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Northern Star (1837-1852), 20th March 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1

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      Untitled Article

      After an interregnum of tfree weeks the Lecture resumed work again on Monday night , iL two rival parties having changed aides . To a iflJi / ue of the Houses of Parliament there is at first something bewildering in the alteration , fhe ear has become so much accustomed to the ffell-known voices proceeding from the old places , that it does not very readily accommodate itself to the altered position ; and the awkwardness is not a little increased by the different sentiments which are expressed from the Front Benches on either side . However , if

      turd Deubt's pluck and dogged determination to retain place , now that he is in again , can ' effect that end , we shall soon get used to the transformation . In very strong and plain lan--niage he avowed his resolution not to he driven irom office until he had done what he considered his duty in his new situation , and until he was prepared to place his whole policy fairly and fully before the country . This must have been rather a hitter ; pill for the somewhat motley opposition arrayed against his Government . It 7 ill compel them , if they reall y mean to a speedy General Election , to have recourse to very

      fxtreme measures , an alternative we have no doubt the Whigs at least would rather avoid . Their coniluct to Sir R . Peel , in 1835 , was considered to be the height of political meanness . In 1846 they did not exhibit much more generosity . To play the game of faction in so barefaced a style a third time would be considered even by their " friends as 'too bad . * But , on the other hand , if they do not stop the supp lies , or something equivalent , there is the danger that Lord Djekby and his friends will astonish the country by doing something with a confessed minoritv in both Houses—a feat that JLord J . Russell

      has not been able to accomplish daring the last three or four years with a majority . That would be a dangerous precedent , because , when Whigs come back to office again—if ever they do—the people might be lo unreasonable as actually to expect them to . follow it . Meanwhile , 4 Majesty ' s opposition , ' officered by such a strange conjunction of names as Russell and Graham , Gladstone and Cobden , must Bubmit to see the Protectionists strengthening themselves for the coming struggle . From the explanation given by Lord Derby and the new Chancellor of the

      Exchequer , it seems that it is intended ia proceed -with several measures of importance in addition to the ordinary financial business of the jear . Chancery llefonn , Law Reform , National Defences , the Disfranchisement of St . AlbanB , and the apportioning of its two members and those of defunct Sudbury to aew coiistHuences , constitute the leading features of the new programme . In practice the New Cabinet gets on almost as smoothly in the House as it did at the hustings . There is much talk , but as yet no obstructive opposition . At the close of the show debate ' the faithful Commons' almost without observation or murmur , voted the men and the mone y for the naval service for the year ; in short , about one Iialf of the estimates for the purpose of national defences .

      Ireland is as great a difficulty to the Derby Jlinistry as to its predecessors . It -would seem as if it was an irresistible necessity that every Government should signalise its accession to office by bringing in a coi-jcion bill for Ireland . Mr . Naheb , the new Attorney-General for that country , treads in the steps of his predecessors for the last fifty years , and proposes fresh and more stringent legislation to repress murder , outrage , and agrarian rebellion . That appears , looking back for the long period We hare namd , to be almost the fixed condition of Ireland . This time the difference is that it is the Protestant , orderly , respectable 'North * that has become innocnlatedwith the disease . Famine and pestilence , aud emigration have done their work in the Sonth

      and West There the ' order' of the grave , or the silence of unfilled lands and empty homes prevail . Landlordism has borne its natural fruits , and the harvest is reaped . In the North there is yet strength and energy enough left to induce the victims to wrestle against fate , and try to avert the doom that hangs over them . So for the twentieth time at least our legislators propose new coercion laws for Ireland , jest as if the fact did not stare them in the face that twenty times all such false substitutes for justice have utterly failed . But then it is so easy to imprison , transport , and hang—so 'difficult' to legislate for the removal of the oppression and tyranny which trample human sympathy oat of the hearts of their victims and transform , them into demons with one object—revenge .

      Concurrently with the appointment of a Committee to inquire how the North of Ireland can be brat coerced , was an intimation byjjord Derby that the whole of Ireland may be robbed of the only solid advantage she has gained within the last twenty years . The National S ystem of Education , according to the testimony of men of all ranks and classes , tas worked most admirably , and , if left unchecked for another generation , might produce mutual toleraiion and esteem among Irishmen , instead of the

      baleful dissensions which now rend that unhappy land asunder . But the Established Clergy have long borne tl-at system a grudge . Their mouthpiece in Parliament is now a member of the Government . He hai made repeated efforts to impair its efficiency , and to give more power to the Anglo-Wan Clergy ; and now it seems as thou gh Lord Debby , for the purpose Of propitiating thatdass , was willing to sacrifice almost the only thing by which his name as a statesman is ufceJy to be favourabl y remembered by posterity . The Education question has also had an airiner as

      respects England , apropos of a public-private bill ^ r Manchester and Salford , which is removed from ue house to a Select Committee , ostensibly for widening its operation , and dealing more broadly with the v hole question . It is not at all probable , however , tnat that will be settled this year . The preparations for the approaching elections , ye constituted *>» otner stable topic of the week , £ ucu otherwise has been rather barren in events , uis alread y very obvious that the contest wUl be no min

      - one , and that a considerable infusion of freBh £ ooa may be expected in the next Parliament . Free irade of cour « e forms a prominent item in the elec-- ¦^ eenng ad dresses aud speeches of candidates ; but uu gratifying to observe also , that the question of i anianientarr Reform has a large share of attention . J-fit question is evidentl y ripe out of doors for anttaer very considerable advance . Triennial Parliame nts , Home Suffrage , the Ballot , Equalised Elect oral Bistricts , and no Payment to Members , have usconie

      rather a widely diffused political creed among gaitlemen who canvass the support of popular cons ituenciei . The fact is hopeful . As to the chances of the party in power , it is difficult at this moment to form an idea of the extent to which they may succeed in altering the relative positions of the miacrity and the majority in the present Parliament . That they will have an increase of members is very probable , especially when , as it has been remarked , ° ae portion of its candidates can go to the counties * a avowed Protectionist principles , while others can \ -A town constituencies that the Debby Government * = « not pled ged itself decidedly to the restoration of i . -otection , but leaves it entirely to public opinion . ine

      most decided repulse the Government has yet i ™ V J ^/ SM mi of its Chief Secretary for Ire-£ ™ ^ S findini he had no cbance for Kiloore withdrew from the contest , is without a leat in ri t !?^ not unUkelyto remaia B 0 for the rt » t of the Session . tw ^? S ? C 0 JIBE has elicited from the Government £ X i ™ * Palace waibe P " ^ down in Ma ? *«; and it is rumoured that the surplus funds are *"""""™ uihi . iub surmus iuuus arc

      W ; Sf - rOp £ ated t 0 the building of a species of tur , c ™ Kensington Gardens , to which the pic-TWw 2 ^ Nati 0 Qal G allery will be removed . J 3 at tj « e festEnd f ' theyaie in too democratic lfH ™ for tne se n'i « ve and delicate denizens of 'C J f ' who donot Hke the crowd tocome between V , ^ " Md &elr nobility . But surely Lord John j ^ ers , the poet of ' Young England , ' will not if fli y t 0 " * P P etrat "«> n of such a job as that ? ! ...-., P « res are not uroDerlv hansel and rontil-, t » i 4

      hi j k'S ^ ery * and improve the ventilation . fi trouWiu g himself with schemes of "t-u » L ? 13 qnest > M * Bonaparte seems to be folly ^ e 5 j ? . SBttin S mattera ' in order' at home . The up ^ Jr * 1 lntervention in Switzaland has been given i : ( * t < l \ ! imcaWe relations are , for the present , re-*** rfVh 1 tbe bel % erent powers . Thecessaij % e 41 SP * ^ the reduction of the r ate of - * ° y the bank , and the fact that the Fives

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      were above par , has enabled him to carry into effect a financial operation , which has been projected by successive finance ministers ever since 1824 . But Charles Dix did not dare to attempt it , and Loms Philippe was too completely dependent upon the bourgeoisie and rentiers to dream of cutting down their dividends . M . Bonaparte has no such fear before his eyes , and by one stroke has reduced the five per cents , to four and a half ; thus saving about three quarters of a million annuall y . The organs of the usurers here condemn the measure as a Socialistic one ; and others point to it as a curious illustration of the despotism and socialism which are Wended in his iue uespouBin uuu socialism wuicu are Dienued in MS

      character and proceedings . Notwithstanding the unscrupulous and violent measures resorted to by the Dictator and his myrmidons to suppress every manifestation of adverse public opinion , Paris has found means to record an emphatic protest against his Government , by the election of Cavaignac in one circumscription , and of Carnot in another . The first election of the latter waB declared invalid from want of the absolute majority required by the law . This want was nobly made up in the second election . Despite the most desperate and almost frantic efforts of the Elyaee , M . Carnot was returned by a sweeping majority . The importance of the return may be judged of by the fact of M . Cabnot ' s abilities and tried attachment to Republicanism and Social Reforms , caused

      him to be nominated as President of the Republic , and even Cayaignac was willing to waive his claims in his favour . France is not dead yet . Though neither of these deputies are likely to submit to the degradation of taking the oath of fidelity to the person ofM . Bonaparte , their election is a protest against his rule , of which none will understand the due import more clearl y than the tenant of the Elysee . He , however , marches steadily onwards to the Imperial Crown and the Tuilleries . His decrees are heralded no longer with tbe words , ' In the name of the French people , ' but are couched in the true regal style . The next alteration will be 'Louis Napoleon , by the grace of God , Emperor , &c , greeting . '

      The news from the Cape gives reason to hope that the inglorious and expensive warfare which has been so long waged there , is by this time at an end . The Kaffir chiefs having formally sued for peace , were refused it , except upon an nnconditional surrender . A short time was allowed for this , and at its close vigorous operations were ! . to be commenced with the view of putting a close to the war . Rosas has been completely defeated by General TJeqdiza and taken refuge on board a British man of-war . The result will be to open up to commerce immense regions of South America , which the policy of Rosas formerly shut out from Europeans , and to put an end to contests which have , first and last , entailed no small expense upon this country .

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      THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF LABOUR . Mr . Editor , —In the great struggle of party conflict , the more important interests which belong to the community are invariably sacrificed . This is the history of labour . Power , which is but another name for Capital , as considered in these times of negation of principle , is denied to those froin whom alone true greatness springs . As labour stands now , it is without an advocate ; for it there exists no real sympathy . Statesmen understand not its necessities ; men in place , and possessed of power and influence to

      do good , seem to be insensible to labour ' s requirements . They debate and legislate as though the sufferings of the working classes were vapid declamation ; of no positive existence . The experience of tbe past is the evidence of the present , and will be , if the prevailing system be perpetuated , the harbinger of the future . There is no justice for labour . Its claims to representation are studiously denied ; its voice is unheeded ; or , if listened to , pronounced of a revolutionary tendency . And so the governmental wheel performs its definite operations , and labour finds no benefit in the

      result of the movement A « wwlrinry mm „ . „ .. _„ result of the movement . As working mon , we are what we are despite legislation and the contempt of a powerful oligarchy and raoneyocracy . "What we Bhould be , were our position fairl y understood , let the misery and ignorance of the thousands answer . We are not indebted to any man without our ranks for the intellect wo possess , or the disposition to industry , which we unequivocall y manifest . No ! Give us but our share of power , and the happiness of the nation will testify to tbe wisdom of the concession ; deny it to for

      us any time longer , and the strife of contending interests will become so perilous , as to threaten the peace of society with a destruction , that when it sweeps over the nation , will spare none ; the desolation will be universal , and despotism , looming in the distance , will shadow forth the ultimate , for a time , of a besotted bigotry of tyrannical power ; and in the sacrifice of freedom , both of speech and the press , they who survive the terrible revulsion , will read the sad effects of a rigid denial to the true and definite claims of labour , in its political and social position . l

      A GeneraElection is about to take place ; and great principles are to stand or fall upon the iss ' ue of its verdict . This is the admission of the contending factions . Who are the jurymen destined to trv the cause ? The people ; the a , alo adultpopulation of these three kingdoms ; the intelli gence of the country ; are these the chosen subjacts for the settlement of national questions ? The reverse is the fact ; and it is not difficult to prove , that the jury who will decide will be little better than a packed commission . In many localities the verdict may be said to be known before a tittle of evidence has been heard . Liberty of opinion with the majority of electoral divisions is the worst

      of shams ; political conscience but a dream of unveracity . Truth there is none ; conviction never oared for . Men will vote , because they are bid to vote . To abstain will as much offend as to record a heart-dictated opinion ; and , therefore , it is a verity which forbids contradiction , that men so driven are not those who are qualified to stamp by their verdict the future tendencies of the nation . 1 abhor the present electoral Bystem . Its anomalies condemn it , and ! w A * r ^ i * m u a ° s of JuS § lingthe People into a stupid belief that the interests of the British nation areconsuitedinits practical workings . But , if the d ttS ! fS ewiththe V& * they ' enjoy

      Z ^ A . , gusted , not only with the continued perseverance to keep from them a share in the sountry ' s weal , but on Irind ™™^^™* £ s of who can pretend to be content with the infliction of so much political injustice . Your Anti-Corn Law Loagne is a true type of this genus of 8 Uffrage satisfaction In a certain sense , itsmembers are the parliamentary Paganim ' s of the day . They ha ^ tat oneatnng to play upon . But in another point of ? Z ' % * 31 \ ?!! i rcat m J * ter mentioned , for they lay but tun

      can p one e . Su Ppose thorn to be possessed of more ability , and then- known divisions respecting Reform : proves that they do not possess he will to do more tor the people . Can Uhen , look on these men as statesmen ? if i were ^ ^ npon the inquiry I should ask , what are the antecodentsenhtiingthGintoso honouredanamei liithese I find a fixed resolve -for the oamomautttai ofS object only , which when they have achieved , they fold their arms , and stand supinel y by , and by their sileuce oppose the progress of a power which would do more , if their cause be a righteous one , to make their success of a lasting character , than all the thousands of pounds they are able to contribute , the threats of intimidation they are not slow in uttering , or the

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      organisation , great though it be , that their wealth and influence can originate . Both tbe upper and the middle classes are the enemies of reform ; if not in heart , certainly in action . Hence , the working classes must win their emancipation for aud b y themselves not by an obstructive policy , for that is a contempti ' We proceeding ; not by opposing Free Trade , or any other isolated movement , if they are satisfied with the benefits consequent upon bucIi legislation ; but ; by a laudable perseverance in the manifestation of i their own greatness , by creating a party of their own , whose united strength will be as irresistible as was that which reformed tho House of Commons twenty yearg ago .

      Let us now calmly consider what this coming appeal to the country means , in its practical application ; and considering the questions at issue , . which are sa « Uto be settled by Buch an appeal , aBkourselves at the conclusion , whether the whole proceeding is not certain to be a monstrous delusion , so deceptive upon its face , that to talk of settlement , under such circumstances , is but to play with the weakness of the many , and to force upon them a lie , which both reason and fact prove to he of a hideous shape . In the United Kingdom there are twenty-seven millions of souls ; one fifth of this number five millions

      , say and a half , are adult men ; The electoral power of the country is formed of 1 , 087 , 055 persons , of whom at least 150 , 000 possess double votes . Thus there are 900 , 000 men who are in the possession of the suffrage ; which is one in thirty for the population , or one in six for the adult males thereof . The House of Commons consists of 658 members ( or 656 without Sudbury , ) As there is an equality of votes in the house , the question to be answered is , What is the apportionment of power possessed by those who return said members . ' The following facts will answer this inquiry .

      The five largest and the five smallest boroughs , show tbe annexed figures , as to the number of electors , each borough returning two members . LARGEST . SYAIXEVT £ | n sburjr 15 , 921 Andover .. . . ' .... 24 S ® as B ° w 12 , 000 MarlborouRh 263 Manchester 12 . 8 U Richmond ( York . ) 283 Marjlebone ,... 15 CG 2 TaTistock . sis Tower Hamleti 18 , 748 Tlietford ' 214

      7 * , 172 M 17 And the effect 3 of such an anomaly are theRe , among others . In the five largest boroughs , each member may be said to represent 7 , 517 electors ; in the five smallest , each member 131 electors only . Thus the voices of 131 men in one place are regarded as equivalent in- weight and value to 7 , 517 others , elsewhere resident . I then look for the names , and inquire the ascertained opinions of tbe members chosen by theie electors : and find that

      Finstury selects 2 Liberals Andover selects 2 Tories . Glasgow „ „ Marlborough „ „ . Manchester „ . „ . Richmond „ 2 Whigs . Marylebone „ „ ' Taristock selects 1 Whig and 1 Tewer Hamlets „ Liberal . Tbetford selects 1 Whig and 1 Tory . And the conclusion is irresistible , that if Liberalism be a good thing , it is next to impossible to make way against such opposition ; or , if Toryism and Whiggism be conducive to the welfare of the countrythen their power is admitted , and the existing system is decidedly the best that could be devised for its perpetuation . ..... ..

      But , in such an investigation , the ' facts of the case demand further elaboration . From a Parliamentary return I glean these figures : — MEIIIIKR& 28 boroughs , with not more than 350 electors in each , return 39 * 8 ditto , ditto , 400 ditto , 68 T 5 ditto , ditto , COO ditto , 110 100 ditto , ditto , 800 ditto , 158 12 * ditto , ditto , 1 , 000 ditto , 384 559 Leaving but ninety-nine members to be returned by constituencies exceeding 1 , 000 in number , and these range from 1 , 000 to 19 . 000 electors .

      Still advancing in the inquiry , I find that London ( including its boroughs ) , Liverpool , Manchester , Birmingham , and Leeds , return twenty-four members , and have a population equal to the whole resident in the following places : —Bedfordshire , Hants , Suffolk , Sussex , Berks , Bucks , Herts , Cambridge , Dorset , Cumberland , Oxford , Westmoreland , Hereford , Northampton , Rutland , and North and East Yorkshire . But these seventeen counties and towns return 142 members , six times the number of the five cities and towns before noticed , the population in each of the groups being the same . The county of Wiltshire has a population of 260 , 000 souls , and sends eighteen members to Parliament : the

      West Ridiag of-Yorkshire has 1 , 154 , 000 inhabitants , or more than four times the number of Wiltshire ; yet its representative power is the same , eighteen members . The borough population of England is about 5 , 800 , 000 , half of whom lire in the eight metropolitan boroughs , and in Birmingham , Manchester , Salford , Liverpool , Leeds , Sheffield , Wolverhampton , and Bristol . Though in numbers half , these places return but thirty-three members , the other half returning 290 . The former have eighty per cent , less , and tho latter eighty per cenfc . more than their share ; the one half has a member apportioned to every 10 , 000 persons , the other a member for every 88 . 000 . ¦

      Not to go further into detail , these results may be stated . In the legislature 6 , 764 electors are equal to 289 , 470 . The former are the smaller constituencies the latter the larger ones ; but the power is the same . What shall we say of that mathematical skill , which declares , as are 6 , 764 to 38 , so are 289 , 470 to 38 ? One corrupt voter in St . Albans is equal to fortythree independent electors in the great seats of wealth and intelligence ! What an up-hill fight , then , has the industry of our large towns , -when it has to do battle with such conflicting numbers ? Surely the balance of power must be a mi ghty thing indeed , when it is urged as a justification for such anomalies as those here mentioned .

      From numbers , I may give a cursory glance at property . The latter is the basis of Whig calculation . Well , the same . inequalities prevail in respect to property as to population . The annual value of the property rated to the poor is 60 , 000 , 000 ; half this amount is paid in nine countieB , who appoint 161 representatives , while the remaining thirty-one counties return 310—this is in England . Each of the members for Rutlandshire represents £ 59 , 500 rateable property , while each member in Middlesex

      represents £ 500 , 000 . Wiltshire , returning eighteen members , is rated at £ 1 , 242 , 000 ; the West Biding , also returning eighteen members , is assessed on £ 3 , 500 , 000 worth of property , Bucks , rated at £ 674 , 000 , has eleven members ; while Manchester , rated at more than twice that sum ( exclusive of machinery ) , has only two members . Tho borough of Marylebone , having two members , pays more to the poor ' s rato than do two counties who send thirty members to parliament . Middlesex is rated on 7 , 000 , 000 of property ; but the opinions of its members

      are neutralised by men who are appointed by Har- ' wich , Lymington , Honiton , Totness , Bridgenorth , Marlborough , and Tlietford , the annual grental of which is but £ 85 , 050 . Forty-two pocket boroughs , rated at £ 1 , 000 , 000 , is equal , in parliamentary power , to that of all the great towns of the empire , the rental of which is more than £ 20 , 000 , 000 . The result is , 330 members , or a majority , represent £ 6 , 200 , 000 rateable property ; the minority , or 328 members , represent no less a sum than £ 78 , 000 , 000 of money . Hence , one-fourfceentb , of the whole rateable property

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      of the country absolutely controls the remaining thirteen-. fourteenths . Mr . Mackay , in hia work on Electoral Districts makes these remarks : — ' In two different modes ' Landlordism accomplishes its purpose . It first smothers , as it were , a large proportion of the towns and then so distributes the representation over the rest , as to be enabled absolutely to control some of them , and successfully to contest others . ' And this writer thinks , that the following is an a pproximation to . the real state of the representation : — County members entirely at the disposal of tke landlords .... 249 Members for torty-two boroughs subject to their influence .... C 9 University members , 0 Total number of unconteated seats ,. 321

      To this must be added contested seats , which landlordism is ) , „ , able to secure f . ' Total numbefcof members . ^ . " 491 Or areal working majority of 324 . " This Siffices to" make a party omnipotent ; and so the landlords arc in the House of Commons . I ask you , then , Mr . Editor , and through you your readers , if it be not sheer humbug to talk about an Appeal to the country , whilst such an iniquitous system as that of our representation is permitted to continue ? Free Trade and Protection can never be settled b y such a minority of the people as the electors , apportioned' as they are in such an obviousl y unfair manner ; nor can it bo reasonably hoped for , that any good can ever accrue to Labour so long as

      the sons of Labour are shut out of the House of Commons , by so bare-faced a Bystem of exclusion as that here distinctly pointed out . This is the Political Condition of Labour ; and I ask any reasoning man to tell me how Labour can possibl y look for regenera ^ tion , until the British House of Commons is cleansed of its present abominations ? Political Reform is the one thing needful ; and the men who would lead the public mind away from its consideration , are , to say the least , deceiving themselves and those who follow them . Cheap bread is an unquestionably good thing ; but Parliamentary Reform would not only ensure the cheap loaf , but be the instrument through which justice to Capital and Labour might be fairly

      distributed to each . I therefore raise the banner of Manhood Suffrage , protected by the Ballot ; ' and though I will not bemean myself to obstruct the progress of mon who are advocatin g a change of a less extensive character , yet I will repeat in writing what I havo uttered in speech , that as Manhood Suffrage is founded upon a principle , and less than its admission will ever result in the exclusion of men as qualified to possess the vote as those who enjoy it ; so it is better—far better—to settle a great question like this by an honest admission , rather than patch np a despicable system , encourage connection of opinion , leave the principle unacknowledged , and otherwise encourage a feeling of distrust aud hatred amongst the workin

      g orders . ° ° On the part of tho working classes I ask for Justice ¦—an d it is for these classes to say whether or not they are prepared to peacefully organise themselves to obtain it on tlioir own behalf . Their own strength and consistent demeanour must win the victory for them . The veil which now conceals her fair face will never be drawn , except it be by themselves . All their social attempts will prove still-born —their honest endeavours to better the condition of

      the labourer prove futile . Men can laugh at them under the present arrangements , for they know they are 1 powerless . Reverse this , and their voice would be listened to , because it must be attended to . This then ii the right arm of power : without its possession men do but battle with the wind . In their well-intentioned zeal , they , or some of them , may think differently ; but when that has been spent , and in its p ace apathy has becomo the controller of their

      energies , theu they will see that they have been fighting for the shadow , and neglecting the substance . ° What they and all of us stand ia need of , is Political Power ; not that it , per se , will do everything , but that it will be the means , through its possession , of giving to Labour a chance in the competitive struggle for existence . Then Labour must be listened to ; because it would be an acknowled ged interest . It is not cared for now , because it is powerless . Censor .

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      OPEN OR BBPltBSENTATlVE VESTRIES . On Tuesday evening , a public meeting was hold at the A . sBeml ) ly-rooms , Lansdowne Arms , Islington-green , for the purpose of taking into consideration certain clauses in the present local act , of tho parish of St . Mary , Islington , and to express an opinion upon the steps to be taken when the report of the committee appointed by the vestry shall be brought up , in case of that committee recommending an application to parliament for tho establishment of a select or representative vestry , in lieu of the present open vestry meetings . —Moses Guedalla , Esq ., occupied tbe chair , and stated the objects of the meeting . He had no apprehen-Bion that they should ever return to the old and obsolete system of select vestries ; the question was . should they

      have a representative vestry ? He had received communications from several members of parliament , and they were all of opinion that tho best remed y for the evils generally complained of by the metropolitan parishes could only be achieved by a coalescing of all the parishes , who should at once unite for tho purpose of obtaining a general act for the government of all the metropolitan parishes . Among the many abuses in thoir own parish was the enormous chargu for tho removal of paupers , the chief items of expense wero for cab hire and fees to Mr . Bodkin , The average charge for the removal of each pauper to an adjoining parish , was £ 1310 a . Another abuse was the charge of £ 160 a year for keeping the borough registration of voters . He felt sure that there was no remedy for these and other equally glaring evils , but for the whole of the metropolitan

      parishes to unite in ono great agitation for the purpose of getting a general act , by which they should be in future governed . r-Mr . Harris rose to move the first resolution . There could bo no doubt that the present system , which countenanced plurality of voting , was working ill . The looiil act refused a vote in vestry to householders rated under £ 20 a year . The qualification to vote for a member of parliament was only one half that sum . At the recent election , the present vestrymen were placed in power through the abuse of plurality of voting ; by not more than 4 , 000 individuals out of the 90 , 000 inhabitants . He moved that measures be taken for the purpose of inakinean

      aDolication to parliament for such an alteration in the local act as would abolish plurality of voting , reduce the qualification of a vestryman to that of a parliamentary elector , vest the appointment of all the officers and the sura to be voted for salaries in tho vestry itself . —Mr . E . Smith seconded the resolution . —Several gentlemen having addressed the meeting , an address was moved by Mr . Pinchbank , to the effect that there should be a full , fair and tree oxeroise to every ratepayer in any amendment to the local act which might be applied for , which having been seconded , Mr . Harris withdrew his motion , and the amendment of Mr . Pinchbank was put and carried unanimously , and the meeting broke up at a late hour .

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      Lkicesier-sqcarb Improvement Bin . —A numerously attended meeting of the inhabitants of Leicester-square took place on Thursday evening at the Sabloniere Hotel , for the purpose of adopting measures to oppose Mr . Wyld ' s bill for building permanently on the interior of the square . W . R . Rhodes , Esq ., was called to the chair .-Mr . nind explained the objects of the meeting , animadverting in strong terms upon the misrepresentations made to tho inhabitants , for the purpose of obtaining their sanction to the erection of a building now standing upon that piece of ground . —Mr . Itidgway dwelt upon tho fact that only three inhabitants supported Mr . "Wyld ' s proposed improvement . -Resolutions , were put and carried unanimously—1 st . ;¦ Condemning Mr . Wyld ' s misrepresentations , and

      Diedn , V . 'i , '"™ ™" 11810 ° PP ° the bill in every stage ;" 2 ndly . '' That tho meeting regarded the bill as an act to oonnscate the nghta of private property " 3 rdly "That he proposed simply , in the first instance , un erection of iron and glass ike the Crystal Palace , without any stone , slate , and bricks , in the construction , and that only for three year * , to which his present bill was a gross contradiction . Thanks were then voted to the chairman This CouBi .-The Queen and her family are residing at O » borne . I lor Majesty baa not been visited by any of the

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      O'CONNOR FUND . pom On Wednesday evening the third meeting of the Committee , of Jhj ^ bove fund was held at 10 , Great WiriSmilKsfFeet , Mr . M'Gowan in the chair ; when . the following address to the public , the friends of Mr . O'Connor , and tho Chartists of the ' United Kingdom , was unanimously agreed to : — 'For a considerable number of years Mr . ' Feargus O'Connor , M . P ., has occupied a

      prominent position among the public men of this country . Whatever may have bcett thought of the political views of which ho was the advocate , or tho policy pursued by the > pnnlH A ^ Which L ° tlle ] eilder » « ° OnO wff 1 I the zeal and disinterestedness with means tofV Voted hh time ' eDei'gies ' and « S Vl e cause he had espoused . m-iainn ^ l !' "cticability ° f the Land Plan , "K I -I ™' there must "eceBsarily exis ' e r Jy be cS % \ Xo \? "T ¦? ^ "T " was a good one ; aiVfeV ^ ' ^^ Select Committee \> f tho w deem f . ° J a uta

      ana good faitn with which its affairs w « , "" ^ as well as the expenditure of a la g 0 S o ° ? 7 *?' - O'Connor ' s own resources to pSoto L" ¦ ?^ the Company The unfortunate fi j ^ Pany , and the numerous and embarrasBhuT V ° made upon Mr . O'Connor in consequence , hi ? « £ * latel y seriously affected the miud of that gentleman Kecent events which have been recorded in the pub lie journals , and the nightly experience of member * of Parliament , as well as that of all who com . 0 in Contact with him , prove this faefc beyond doubt . . ' In addition to this painful fact , it appears that hois almost , if not entirely , without pecuniar y resources and . that he has no ' relations either able or willing toundertake the measures necessary under such circum-• tance ' B .

      'Theae reasons have induced several friends to > ¦ iS ^ nJ . sehes ioto a committee for the purpoao oj allsviatmg the condition of riris unfortunate gentle-Si ?™ v US ? ecuniary niean 8 c « n do so . In taking this position the Committee do not h . the slightest degree identif y themselves with Mr . O'Connor's pecaZ w 5 Ch 7 S « 3 !? ^ , \ ^ P yfMlthe 8 ympW which Englishmen of all ranks and classes ever feel peafiS fortu ° ateaud ^ distressed , and they . p . peal with confidence to that common sympathy on stronger feeling which must incite the numerous party w h whom Mr . O'Connor acted , to come forward with liberal and prompt subscriptions . Lhe objects of the Committee are twofold

      1 . lo employ , if thought advisable , an accountant to prepare an analysis and balance-sheet h > 1 theo n ? 5 + C ° mPany s expenditure , in order that the affairs , o nf Ompany ma >' be hon <> urablywound up . .,, ° Pul'chasesuch an annuity for Mr . O'Connor as will at least suffice to provide him with necessaries and comforts , during tho remainder of his life ,. and to place him under the circumstances best adopted to restore health of body and mind . '

      Tho following constitute the acting Committee : — Messrs . John Shaw , D . M'Gowan , G . A . Fleming , C . \ V . Danford , John Malhias , John Milne , J . J . Baser , John Dicks ; J . Arnott , Secretary . Messrs . T S Duncombo , M P ., T . Wakley , M . P .. Sharman Crawmt ^ HVZ ; ., Willhuns ' - " - Thompson , M . P ., and J . Williams , M . P ., have been applied to * Some of theso gentlemen have already consented to , act on the Committee , aud all of them have promiaed to assist with their aid and influence its objects . We shall be able to give a complete list next week .

      'Subscription-books , and all other information , may . be had upon application to Mr . John Arnott , secretary , at the Star ' office , 1 ( 5 , Great Windmill-street , and subscriptions will bo duly auuounced each week m tho columns of that journal and ' Iteynolds ' s Newspaper . ' 'The subscriptions will be paid by the treasurer into the London Joint Stock Bank , until they amount toa sufficient sum to purchase an annuity , when the necessary legal forms for appointing trustees and other measures requisite in such cases , will be executed . la the meantime , the subscriptions will be placed in the bank to the credit of the O'Connor Fund in the joint names of Messrs . M'Gowau , Fleming , and Shaw . Monies Received per R . O'CoNSOB .-StOBkport , perj , Walker . 10 a . 0 d . ! WmchMttr , pj » a . 8 tat 8 » .., 4 s . 6 a . \ ei a ^ . j ereor M . D ., 109 . ; J . Murray , Sheffield , Gd .

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      AMNESTY TO ALL POLITICAL EXILES . ' A public meeting , called for tho above object , was held on Tuesday evening , at tho Suientifio and Literary Institution , Little Saffron-hill , Finsbury . The meeting was well attended , and an enthusiastic spirit prevailed . Mr . BuiLBh haviug been culled to tho chair , introduced thu subject to the meeting . The Skcretart road letters of apology from T . S . Duncombe , T-. Cooper , 3 , Harnuy , and others , approviug of the objects of the meeting , but pleading otlier engagements for non-attendance . Mr . Muriut moved the first resolution as follows : — " That this meeting , sympathising with the Political Exiles of Great Britain and Ireland , and believing the punishment they have undergone to bo amply sufficient to atone for the crime ( in the eye of tho law ) , of endeavouring to achieve the liberties of their country , resolve to petition parliament , find memorialise her most Gracious Majest y for afuli , entire and complete amnesty to all political offenders . " Many of these : exijeshad been banished from their nativo land , merely for differiug in opinion from the government of the dav , and others had been entrapped by the agency of \ Vhi < r spies . Granting that the men had committed errors , they bad not done any injury to society , and the punishment they had alroady endured more than expiated tho errors they had committed . Frost and his companions had endured long years of exile , and no harm could fall on society by allowing them to return to iheir homes and families .

      Mr . Bryson seconded the resolution . As one of tho political prisoners of 1818 he felt great sympathy with h . 13 brethren in exile . Lerd John Russell had in his works declared that rebellion was sometimes a virtue . There was not so much violation of the law in the actions of the exiles as there was in the pvocuriment of the Reform Bill , which , was said to have been obtained by moral means . In 184 S there h ;\ d been no burnings at Bristol—no torchli ght meetings throughout the land . The men who were transported had Hot received a fair trial , and on every principle of justice and mercy thoy should receive a free pardon . During the "Whig Administration , the Dorchester Labourers , too Glasgow Cotton Spinners and the Canadian rebels had alL received pardons , and in the former case a free passage home , and remuneration for the wrongs that had been inflicted upon them . It was owing to the apathy of tho people alone , that Frost and his companions had not long since been in the bosom of their families in their native land . Mr . Windmill supported the resolution in a spirited address , and it was unanimously agreed to by the meeting . Mr . Finlbn moved a petition to the House of Commons , founded upon the above resolution . If men would not struggle to recal to liberty those who had fallen martyrs to their cause , it augured but ill for the future prospects of the human family . Thomas Cooper , in his " Purgatory of Suicides , " had for ever immortalised theso men , and stamped tbeir persecutors with infamy . Each and all thesa men , from Frost to Cuffay , Mitchel and the Irish exiles , deserved to bo separately eulogised , and their memory kept green and fresh in the hearts of all the Democratic body . The speaker , during a long and eloquent addross , was euthusiastioally cheered .

      Mr . iiMER seconded tho adoption of the petition . Ha should be doubly ungrateful if he did not warml y respond to the sentiments previously uttered . He was personally acquainted with most of the victims who had been exiled in 1848 . These men who were now suffering in tho Penal Settlements , were honest , sincere , warm-hearted Democrats of whom the country was not worthy . Tho Whigs were more seditious when out of office than ever tho Chartists were ; the Protectionists were the same ; rebellion and sedition were only called so when unsuccessful , and developed among the poor . Sharp died in Tothill Fields , because he said , on Clerkenwell Green , " Men , stick for your rights . " 1 ms , m 1848 , was sedition , and puniehed by imprisonment and death . The extreme opinions of one period were thought moderate in a succeeding age , and if punishment was endured for them , it implied no di » grace , aud tho punishment should be romitted as speedily as the people could obtain tho power . They might not havo exeroised discretion ia their attempt to achievo their country ' s liberty , but they had proved thoy deserved freedom , by daring to struggle for it . Mr . Osbornb supported the petition in a speech of great practical effect , ia which he regretted that the leaders of the peoplo had been so apathetic upon this subject . Ha suggested that a committee of twenty persons should be appointed to get up a large out-door meeting upon tho subject . The petition was then unanimously adopted . Mr . T . M . Wheeler moved a memorial to the Queen , founded upon the resolution , and explained the Btcps taken by the late Convention to o btain the liberation of the exiles-Mr . Loojiks seconded tho adoption of the memorial , which was agreed to after an address from Mr . Dick . Mr . Osborse moved , and Mr . - Grant seconded , the appointment of a Committee to get up a public out-dcor meet * ing on Clerkenwell Green , on May 1 st . . The motion . was agreed to , and the Committee appointed . The meeting then adjourned , wita . a voU of . thauks to th « ohairman . ;

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      AND NATIONAL TRADES ' . JOURNAL , i

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      forceTOLIf . P . jm _ LOHDOH , SATDEDAY , MARCH 20 . & 2 . ^ . . SSS ^ SSS ^^ Z - ^ ——— : . — . . t / irna 1 ¦ ¦ ^ —— - - ¦¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 20, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1670/page/1/