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Northern Star (1837-1852), 20th March 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 5, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      ~ — - to give us credit for- earnestness in the course we L adopting , and to aid us Ly their support in the attempt to disseminate their views among all classes of the people . Not so much for our own sake as for the iate ° f tne S *^ cause ° ^ * ne l'oerty of the peop le—that cause which we shall never desert—we bope that the people s Press may not only he preicrved to them , hut increased in power and usefuloe ss ; and believing that those who arc themselves gincere will give us credit for sincerity , we shall pursue our course in the firm belief tb _ at , in the long run , ' truth will prevail . ' and that those who consistently advocate it will meet with that success for all which they look to as the best recompense for their labours :,. „ = rrpA \ t . for- earn&stness in the course we

      In future , then , the « St ar' will be the advocate and exponent of general progress . It will record and help forward organisations of all kinds , whether political or Social . It will strive to wed the two to each other . It will never lose an opportunity of attempting to engraft the one upon the other . It will urge upon those who are banded together for political liberty , the fruitfulness of social effort . It will press upon those who are united for social amelioration , the necessity for political action . Thus each phase of the great forward movement of humanity may be mads to developethe other and organisations framed for either object may be made available for both . Social comfort will lend an added charm

      to political freedom , and legislative liberty will secure to the industrious the opportunity of exercising upon fair terms their industry , and ensure to them the enjoyment of its fruits . It is only thus that the cause of the masses can effectually be served . By that mode alone can they be led on to both freedom and happ iness . Let the attempt be made ia that direction with intelligence and courtesy , as well as ' with energy and enthusiasm , and the period will be near at hand when complete emancipation , political , industrial , and social , will be within the grasp of the

      masses . i ) o our readers think that worth , striving for ? Is there a single Chartist who does not feel that the vote which ought to be his would be more powerful when exercised in comfort thau when given from the midst of suffering ? Is there a single co-operator who does not acknowledge that industrial progress wonld he more certain if the people had the franchise to promote and defend it ? We think there can be but one answer to both , of those questions ; and , believing that , we entreat our friends , both political and social , to give their support to an attempt to develope the great cause of human emancipation in both its aspects—the attempt to which the * Star' will henceforth be devoted .

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      THE BATTLE OF THE OUTS AND THE INS " h The New Ministry , and the Opposition organised by the Ghesbam-place compact , faced each , other , for the Srst time , on Monday night Expectation was on tiptoe ; and the attendance in . both Houses was unusually largs . The tactics of both parties Lad , however , leen so far disclosed by the organs of each , that there was little ' to learn on either side . The' Outs' were to try to provoke the Ins' to an explicit avowal of a" definite measure of Protection , and an immediate dissolution—the * Ins were determined to give neither the one nor the other . The attack in the Lords was commenced by Lord Beaumontwhose speech was

      cer-, tainly a very Huge pyramid raised upon a very narrow foundation . The Premier happily and forcibly exposed the exaggerated and the alarmist tone which pervaded it , and defended with great force and ability the position he has taken up for the New Administration , In brief , that position may be described as follows ; -Lord Deiibt . and his party have been called to power by no active effort on their part . The blow which drove the late Ministry from office was not dealt by their hand , hut by a former friend and colleague . It was , in fact , deserted by its usual supporters—fell from its own inherent weakness ; and having come to the conclusion that a dissolution was inexpe " dientrecommended Lord

      » Derb * to the Soverei gn as the person to be entrusted with the formation of anew Government In accordance with that recommendation , and the consequent command of the Queen , Lord Debut undertook the duty , formed an Administration , and is prepared to canyon the Government until Parliament can be dissolved without inconvenience to the public service . In the meantime , he pledges himself to introduce no measures that are not absolutely necessary , or upon which as measures of general utility and advantage there is not a general agreement amongst all parties . The great questions of Free Trade and Protection are to be left to the issue of the General Election .

      Such was , in substance , the declaration of the Premier and the Chancellor of the Exchequer , and it most be confessed by all but their most bigotted opponents , tbat it Is a fair position to take up . If a dissolution was inexpedient three weeks ago it must he equally inexpedient now ; and it is difficult to understand upon what ground the statesman who shrank from recommendin g that course so short a time since , should now seek to force it upon his successor . The actual business of the country has not "been advanced . Since he left office grave and important fiscal questions , as well as matters which ,

      according to his own showing , were of the utmost consequence connected with the defence of the country , press for settlement . It would be a positive dereliction of dut y to dissolre under such circumstances . With regard to the other great point urged by Lord BEAU 3 I 0 ST and by Mr . VniiEns , who in the Lower House led the opposition , namely—the right of Parliament to an explicit declaration of the policy of the Government with respect to Protection , Lord Debbt retorted by an unanswerable « tu quoque . ' When Lord J . Russeix took office in 1846 , Mr . T . Duncombe dressed the new Government for an explicit declaration of the policy which it intended to pursue . In reply , his lordshi p declined to make any such

      declaration , and backed up his refusal by referring to precedents in the cases of Earl Gbey , Lord MelloraxE , and SirK , Peel—none of whom had made auy declaration on taking office . It was , therefore , unconstitutional to demand it ; and though on the question of the Irish Church and other matters , he had expressed very decided opinions out of office , he would not pledge himself to act on these opinions if he found that the convictions of the people were not in accordance with his own . The parallel is complete , and it is rendered all the more powerful in favour of the present Ministry , because Lord J . HussEix and the Whigs were active parties in displacing the Minister whom they succeeded in 1846

      They were an organised opposition for the avowed purpose of obtaining office , and had , therefore , prirm facie , the less excuse for refusing a full , frank , and explicit exposition of their policy . la the abstract , and upon constitutional grounds , therefore , the position which the new Ministry have taken up is perfectly unassailable , and any attempts to drive them from it must be purely factious . The hybrid 'Liberal' Opposition are suffering the natural result of their own misdeeds , in being forced into such a course as they are now pursuing . They did not make that use of power while they possessed it , which ¦ w ould have prevented the restoration of their

      politi-Ih "I ? office- They au ' enated the masses from tnem by their apath y and lukewarm support of popular principles and measures . They have fallen because they were unfaithful to their own professed political creed , and prostituted the power entrusted to mem for the public benefit , to class , personal , and party interests , for this they are now justly punished , by seeing the Tories again on the Ministe nai Benches , with a determination not to be driven inence without a hand-to-hand and desperate struggle , iot wmch they will select their own time , purpose , and « w » own weapons , and come provided with all the : JJ ^ tye of office , and the resources of the Public -ireasary , both in patronaee and nelf .

      Xt does | noft appear to us that the people at large ^ . much to fear from the present Ministry ; and «<« r * ' ftey hate still Iobs to hope from the restora-3 r * » fl » Whigs , re-inforced with a few Free I M- ^' P " and simple . ' Both Lord Derby and I of pS *^ re Peatedly disclaimed the restoration I « n £ fit , ' ' the - ahape ° C a reTived duty on corn » E « nr flta ^ ** decided leaning to an adjustment of I onru m ^ Sjdem ' With the View of eV g I < luenl * F te 8 t meanB of rowing the conse-I proi ^ i ! "' ^'^™^" " * P olic y « To such a I « f E ?* codd *» to * one answer on the part B tW-ii" !!^ d imDartifd men . Tf it . v «> mrnoin

      ' I tt | ire ffiv oa times for the IandIord or farmer to I ^ ttaJiv ^ L , Pense of the manufacturer , it ia I ettooLj 'fS for *• manufacturer to thrive at the ^ t ^ agricultural classes now . 'Fair play

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      and no favour ought to be the motto of the people in this contest . They ought neither to be the partisans of the cottonocracy on the one hand , nor the cornocracy on the other . By holding the balance fairly , the Liberal party will become more liberal . They must bid hi gher for public support . The settlement of 1846 , with respect to the Corn Laws , is no more to be considered a final measure than the Reform Act of 1831 . "We must have no Finality—no living upon traditions , instead of acting in the living present and no favour' ouffht to h « tha n . / . u . „* * u « « nnnu

      In this respeftt the advent of the Toriei to power is rather to be rejoiced at thau mourned over . " From the to ne of Lord Derby ' s speech on Monday night , it is evident that he has a sincere and deep-rooted detestation of democracy in all its forms . Again and again did be call upon the privileged classes to aid him in resisting its encroachments , and declared his determination to oppose any increased introduction of tho democratic element into our institutions . This is as it should he . We prefer ' the bold , erect , and manly foe , ' to the undecided , sneaking , pusillanimous , or treacheroui friend , whose friendship expires in professions , or translates itself into obstruction in acts . Such a Ministry as that of Lord Derby ' s will put

      the country on its mettle . We shall see whether Parliamentary Reform , National Education , and other great questions , are to be arrested by the fiat of the haughty Lord of Knowsley or not . The larger issues involved in a contest with such an opponent , will soon cast into their comparative insignificance the party questions raised by selfish and trafficking politicians , or interested classes . The nation will rise above the sordid and grovelling state of mind , which regards everything in a purel y material and monetary point of view , and once more ascend to the dignity of asserting and maintaining principles which affect the welfare of the whole people , and regard man as man , not as a mere toiling , buying , and bargaining animal .

      Under the reign of the Whigs and the mere Free Traders , the country has been lulled into an apathv and indifference to principle almost equal to that which has pervaded Parliament itBelf . Something was needed to rouse it from this deplorable and dangerons condition . There can be no fear as to the result of its re-awakening . The History of England is one long record of the ever-growing strength of the people and their victories over arbitrary power and exclusive privileges . Each successive barrier , erected by the aristocracy against the advancing tide of democracy , has beec surely swept away , and those which may be reared by the Earl of Derby will at certainly meet the same fate .

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      EXTINCTION OF PAUPERISM . Since the passing of the Poor ; Law Amendment Act in 1834 , eighty millions sterling have been levied for the support of Pauperism in England and Wales alone , or upon an average for the sixteen years , five millions per annum . To this must he added two millions more for Scotland and Ireland , making in all seven millions yearly . But even that is not the whole coat of Pauperism to the country . It is calculated that there should be added , at least , three millions and a half more for the Iobs of the wealth which might be created by the able-bodied indoor and outdoor poor who are , under the present system , kept compulsorily idle . Ten millions and a half annuall y ! Yet we boast that we are enlightened and practical people !

      The Poor Law Amendment Act was directed to the correction of the abuses which had crept in under the old law , and waa purely negative and antagonistic in its character . Its framers sought to counteract existin g evils , rather than to frame a new system upon broad and remedial principles . We now see the result . Pauperism is an established Bocial disease which it costs the country a sum equal in amount to one-fifth of its whole revenue to treat topically . At the end of each year we are no nearer iti eradication than when we began . So far as the essential and direct object of a Poor Law is concerned , we mi ght as well have sunk the seven millions in the middle of the Atlantic . The folly of fashionable Political Economy , was perhaps never more conspicuously displaced than it

      nas been in all matters connected with this question ; nor has the utter failure of the system silenced the advocates of the fallacies on which it was based . Although experience has demonstrated that the workhouse test , the worse than penal diet , and the actual penal discipline b y which it was sought to prevent the poor from seeking relief , has not ' put down' Pauperism—neither the Legislature nor the Government has dreamt of auy better method of solving this great problem . They have been content to rest satisfied

      with the shallowBophienw b y whichtbe Economists pretended to have settled the question . Pauperiim . in their hands , has become one of the < institutions' of modern society . In other stages , there may have been casual and temporary poverty , arising from peculiar and varied causes , but never before was there exhibited such an extraordinary anomaly as the growth of a mass of permanent Pauperism co ordinate with an unparalled increase of the means for produoing wealth . The very terms 'Pauper' and 'Pauperism' are of modern coinage—the new fact had to be suited with a

      new nomenclature . What is the cause of this state of things ? Because the state doctors have treated the disease on a radically unsonnd theory . They have strenuousl y opposed the principle of reproductive employment , for the poor which can alone constitute the foundation of any really beneficial legislation upon the subject , as beingsubversive of the best intereBtsof the community . It has been deemed a conclusive answer to all proposals of that kind , to say that the reproductive labour of paupers would interfere with independent industry . Yet when this formidable objection is analysed ,

      it win be seen to be a mere bugbear . You must pay for the Pauper , whether out of his own labour , or the labour of somebody else . Before a man enters the workhouse—unless he haB been a rich one—he must have lived either by labour , begging , or stealing . In the first case , his labour muBt have quite as much interfered wi th the industry of others as it would when employed under a reproductive system . Beggary or robbery involve a still more ruinous interference with the resources and induBtrv of the community . We are happy to observe that a Society , under tha

      title of the Poor Law Reform Association , has taken up this grave and important question , and ia holding meetings for the purpose Of creating a new public opinion on this subject . In this work they have received good help at starting from Thomas Caklyle who , in his earnest and characteristic style thus writes to the Secretary : — According to all the notions I can form of our strange tune , with its manifold perplexities , its vague , high-flying nopeB , and fearful , steadily advancing perils , this thatvou nave in view is precisel y the thing needfullest to be done , the first of all real steps towards safety and improvement for English society , as matters now stand . Till some veritably wise and human mode of dealing with that frightful , ever-increasing class called nanners is attained , n ? a *

      least , is zealously endeavoured after by the government and the community , I can only consider English society , a 9 in a state of slow continual Smoi-e , every day bringing it nearer JSJSS VT £ uttor C 0 D 4 ration , into which we £ SJT . 0 t , her European societits already go , in a very tragic manner ! This is , and has long been , my fixed opiuZ&STfSrl , umeral ) le « JmtioU dSSand ™ ff ^' £ n « ^ - voIumes ^ gAt be written , and which are of far too extensive compass to be entered UDOn here aSS ^ SLS S , v Setted ' witbout ™ ' and haa " the closest reference to this matter . If f ree bargain in the Tf ^ idr ; ^ e l wre 8 tle and battle between employerg and empiojed , be the rule of labour ( which I am far from bolieving , t capable of being , except for a very limited tune , and m very peculiar circumstances ) : still more , if new and infinitel y mere lMman arrangements between employers and employed ara-a , all mnn ho ™ ?«

      surmise , and as many men have long foreseen-an indispensable necessity for labour , u England as elsewhere , then , clearly , I say , in either case , the firat condition of fair play is , that all paupers be quite eliminated from the controversy , and carried clear aw ay from it , oueof the hbour marKet , and its wrestles and its struggles . This , one would think , needs little demonstration . Ha 6 ! if the pauper were always supported by the rich , especially by the idle rich , I could esteem it for the moment a small matter ; but he ia supported by the poor , by those who are not yet quite paupers-who , with fatal invincibility ( and not by his " rates" alone , but by bis bad condtct , by his bad example , by the thousandfold tnfeclm of him every day and hour ) he is dragging down into that sad category > It is miserable to consider . Tbe courae of every idle , foolish man , left 10080 tO become a pauper—continuall y deranging every honest workman ' s bargain , then taking shelter in the nonr .

      houie at the honest workman s expense , then , again , bursting out to prodnoenew derangement and confusion—is like the course of « n incendiary torch among the peaceable possessions of mankind ; it is mad as would be tbe coune of a feverpatientlett to ran stumbling about the streets in these times of ourc .

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      Mr . Oahlile adds that he is quite aware the snh ject hns its difficulties , and , in its ulterio ? deveS " ment , may lead us into innovates for which we are httle prepared at present ; that , hoover , so I fr J being a reason for not taking the Ub \ in hand ia ' realit y an additional reason for making % berinninlf How is that beginning to be made ? To us £ way seems clear enough . It has already w o some extent , pioneered by isolated eXperim 2 eel At Cork the excessive rates induced the gaarEJ to try . reproductive employment as a means of leaaT ing them They looked at the matter aSlS yfa ^ economical point of view , and they were successful ^ S * ?»* «« P ?* bufc in «*•« on which nr ~

      . , probably they did not oaleulate-the morals of tne poor were improved at the same time that the burdens on the rate payers were diminished . The ex ample has induced others to follow , and the system » spreading , n Ireland . In the Thanet Union the guardians have converted the able-bodied paupers into a source of profit instead of loss , with the same benefi cial moral results . At Sheffield , a few years sinoo it was found that the much vaunted testlabour' of the economists who invented the existing system and which is made purposel y unproductive and irritating made the paupers refractory . The workhouse was a scene of constant turmoil , insubordination and outrage . Some of the guardians , relying on their own

      commou sense more than the theories of political economists , proposed the establishment of a Pauper Farm . Waste land , at a short distance from the town was hired , and the refractory able bodied paupers were set to work upon it . Disorder and mutiny disappeared before the magic influence of well directed labour . In a short time work upon the farm became a privilege onl y granted to the bestconducted , instead of a punishment for the disorderly and insubordinate inmates of the workhouse . The experiment was decidedl y successful in a pecuniary sense , while at the same time it improved the character of the workers , and taught them how to get independent labour . e

      We might point to many other practical illustrations in proof of the certainty with which the general adoption of the reproductive system would put a stop to all the evils which are inherent iu the present mode of administering poor relief , but our space will not permit . r It is only necessary to add that the means for carraying out that system exist in abundance . Millions of acreaof cultivable , but uncultivated land lie waste , while hundreds of thousands of able-bodied at aD an ^ l ool

      XT ? " ^ Vt of ££ millions of pounds sterhng . This waste land , wasted laboui and misapplied capital , constitute the trifold SSS ° S ° t w v Uati 0 nal sy 8 tem of reproductive pauper industry is to be based . It is only require to bring these three primary elements of wealth togetherm proper combination , in order to make that which is now a shame , a disgrace , and a sore burden to society , the sourco of increased ^^ trength , and prosperity to the whole community .

      A loan of twenty or thirty millions on the security of the rates , applied in a scientific and systematic manner o the cultivation of the fifteen million acres of uncultivated land in the United Kingdom , would in less than ten yews destroy both Pauperism and Poor Rates . Wh y don't we adopt such a measure ! Because the political Economists say it is Socialism ! John BuiL-honest , but simple John-ib frightened at that word , and so goes on suffering grumbling , and paying . 6 B &

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      Society cf thf Friends of ITALY . —The second conversazione of this Society is to be held next Wednesday . On which occasion Mr . G . Dawson will commence the proceedings with a lecture , which will be followed by a conversation , m the course of which M . Mazzini will avail himself of the opportunity of familiarly explaining the Italian Question . His lecture , at the former meeting , has be < m reprinted as a tract , with notes and illustrations . We have no doubt the meeting will be like the last , an extremely interesting one . Engineers' Strike . —This unfortunate dispute seems to be in much the aame position as last week . There are indications that , ia the very nature of things , it ia drawing to a doBe , but the contending parties hesitate as to which shall mike the first advance . The masters' committee publish deceptive statements of the number of men who have signed the declaration , for the purpose of producing an

      impresslon that they are winning . The men retuit by a counterstatement to show they are unsubdued , that their ranks are still unbrokeD , and th ' at the obnoxious declaration must be withdrawn as a preliminary to any negotiation whatever . A . deputation , from the Executive , has visited the principal towns and cities of Scotland with tbe view of eliciting the sympathy and support of their Scottish brethren . At all these meetings report states the greatest unanimity and determination prevailed , and , thuB reinforced , the men will be able to maintain their position longer , without materially encroaching upon the capital of the Society . We observe that a delegate meeting of the Birmingham Trades ia sum . moned for next Tuesday night , at the Ship Inn , for the purpose of adopting measures to co-operate with the men on strike . Deputations from London and Manchester will be present .

      West Riding Election . —Mr . Oastler addresses a powerful letter to Mr . Cobden , in the 'Home , ' this week , anent tbe forthcoming election . The indignation of the 'Old King'is roused at the style in which the Free Trade leader assumed to have disposed of the representation of tbat immense and influential constituency , and he promises that the election shall not be settled without' reason and argument , ' both of which Mr . Cobden considered unnecessary at the Leed » meeting . « I am , ' says Mr . Oastler , ' an old stager &t Yorkshire elections , and if health and years allowed , I would be at your elbow , trying to make dark matters light , and to sweep away some of the sophisms you palm off on your

      duDes , by the more solid , but less flashy article of truth . I am fond of " reason and argument , " and , mayhap , I would have dragged you into some" reasons and arguments" you are just cunning enough io avoid . You , no doubt , make sure of having your run unimpeded by me . Be not too confident . All is not yet " quite safe . " I may , one fine morning , just look down upon you , to watch how you ensnare and worry your prey . True , I am frail , but there are times when the spirit feels strong , though the flesh be weak ; and it is not impossible tbat I may once more witness an election in my own native Yorkshire . Not a few of my own Yorkshire "lads" would yet welcome meat " an election stir . " Depend upon it , you are not yet ' quite safe . "'

      The Derby Cabinet in Danger . —It is confidently stated this morning ( Friday ) that if the opposition cannot succeed in extorting a promise Mr . Disraeli , that Parliament shall be dissolved in the course of a few weeks , they will take the bull by the bornB and move what is equivalent to the stoppage of the supplies , by voting them only for three months . If this is done , they will have a majority , though many of the Whigs will abstain from voting . Whether Lord Derby will take the supplies for three months , and at tbe end of that time , liKe " Oliver Twist , " ask fer " more" will be matter for Ms consideration , and if he resolved upon doing so , it would not be more extraordinary than the factious course by which his opponents seek to drive him from office . Our next edition will contain the resnlt of the proceedings , which are looked forward to with great interest .

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      WOLVERHAMPTON CONSPIRACY CASE . Glasgow , March 17 . —The vindictive imprisonment of the defendants in the above case is arousing the sympathy of the trades of Glasgow . During the week we have had interviews with some of the leading minds in the city : all of whom feel very strongly the injustice done to labour by the incarceration of Messrs . Peel , Green , Duffield , &o ., for their noble defence of Tradea ' Unions . On Monday evening , the 15 th , we had a meeting with Messrs . W . and J . Brown , Mr . Duncan Sherrington , and others , whose unwearied exertions for the elevation of tho toiling millions have " deservedly obtained for them the confidence of the trades of this city . The object of this meeting was to adopt the best and most practicable measures to secure the assistance and co-operation of the Trades to aid the London Defence committee to liquidate their liabilities . All present seemed animated witli one feelincr . and

      were unanimous in their determination to maintain the undoubted victory we achieved for labour in the Court of Queen ' B Bench . After an interesting conversation upon the question , it was resolved : — " That a delegate meeting of the Trades of Glasgow should be immediatel y called ; and in the interim the deputation from the Defence Committee should wait upon as many trades as they could gain access to . The delegate meeting is called for Tuesday . tue 23 rdinst . " In accordance with this resolution , we have waited upon the Committee of the Tailors , Shoemakers , and Boiler Makers—all of whom appear to be warmly interested in our object—and have expressed their willingness to uae every exertion to give substantial and immediate assistance ; and from the courteous and spirited reception we have already met , we think we are justified in saying that a large amount will be contributed here . This , however , will be a work of time , and require ' < # n ? ider » ble ^ exertion and perseverance . We will give { ibis ; ^ jrtgt .-ia / with the trades . . ,. •¦ - ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦'¦ ¦ > '¦ ' •" ¦ ' =

      we ho jftjpst sr . eek to be able to ? epprfc that at least Borne of tbe trades bare commenced the work by yotioe ¦ ome aesiitanee from their fuudB . Edward Humphries . William H . Burn .

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      NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . " mi justitia . " " If it were possible for the working classes , by combining among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general' rate of wages , it need Uavdly be Eaid that this would be a thing not to be punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced ut . " —Stuabt Hill . The circumstances under which , in 1845 , the National Association was called into existence , wore , iu many respects , Bimilar to those of the present time . An insidious and covert attack upon the industrial freedom of the working classes had just been discovered quietly working its way through

      tho House of Commons , and happily defeated by the vig ilance and spirit of Mr . Thomas Duncombe . A delegate meeting of the Trades had been suddenly convoked at the Bell Inn , Old Bailey , to arouse the working men of England to a full sense of the imminent and dangerous violation of their rights , which the passing of the Masters and Servants" Bill into law would have accomplished . An active agitation ensued , and their patriotic representative , Thomas Duncombe , backed by oountless petitions from all parts of England and Scotland , succeeded in strangling the monster measure before it had arrived at maturity .

      If , in the whole parliamentary life-time of thi » true friend of the people , he had accomplished but this one benefit for labour , he would be richl y entitled to the everlasting gratitude of every man who lives by the wages of his industry ; aud we trust that the working men of Finsbury , whenever that gentleman presents himBelf for a renewal of their confidence , will remember aud gratefully acknowledge the deep obligation they are uuder to him .

      Well , thia deadly attack upon their constitutional rights having been thus happily defeated , Mr . Duncombe suggested to the delegates the propriety of taking immediate steps by a union of theiv several organised , though then isolated , bodies , to place themselves in a position at any future time to promptly and effectually resist , by a combined action , any similar attempt to make them the legalised slaves of Capital .

      The Delegates forming that Committee were not slow to perceive the wisdom of that recommendation , dictated by a necessity so urgent and indisputable . A conference of the Trades was called , and a Committee chosen to draw up a constitution and laws for a * National Association of United Trades , for the Protection of Industry . ' At a subsequent conference , a draught of a constitution , and rules prepared by the Committee so chosen , and carefully devised by them to be strictly within the letter and spirit of the laws , were finally adopted , and have since been , and remain to this day ( with a very few unimportant alterations of mere detail ) the constitution and laws of the existing Association .

      The trades of Great Britain have just now escaped from a danger aB imminent and fatal to their interests as that the Honourable member for Finsbury saved them from in 1845 . And it is somewhat singular that the association which his foresight and patriotism called into existence , although but a shadow of the important reality he had anticipated , should have been , in a large measure , the instrument of preventing a judicial perversion of the combination laws , which would have as completely placed labour under the heels of capital aB the obnoxious classes in the Masters and Servants Bill of 1845 , We think we may fairly take credit for the Central

      Committee , for having been primarily the humble means of causing Mr . Justice Erie ' s Stafford law being amended by the superior judgment of the Court of Queen ' s Bench ; for had Messrs . Peel , Green , and Winters , accepted the offer made to their counsel at Stafford , to ; plead guilty to tho minor counts of the indictment , upon condition that no sentence was to be called for , the law , an there laid down by Justice Erie , would have been this day applicable to every Trade ' s Society , and all freedom of action would have been virtually denied them . Thus far , then , has the National Association fulfilled its mission . Although not in a position of itself , unaided , to cope with the

      formidable conspiracy bent upon the legal destruction of every form of combination , it still formed the advanced guard of labour , and boldly grappled with the enemy until the main army of industry could be ummoned to the rescue . While taking such credit for themselves aB they .. think they are justly entitled to , the Central Committee , would indeed be guilty of the grossest injustice and the basest iugratitude , if they failed in giving tbe full honour of the great moral victory ( for such it trul y iB ) which has been uchieved to the indefatigable perseverance and untiring energy of the Defence Committe and its pro . vincial auxiliaries , and to the noble and liberal

      response given by the majority of the Trades of England to their appeals for assistance . We doubt whether there ever was an instance in tho history of Trades ' Unions and there struggles , where such extraordinary and continued efforts were made , as has been so successfully by the London Defence Committee in the Wolverhampton Conspiracy Case , and we do most Bincerely hope that this excellent committee will not consider their labours ended , aud separate without taking into its serious consideration the Labour Question with the existing and erery day increasing necessity of a closer connexion than now exists between the different sections of industry . We think that every man who has observed and reflected upon the recent movements of ths

      capitalists in "Woherhampton , Oldham , Manchester , and BucklorBbury , must come to the conviction that the time is now arrived when the advice given by Mr . Duncombo in 1845 , to throw aside their petty class prejudices , to unite upon a large , broad , and liberal baaiB for their mutual protection from the aggressions of capital , and for the elevation and conservation of their order should be fairly tried . We know the difficulties which are in the road . We know the amount and depth of the prejudices which must be sacrificed upon the altar of generosity . The identity of interest between the highest paid meohanic and the worst remunerated artizan , very few of the former will in the abstract deny ; hut how few are willing to practicall y acknowledge such conviction ? And yet it is thiB false pride , thia hugging a fancied pre-eminence over others less fortunatn

      than ourselves , which has been , and is , the great stumblingblock to a National Combination of Labour . In what con-Bistg the superiority of the man who spends a lifetime in manufacturing the fragment of a watch , or the fraction of a steam-engine , over the weaver of either of the textile fabrics , the shoemaker , or the tailor ? Or wherein doeB the on © promote the comfort and happiness of tbe ereafc mass of society in a higher degree than the other ? If , then , no intriruic superiority , or no appreciable degree of higher iudifidYal utility can be discovered in one over the other how is it to simulate

      puerile and pretend to a distinctive superiority which does not really exist , and to permit such unwarrantable assumptions to paralyse every effort to improve the condition of our degraded order . It is said that Poverty brings us acquainted with strange bedfellows •" and we venture to predict that unless this false pride is speeedily given to the winds , and only one distinctionthat of Unionists and Non-Unionists be permitted to separate one working man from another-the day ap . proaches surely and rapidly , when all will be broueht M level of

      ; a ;; sr ^ w ^ ** Theeffortsnowmakingby the capitalist Engineers to crush ^ s attM ^ fetft ^ primitive insignificance , from the ran ™ of iSoS , to * t S ortST&t C -2 ^ , ° , DVince »* -tai the 8 Sied hbnur Khi ! Mri ? JT T 1 in eYer ? cl » ss Of British in- £ tkr « -Mi" * dttl - y and most obvoua interest are th 7 MIST rh « i que 8 tl 0 ns ofsickiy pride , and to grasp tne Miner , the Weaver ., and the stockineer bv the hand as brethren possessing the same common huSaX the aiS ^ ^ = pinea and organised , to enable it to successfully resist thP Kiftf a T 8 s r ption 8 ° , tbe i *! k 5 ^ & 3 £ ^ Capital . Labour can no longer afford tn tni «« n « » . ««« « -.

      HiBtocracy in its ranks . The true and onlv wavofmain tainhg the . killed artistn in possession of his rii a " d privileges , of securing to him the full enjoymentof " a Sir day ' s w * ge for a fair day ' s work , " i 8 bv i C , J £ ¦ nterested effort to aid the unskilled Krt , S to Lt tain hu existing anxiety and misery but h ? ? £ r ing him the strong hand of fellowihi p , ' lift h m up to a under the banner it unfurls , inscribed w ° bthl motto ! ' - NATIONAL ORGANISATION THE ONLY rSuSwB INDUSTRIAL WH 0 NOS . " Q ueen ' s Bench Prison . WlLUAM pBSLl Secretar y '

      Untitled Article

      THE AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF ENGINEERS . THE STRIKE . The Employers Association still adhere to their " declatattoo , wnile the Amalgamated Engineers continue reso-

      Untitled Article

      lufco in tlio determination never ro si ^ n . As a mattur of course in 80 large a body « 3 the Amalgamated Society of Engineers , there are individuals who profess to lie oxc ' eeUin g'y anxious for an immediate iirraii « eni 9 iit with the employers , and who would euro little about the mode b y wiiich it might be arrived at . Some two or throo members belonging to one of the largest London branches recently oxpvesseil a wish that overtures—based upon some concession of principle—should be made to tho employers ; nv ht i u ful 1 i ) ril ! lou meeting , in order that tho question n j ! o nt Uo settled at once , a motiou was . made to that enect , nccoinp aniod by an amendment , embodying an ex . K ^ Ttin W cnco '" tbe Executive Council , and nlmn . f V ? ldoas of « ° nci ! ssion , the Utor being adopted oSit dW J -ln faot ' with not more tllRn tiiree VZl . v X ? Ue " V 0 lC (; s - ' r > 'o workmen were paid on X ? ? o ? oX t , TV liiy ' aull 0 USU ! i T ' t- ' moulder , who * oil ^ t j'T ^ Z ! | „?»

      vie oi ffil 2 rf r ? h ; i " t ^ «« n prorWed uy the S ^ SthaTSS'Sii * x T ! V 4 advance , their y l ^ JS fi ™ £ 9 "ft « "o ^ pay per week , to be contributed by evoiT mnmhnp in w « iV for tho pin-poso of enablitlg thom ? o 7 ne S he ^ . ke allowance to 10 a ., snaiTOngemoat which wUl be brouiht in operation next week . uo urougui , Guegow , Saturday . —Last night a deputation from thi

      , , chair . —Mr . Xewton deliverud an address of two hours ' duration , which contained little beyond that which he had previously uttered in London . He denied , as asserted by the London newspapers , that 7 , 000 men had signed the mas ers ' declaration . Not more than 300 had done so in London , and theso men were mostly from the country , and knew little or nothing of the real merits of the dispute . He stated that it required £ 2 , 500 per -weak to carry on the conteit , or in other words , to support the members who were on strike , and that about £ 10 , 000 had been already expended . He concluded b y making a strong appeal to the trades ot Glasgow to come forward with pecuniary contributtons . Several resolutions wero carried favourable to the objects of the deputation .

      A letter appeared In the "Times" of Monday from Mr . Sydney bmith , which professed to give a correct account of the number of men who had returned to work and signed the " declaration / ' The Executive Council have sent a leply to the same . journal , from which wo give the following CXtl ' tiCbS !^«* II" The numbers given b y Mr . Smith were 9 , 034 of all branches of the trade , including 1 , 311 labourers . It is really quite impossible to surmise bow Mr . Smith arrived at finfi ! ™ : Iflthad been a true one , it would to some ex-XSn * " » f t he 1 S ^ of the contest J and » Ms *> a bel ei in it might have dispirited tiie members of the Amalgamated Society . That probably was its object

      . Wo are sure that , however much you may desire an accommodatwB oi tho dispute between the manufacturing engineers and their operative , you would not desire to seo it brought about by the circulation of untruths . Wo bee that you wi I gvre insertion in your columns to this letter and the following return , procured by us from sources which do not admit of mistake , and which proved that Mr . 8 ka . . § , y ° ssiy exaggerated fcho number . "iKe following ,, is a list of persons working at those branches of trade recognised by the Amalgamated Society m the London manufactories —

      "Maudday ' 8 , 02 ; Miller and Ravenhill , 44 ; Robinson and Russell , 22 ; Miller and Uavenhill . Blackwall , 13 ; Seaward s , 6 ; Blyth ' n , G 3 ; Penn and Sons , 28 ; Scott ' a , 8-Burton s , 12 ; Enston and Amos , 24 ; Rennic ' s , 211 Donkiu ' s , 12 ; Fletcher ' s , 6 ; Napier ' s , 2 ; Shear ' s 1-Simpson , Pimhco , 22 ; Swayne and Bovil , 30 ; Total 366 " This number is made up of the following branches — Fitters and erectors , 159 ; Turners , 102 ; Millwrights , 13 Patternmakers , 14 ; Smiths , 78 ; Total , 366 . " In addition to this number there are filty-one moulder * in the whole of the above-named manufactories . In

      Man-Chester there are a less number than in London ; and in Oldham , out of about COO skilled workmen turned out of employment , there are not more than twenty men who have signed the declaration and taken their places . " We have included in our list all those who have been now put to the different branches of trade for the first time , and whose worth to the employers may be fairly estimated by the difficulties which the several foremen aro in to get work completed in any fashion , some of them declare that they cannot stop long in the shop where such workmen are t « be directed and controlled .

      " Good men will never si gn a declaration so Bubvcrsivo of true independence as the employers' declaration is ; and therefore , no settlement can take placo while it remains a condition for resuming work . " RiDOLwra . —This is the seventh week of tbe Strike of the Winders lately employed at Messrs . E . Vendlcbuvy and Sons , and W . II . and J . Taylor ' s Mills . It will be remembered that the men were forced into this strike by the mastei-s making a reduction of from five to twenty-five ptr cent , of their wages . The manufacturers combined together , but out of eighteen firms , nine have resumed work at the o'd prices . The meu arc in good spirits , and oSS ? J !? fi < leilt of success . The balance ou haud last week was JtaS 16 s , Old .

      Untitled Article

      NATIONAL CHARTS ASSOCIATION . Tho Executive Committee met on Tuesday evening , March 16 th , at 3 , Queen's Headpasaage , Paternosterrow . John Bezer , presided . The correspondence received this week ^ atrenuously callod upon Messrs . Bezer and Shaw to retain their eeatB until the debt is discharged .

      CASH ACCOUNT . From Mr . Jones , 7 s . ; John Aird Is . ; John Taylor , Is . ; John Wheelhouse 6 d . ; Thomas Crowther , 6 d , Ockbridge , per S . Briarly , Is . 6 d . ; Hamilton , pev A . Walker , 3 s . Od . ; Ship , per J . Shaw , 7 s . Gd . ;—Total , £ 1 JiS , 2 d , James Oeassby , Suh-Secretary , 96 , Regent Street , Lambeth . Metropolitan Delegate Meeting . —Finsbury Lite , rary Institution , Sunday afternoon . Mr . Bligh in the chair . Contributions were received from Finsbury , Victoriapark , and other localities , also a considerable amount to defray the expenses of the proposed public meeting to review

      the proceedings of the Parliamentary Reform Conference . Mr . Jones reported for the O'Connor Committee . Mr ! Reynolds , in consequence of private affairs , declined actiag as treasurer , but would render all the assistance in his power . Correspondence was read from T . S . Duncombe , advising the amalgamation of the Committees having the eame object in view . Mr . Patrick O'Higgiwa had gladly acceeded to their request , and would act in any capacity they desired . He was to have an interview with Sharmau Crawford immediately upon bis arrival in town . The report was received , and the time for voting for the officers to be elected was postponed until April 6 th . — The address was after some discussionadoptedand

      , , Patrick U'Hi ggins appointed to act as trustee . Mr . Bezer gave in a report relative to the public meeting and read the correspondence relative thereto . Mr . F . Farrah moved"That the resolution passed by the Delegate Council , relatiye to the Manchester Council calling a Conference , be rescinded . " Mr . Knowles seconded the motion . The reports from the localities were then given in Julia-street , Ship , City , and South London were opposed to the Convention . North London , Victoria-oark , Finsbury , and Westminster were in favour thereof . Chelsea was in favour of a Conven . tion to which persons of other shades of opinion should be invited . The Royal Mint-street locality had come to no

      decision upon the subject . The delegates from the Hoxton locality were absent . The question was then put to the vote , and five voted for rescinding the motion and eight against it . Mr . Knowles reported from the Committee for getting up new localities and organising the old ones . Messrs . Jone 3 , Bezer and Clarke addressed the Council oa this subject , the following Sunday being the last in the quarter . The localities were requested to elect two delegates , each to sit on the ensuing Council . —Mr . Jones then moved an address deprecating any rivalry between the two committees , each could act in their separate spheres one appealing more especially to the Chartist and Land MemberB , and the other to the general public .

      Brighton . —At a special meeting of Land members , it was resolved :- " That a Committee be formed for the purpose of raising subscriptions to employ an accountant to arrange Mr . O'Connor ' s accounts with the Land Company A committee , consisting of Messrs . White , Moon , Halkham , Smnock , Williams , Slaughter , Tulett , and George Sinnock , Secretary , 16 , Castle-street , were appointed . Ten shillings waB collected . Ship Locality . —At a council meeting , held on Tuesday , it was resolved : — "That in consequence of the ability displayed by Mr . William Newton on every occasion , but more especially by the dignified manner in which he has recently advocated the ri ghts of man , against the tyranny of the so-called master class , we recommended that gentleman to our brother electors and non-electors , as a fit

      and proper person to represent the borough of the Tower Hamlets in tbe next parliament . " South Londok Localitv . —At a meeting at Iron ' s Coffee House , Broadwall , Stamford-street , on Monday evening—Mr . Prowting in the chair—the delegates gave in their report from the Metropolitan Gouncil , and were re-elected for tbe ensuing quarter . An offer having been made of the gratuitous use of the South London Hall , on a Wednesday evening , it was decided that :. a public meeting should be held in that place on Wednesday'ev . ening March 24 th , and a committee appointed to Carry it into effect—Mr . Wheeler acting as Secretary ;

      Victoria Park LocAi . iT 5 r . -At a meeting of members , resolution , were adopted approving of the address of the Manchester council , and for the formation of a committee , f ? SHJS " ™ /» 8 be iMued in * be neighbourhood ot th , 6 locality . The following members were then elected : L l ' n ^ -u Vlcker 8 . S . Pirdenand . E . Stokes , Treasurer ; L . H . Pelted , Secretary .

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      Untitled Article

      limn 20 , 1852 . THE STAR i " ' ' "'¦——— ¦ I ,,..,. ' '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 20, 1852, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1670/page/5/