraim , Komuel , the son of Shipthan ; of tho tribe of Zebulon , Elizaphun , tho son of Parnach ; of Issachar , Paltielthe son of Azuu ; of' Asher

      , , Ahihud the son of Shelomi : and of Naphtuli ; Pedahel , tho son of Ammihud . The tribe of the children of Reuben , the tribe of the children of Gad , and half the tribe of Manasseh , have already received their inheritance on this side Jordan , near Jericho , eastward toward the sun-rising , on condition that all their males fit for war should go armed over Jordan , to assist their brethren in conquering the people of the land , and getting their possessions in the land of Canaan . The children of Gad , and the children of Reuben having answered , saying , As the Lord hath said unto thy servants , so will we do ; wo will go ovor Jordan with our brethren , and fight for them .

      Numbers—chap . XXXVf . " And the chief fathers of the families of tho children of Gilead , the Bon of Machir , the son of Manasseh , the sons of Joseph , came near , and spake before Moses , and before tho princes , the chief fathers of the children of Israel ; and they said , My lord was commanded by the Lord to give the inheritance of Zelophehad , our brother , to his daughters . Now , if they be married to any of the sons of any other of the Tribes of tho children of Israel , then shall their inheritance be taken from tho inheritance of our fathers . And when the Jubilee of the children of Israel shall be , then shall their inheritance be put unto tho inheritance of the tribe , whereaunto they are received . So shall their inheritance be taken away from the inheritance of the tribe of our fathers . And Moses commanded the children of Israel , according to the word of

      the Lord , saying : —The tribe of the sons of Joseph hath said well , concerning the daughters of Zelophehad . This is what the Lord doth command . Let them marry to whom they think best ; only into the family of the tribe of their fathers shall they marry . So shall not the inheritance of the children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe ; for every one of the children of Israel shall keep himself to the inheritance of the tribe of his fathers . And every daughter that posaeasoth an inheritance in any tribe of the children of Israel , shall be wife unto one of tho family of the tribe of her father , that the children of Israel may enjoy every man the inheritance of his fathers ; the inheritance shall not remove from one tribe to another tnbe . And the daughters of Zelophehad , Mahlah , Tirzah , Hoglah , Noah , and Milcab , were married unto the families

      ot the sons of Manasseh , and their inheritance remained in the tribe of the family of their father . " Numbers-chap . XXXV . ( princi pally . ) " And the Lord spake unto Moses , saying , The priest ? , tho Levites , and all the tribe of Levi shall have no part nor landed inheritance with Israel . The Lord is their inheritance , and they shall eat the offerings of tho Lord made by fire . And this shall bethe priest ' s due from the people that offer a sacrifice , whether it be ox or sheep , the shoulder , the two cheeks , and the maw . The first fruits also of thy corn , and of thy wine , and of thy oil , and the first of thefloech of thy sheep shalt thou give him . Alao all tho tithe of the land , whe . ther it be tho seod of the land , or the fruit of the tree , or

      the tithe of the herd , or of the flock , shall be holy to the Lord .. He shall not search , whether it be good or bad , neither shall he ohange it . " . "And the Lord said unto Moses , All the first-born of the children of Israel are mine , both man and beast . On tho day I smote the first-born in the land of Egypt , I sanctified them to myself , and I have taken the Levites for a redemption of the fll'St-bom Of Israel . And the Lovites Bhall wait upon the service of tho tabernaolo of the congregation ; they are a gift from me to Aaron , and his sons , for this service . And the Lord spake unto Moses , Command the children of Israol that they give unto the Lotties , out . of the inheritance of each tribe , cities , with their suburbs , for them to dwell in . Forty ana eight oities , with their suburbs , Bhall ye give them .

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      Those tribes that havo many , shall give manv and them that Ime few , shall give few , ever ? oneS ' BWe of S cities unto the Levite , , according to his inheritSe . And the cities shall tho Levites have to dwell in and the suburbs shall bo for their cattle , and for their goods ami for their beasts ; and each city shall extend , froin the Valla round about , one thousand cubits ; and for the suburbs ya shall measure on the east , nnd on the west , on the north and on the south , other two thousand cubits , this shall 09 to them the suburbsyrf their cities . TheBe aro the commandments , and th y judgments , which the Lord commanded , b y tbe hand of Moses , unto tho children of Israel , in the plains of Moabby Jordannear Jericho . "

      , , Ilaving now laid before you God ' s First Great Land Charter to the human race , in the 1 st chapter of Genesis , and God ' s Second Great Land Charter to the children oC Israel , in the laws of 'Mosev / 'b'oth of which , as you will perceive , on a little reflection , fully provide for the continuance of tho natural state of society , wherein the labourer , engaged in producing wealth , has neither landlord to demand rent , nor master to claim prjfit , inasmuofi as he lives rent-free and profit-free , under tiie Great L : indiord and Master of all , and the rewards or wages of his la-Dour is all that his labour can produceDrAdam Smitb

      . . ami-ms that the original state of things , in which the labourer enjoyed the whole produce of his labour , could not last beyond tho first appropriation of land and accumulation of stock ; but wo see , from tho easo of tho Israelites , under the laws of Moses , that the Doctor ' s affirmation is not true . If men are to use and improve land for agricultural purposes , for stones or slates , mines or minerals , wuilst using it they must appropriate it to themselves- , and use it as their own , otherwise , they cannot enjoy the whole produce of their labour ; and if their labours be successful , and they practico economv . as well ah nursim thmr lahmir .

      they wi I accumulate capital , which will make theic future ton ooth more easy and more profitable . It is very evident , therefore , that tho natural and original state of tilings was not subverted by a just appropriation of land , and a just use of Jiccumulated capital . But by individuals seizing by violence , or obtaining by fraud , large tracts of land , which they had neither the intention nor the moans o £ cultivating themselves , but continued to hold , for the purpose of enabling them to live in idleness and luxury , out of the labour of others , under the name of rent , an unjust tribute which husbandmen and minors have to pay for leave to cultivate their farms and exploro their mines ; and wliea capita ! accumulates in largo masses in the hands of individuals it 13 frequently misapplied for similar base and

      selnsn purposes . I have many nioru vuiy interesting matters to relate respecting God ' s chosen people , which I mu .-t reservo for my next letter . In the meantime , let mo exhort you . to " search tho Scriptures , " and see whether thesa things be really so . I am , ifec >) Liverpool , March 17 th . John Fiscn .

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      THE REFORM CONFERENCE AND THE CIIARTISTS . TO TlIK EDITOR OF THE STAn . Sir , —Two of my colleagues upon the National Charter Association Committee have resigned , as they allege , in , consequence of the part I took at the late Reform Conference , held in St . Martin ' s-hall , The pound of offence is worthy of remark . In explaining to that Confeieiioa the nature of the Chavtisv body ( having especially in view the Ernest Jones section , ) I said : — "If youcourt them they will suspect you—if you ignora them they will assort their existence , in order to make themselves felt—if you oontemn them they will make of it a pound of quarrel . " This is no doubt' a sad account to render ; but its only fault ia its truth . It has been true for many years , and those who have objected to it have been proving its truth evev since it was sooken .

      Repeatod assertions havo been made that ' I wished "tohand over the movement to the Parliamentary Reformers . " The whole language which I used went to dissuade tho Parliamentary Reformers from seeming to setk such aa allmnco . M y own conviction is , that the two parties will act more efficiently separately . Each party shouM preserve an attitude of fraternity , and at the same time press forward resolutel y in tho line of its own programme . This has long been my opinion , and this was my advice at tha Conference . For whatpurposo this has been construed into an offence on my part , those only can tell who have so > construed it . It was first objected that I wished to hand over the Chartists to tho Conferenoe party , and now it 13 made an offence that I spoke against it . I will not do tha Chartists tho wrong of thinking that thoy reason in this

      to-and-again-manner , or that many of them will be misled by those who do . The great want among reformers , is union . He who sows disunion , or plays tho part of an obstructive in tha way of Reform , is an enemy to the common people , let hisi professions bo what they may—let him call himself by whatsoever name he will . Tho key to union is that each Reformer shall be willing to help all who work in t ! -iu samer direction . The Parliamentnry Reformers in demanding Home Suffrage make an inimonse advance towards enfranchising the wholo people . Not to help them , is to put back Reform , to discourage those who seek it , and play into tho hands of thoso who are opposed to it . It was this kind of conduct which has thrown France into tho jaws of Napoleonic despotism , and it will , if persisted in , lend to the same thing in this country .

      The Chartists played this game once beforo with results ? sufficientl y disastrous , but if it is intended again , they will not have me to help them . When they electml me to sit upon their Executive , they know I should never lend myself to this folly . To say , therefore , as some havo , that I have forfeited Chartist " confidence , " is simply absurd—tha Chartists never had any confidence in my doing this . Thoy knew me too well to believe it for ono moment . And I still maintain , that collectively they have too much good sensa to deliberately wish this insane ' policy should be followed ia their name any longer .

      Ihis is my explanation to those who havo called upon me to resign ray place upon the Executive . The thankless task of seeing the liabilities of the body defrayed , will soon be at an end ; then , thoso who do not wish my services will have an opportunity of terminating them . I am Sir , Yours Faithfully , C . J . liOLYOAKB . March 21 th , 1852 . P . S . —The useful suggestions of your correspondent " Censor' ' will receive our heat consideration when draw * ing up the business of the next Convention .

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      TO THE KDITOK OF TIII 2 STAR . Dear Sir , —In the report whioh you last week gave of tha proceedings of the Metropolitan Delegate Council , I am represented to have declined the office of Treasurer to tha Council ' s Fund for Mr . O'Connor , on account of private aff airs ; whereas , in my letter to tho Secretary of the Council ' s Committee , I used the phrase private motives . Aa quite a different interpretation mi ght be put upon tiio former phrase from that which properly belongs to tho latter , I havo ventured to trouble you with these few lines ,, the insertion of which in your valuable columns will bo esteemed a favour . I remain , dear Sir , yours most faithfully , GbOHOK W . II . RGY . N 0 XDS . Cleasby Villa , Tollington Park , Uornsey-road . March 21 th , 1852 .

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      YOi . IT . Ho . 751 . LOHDON , SATDRDAY , MWiWm ~ »»»^ = rr- ' J : v ' ' ' Vi " « " •««*«• a-d Silence per ««„*« . * . " " — " ————————«—«^^

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      THE O'CONNOR FUND . The committee in aid of the above Fund met oa Wednesday evening , at 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymarket . Mr . M'Gowan in the chair . Correspondence was received from Charterville , Paisley , and Nottingham , remitting cash , and from Mottram , soli citing collecting books . A letter was also read from G . "W . M . Reynolds , Esq ., in which he intimated his readiness to act on the committee , and hia name . was added accordingly . Subscription books and all the requisite information may now be had by all t » ose desirous of aiding the object of the Committee , oa application to John ; Arnott , Secretary , 1 (> , Great Windmill-street , Haymaiket . The committee adjourned to Wednesday evening next , at 7 o'clock .

      SUBSCRIPTIONS RECEIVED * . Mr . Price , Charterville , per Mr . Uezer , as ; Mr . Gold , ditto , Is ; Mr . Drinkwater . ditto , Is ; Mr . Wheeler , ditto . Is , Mr . ltoltam , ditto , Is ; Mr . J . Hayes , ditto , Gd ; Mr . C . Smith , ditto , Gd ; Mr . C . Willis , ditto , « d ; Air . Buutin , ditto , fid , Mr . Neppard , ditto , Gd : Mr . Baston , ditto , fid ; ilr . iiunday , ditto , Gd ; Mr . G . JSatts , ditto , Gd ; Mr . J . vmVms , ditto , Od , Mr . llolloway , ditto , Gd ; Mr . Norris ditto , Gd ; Mr . Mowby , ditto , Cd ; Paisley , per S . Kicr . 8 s ; Mr . Witam , Nottingham , W W t \^\ * * . «»« p , 2 s Gd ; Tudorditto Mrliroadbeadditto

      Mr . , , U . , , Is 5 Mr . IW- St » Is Mr . Marr oM . ditto , Cd ; Mr . Iludsou . ditto , Gd ; A Ftf&d Sitto Cd - ' Mr . Joseph Wrls ht , Queen ' s Lea " , 23 6 U ; J . S . Vfrin * fr-S' ^ ' . > Esther Wri iM ditto Bd-Mutha Wright , ^ rftfrSfSWriZ Cheltenham , Is ; Robert Buckingham , dUwj- tijJoScoSp ditto , 1 . ; T . , ditte 1 ,: Previously rece ^ 4 $ MSS ' > ^^^^ x ^^ sMM wm

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 27, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1671/page/1/