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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th February 1851, Edition 1 of 2, Page 4, THE leSTIEll STAS SATURDAY, FEBRUl R¥ 15, 1851. -

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    • THE leSTIEll STAS SATURDAY, FEBRUl R¥ 15, 1851. -
    • ed ©omspoffijema.
    • ___ __ CUl lOHCKiT"51*r HI" ^Ilr llftYinMJIl lUCVTDllfVTfti) ~Sltaeifr OF THEJATiOKAL IHSTRUOTOR. So. Til of the Xew Series., , . . OF . ... "'' "THE NATIONAL 1STRUGT0&"
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      ; . . la now . ready . > SIXTEEN LARGE BOYAL OCTAVO PAGES , Price Oae Penny . II H TBK ADVOCATE OF POLITIOAI , SOCIAL . AND . INDUSTRIE PROGRESS II COXIA 1 S 3 , A WEEKLY liASOUR UEttOECB , The Autobiography of Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., M . P ; , - Original Articles on Social and Political Questions . Tales : Beviews : Poetry : Gleanings , &c . Couteuts of No . Til . ¦ 1 . Austrian State Pri 3 oner 3 . 2 . History and Effects of Peasant Proprietorship . 3 . The Student of St . Petersburg . ( Continued . ) L Adventures-of Fonrous O'Connor , Esq ., M . P . 5 . The Tin-Plate Workers' Strike at Wokerhampton . C . 3 few Books-Travels in British Guiana in tie years 1840-44 , on a Mission from His Majesty tbe King of Prussia . Xow Ready , A 1 'illc , Contents , Index , and Preface to the First Volume . The Xnmbers and Parts of the -First Sena of the Jfotioaal Instructor that were out of print , have now been reprinted , and may be had on application . Subscribers are requested to complete imperfect copies forthwith . The " National Instructor'' 13 supplied by all the ¦ London Agents for similar publications : or by A . Heywood , Manchester ; "W . Love , and G . Adams , Glasgow ; Robinson aud Co ., Edinburgh ; J . Sweet , Nottingham ; 3 . Guest , Birmingham . ^—— _

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      . On Satwrfay , February 8 th . was Published SECTS and SECTARIES . Being a Verbatim Ilepart of . the Oration delivered at tte Literary Institution , Jolin-strcet , Fitzrqy-sijuare . by Sainnd Phillips Day , ioraierly a Monk of the Order of the Presentations . Also , iu a lew days , -mil ba ira ' olished , Price Twoiwncc , die Second Edition of j DOMAXISM , THE . RELIGION OF Al » TEnnOB . An Oration , delivereO , at the ab ve In Etfrutiun , by the same Author . Published by E . Trudove , 22 , John-street , Fitwoyeguare ; Watson , Queen's neaa-uassajje , Patcrnoster-roCr .

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      LETTERS 10 CHARTISTS . Ihe Friends cf Political Reformation are informed that " there is now commencing in W H E "L E A D E R " J- Newspaper , a series of LETTERS -TO CHARTISTS , ' BT A MtMBEK OF THE EXECCIIVB . The object of these Letters is to discuss the new aspects of Chartism , and toeuueavour U > explain in what way its friends in the Tress , on the Platform , and in the Workshop , ma ; attain to Unity commensurate with the importance of Democracy . Hie fiillouins are Topics "f the earlier Lstt-rs : Tbe Pnerfraiichisca aMrticnl Tower in England . - Democracy a TC ^ nitv . " Prosress Defined . - Weapon * ( Xot SeizaWe by the Police ) . The Giants and the Dwarfs . The " LEADts" is delivered in all parts of the Country every Saturday . J London : Published by Joseph Clayton , jun ., 285 , Strand .

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      QT AL YBHID 6 B . AtaMeethig KJ <> f the Council of this Branch cf the Nation *] Charter Association , held ou Saturday eveninjr . February Sth , it was resolved—"' Seeing that the Stalybridge and Stockport Branches have both advertised defrgate meetings , to be ieW on the same day , and for one and the same purpose , we deemed it advisable to send a deputation to wait on the Stocki « rt Council for the purpose of arranging with them at what place ihe delegate mcetini ; should be held " The deputation met the Stock por t Council at their Boom ou Sunday afternoon , February 9 th , when the following resolution was agreed to : —Moved by Mr- Scrag ; , seconded by Hr . Harrop , That the Delegate meeting be held at Stalynridgc in consequence of its being jntre convenient for the Tariwis localities surronndiu <; it . "—tfji . Uki , Sec .

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      NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . Office , M , Southampton-street , Strand . H 1 HE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE J- hereby announce the following meetings : — Oa Sunday afternoon at ttn-ee o ' clock the Metropolitan Delerates will meet at the City Hall , 28 , Golden-lane , Barlican . ' At the same time the Laml > elh locality will meet at the Sonth London Hall , and Mr . Pattinson / the sub-secretary , will be in attendance to enrol members . On Sunday evening nest at the Rock T&vern , Lissongrove—Princess Koyat , Circus-street , Marylebone—Brick layers' Anns , Tonbriire-street , Xew-road—Crown aud Anchor , Cheshire-street , WattrlooTown—andXiw Eastern Eterary and Scientific Institution , llorpeth-street , Greenstreet . Sethnal Green . On tlie same evening at five o ' clock , the United Delegates of tbe Tower Hamlets will meet at the AVoodmui Tavern , White-street , Waterloo Town ; and at eight o ' clock Mr . Finlen will lecture at the above tavern . Subject : Labour ' s Living Poets a « d their roetry . "

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      Tcrfed freedom from Coughs in Tea Minute . " after use , and'instant relief , av . da rapid Cure of Atlhma , Consumjxioa , Coughs , Colds , tind all disorders cf the JSreath and Lunpf , an inmrcd hj DE . LOCOCK'S l'ULMONIC WAFERS . A few facts relating to tlie extraordinary success of 3 > r . Locbck ' 9 Pulmonie Wafers , iu the cure * of Asthma and Consumpdun , Coughs , Colds , and Ii Huenza , Difficult BreatUng . 1 'ains in sic Chest , Shortness of Breath , Spitting of Blood , n » ar « . enes 5 , ic ., caunot fail to be intfrestingtoaU , when it is borne in iniud how many thousauds fell victims annually to disease of the chest LMronTANT TEsnaoNiais . Mr , W . J . Cooper , Surgi-on , Medical Hall , Canterimrv . Cestxemet heard

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      TIPrOSTTU W mtrn rnn-nrr .. * ,,. „„ .. « . «_ . « . «* . *** - * RBISsUE OF THE LECTURES BY EROTST JONES : . Owing to the increased demaad tha lectures entitled fJANTERBURY versus ROME ; V . Are now re-issued in fire parts , price twopence , or in one volume , price one shilling . Tbe second edition of Ko . 1 , ia now rtady .

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      Mr . G . W . Hasuitos . Reaslinsr , beg ? to acknowledge the receipt of the following sums for Wisdixg-up the affairs of the Land Company : —Mr . Povey Is—Mr . Courzen Is ' —Mrs . L . Is—Mr . Sntton Is—Mrs . Kemp ls-Mis . White Cd—Mrs . Wilson Gd—Mr . Thomas 6 d—Mr . Pike ls-Mr . Martin Is—Mr . Blaukall Is—Mr . Pike Is—Mr . Wicks Is—Mr . Herman Is—Mr . Hamilton Is—Kr . EUias Is—Mr . Gibson Is—Mr . Brinkworth Is—Mrs . Fisher Gd-Mr . B . ls-Mr . Webb ls-Mr . Lloyd , sen . Is —Mr . Lloyd , jun . Is—Mr : Kentfield Ir . SoTiKGHia . —J . Sweet acknowled ges the receipt of the following sums , sent herewith , viz ,: —For Hosesti J . rafO-Mr . J . Dann . Cd-Mr . A . Burgin , Kewltadford , ni 3 fifth subscription Is—To all professing Democrats ¦ we say , gothouand do likewise . —From OldBasford *—W . Phillips fid—W ; Brown Cd—W . Savage 4 d—W . Peg "

      The Lestiell Stas Saturday, Februl R¥ 15, 1851. -

      THE leSTIEll STAS SATURDAY , FEBRUl R ¥ 15 , 1851 . -

      Untitled Article

      OTJR MIS-REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM .

      The Government of this country is , professedly based on the principle , that representation and taxation should he co-equal—in other words , that every man who is called upon to pay to the expenses of the State , or to obey the law , shall , either by himself or his representative , have a voice in determining -what shall be the amount of the one , and the nature of the other . To carry out this theory , the Constitution has created two legislative assemblies ; the one composed of the hereditary descendants of a particular class , or of persons who may be entitled to take seats in it by Royal favour—the other , of persons assumed to lie elected l > y the commonalty , and , therefore , called the House of Commons .

      The Members of that House are elected b y leas than one-seventh of the adult " male population : a mere fraction usurps the right to make laws for , and to tax the whole . For very many years , the excluded sixsevenths have been knocking at the door of the House of Commons ,- and asking in vain for admission into what is , theoretically , their own Legislative Chamber . " But its members , elected by a minority , as a body , are allied by ties of blood , relationship , and personal or class interests to the aristocratical ele-¦

      ment . The consequence is , that the " People ' s" Elective House is a repetition of the Hereditary House . The machinery of Government , ostensibl y constructed for the use of the community , has become the monopol y of certain privileged classes . We are ruled by an oligarchy , under the forms of a Representative System . . So thoroughly vitiated is the tone of public opinion on this subject , that it appears quite a matter of course , young lordlings should fill

      the benches of the House of Commons until they are called to the House of Lords , by the decease of existing possessors of the peerage . This very week , an active , experienced , and independent gentleman , whose opinions and interests are identified with those of the tenantry of South Notts , thought . it necessary to make an elaborate apology , at the hustings , for his temerity in daring to come forward to oppose a stripling lord , who has no experience whatever , and whose only recommendation is , that he is heir to a dukedom . ] S ot content

      with their own House , the Peers think tbey lave a right also to send as mauy of their offspring , or nominees , as possible to the other . The seats not under their immediate influence arc . appropriated by the trading , mauufaeturiug , shipping , railway , and colonial interests . Occasionally , some one orother of these latter intrude into the domain of landlordism , and wrist a few seats from them ; but it is merel y to strengthen their own particular interest—not to win power for the people .

      " hen the six-sevenths of the population , who are robbed of their political rights by the conspiracy of th ' elanded and monied oligarchy , press then- claims for restitution , both sections unite to oppose them . The youthful "lord "

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      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW , As / we anticipated , the Ministerial measure with reference to ; " Papal Aggression " fails to satisfy either party . It bears the stamp of Whiggery upon it ,, and while it goes too far for one sectiou of the community , dose not go far enough far another . ' ' We are not sure , however , whether on this solitary occasion Whigism is not the best policy . No one , we are certain , will mistake us when we suggest such a possibility ; and

      should it really for once have brought forth a good and pertinent measure , it will be tbe one exception that proves its . general incoinpetency to legislate beneficially for the natien . Thoquestion was one surrounded with great difficulty . On the one hand , thopresent and several previous Governments had recognised aM given place and precedence to the leading Roman Catholic Clergy , as a political necessity , and an irresistable corollary , of the more enlightened and tolerant legislation and spirit of the age , In Ireland , especially , where so large a proportion of the people belong to tho

      Roman Catholic Church , it was a matter of the greatest importance to the Government that a good understanding should exist between them and the heads of that Church , exercising , as they must do at all times , so large and so powerful an influence over their dioceses . A somewhat similar policy had been pursued in , tho colonies , and the great and apparentl y insurmountable difficulty in the , way of any repressive legislation , was that it muBt either be limited to Great Britain , and so create a spocial grievance and comparative inequality—or be retrogressive aiid penal in

      the case of Ireland , where such titles and immunities had already been directly and indirectly recognised and sanctioned . On the other hand , rightly or wrongly , a very kvge proportion of the people of this country believing that the policy of the court of Rome is constantly aggressive—that it is ' never content with equality , but aims at supremacy , and , that wherever that supremacy has been obtained , it has always been fatal to the civil , social , political , and religious' freedom of the people—claimed that the first assumption of power bn . the part of the-Pope should be met

      with a bold , decisive , and sweeping measure . But ,. again , there was this danger to be apprehended . All experience shows , that creeds arid sect parties thrive best under persecution ; the appearance of being subjected to pains and penalties for a conscientious adherence to the doctrines and discipline of their Church ,, would have surrounded thequestion With a dangerous aud a delusive halo—prosecutions would have become rife , and the boasted religious freedom and equality , on which wo have prided ourselves bo long , would have been lost in the struggle between contending and infuriated sectaries .

      Had Lord John proposed a penalty for assuming territorial titles , the country might thereby have been keptin continual hot water . Every infliction of a fine would have been followed by a public subscription to pay it ; and if'imprisonment bad been added , pro . cessions would have visited the martyrs within their prisbnBto condole with and comfort , and enconfage ; them , arid to hurl moral defiance to the law ; while the extreme measure of deportation would have raised an outcry against us from one end of Europe to another .

      Such are a few of the practical and tangible difficulties which the Ministry had to grapple with . To stand still was impossibleto go back to the old penal . and restrictive system , equally impossible—but something must be done . What was it to be ? We think there was considerable genius and tact shown in the answer . First make the assumption of these titles illegal , as we have a right to do ; and , second , if parties will disobey tho law , punish them by depriving them of all power to act in respect of property under these titles .

      The full . effect of this prohibition is not visible at first sight ; but , in fact , it takes away " the sinews of war , " arid renders . a powerful and aggressive Roman Catholic hierarchy in this country all but an imp < ssibility . The attempts to evade tbe action of the law will only add to the complication and the difficulty of managing property so placed . It must , in the nature ot things , be always more or less at the mercy of individuals , and . a constant barrier would be presented to any-combined or preconcerted action , demanding the . support of large corporate possessions . ¦ ¦

      The Cabinet have , therefore , wo think , aimed a blow at the vital part of theltVtO Papal policy , and have , at the same time , not exceeded the fair right which all States possess of laying down conditions , with which all who desire to enjoyprotection for life and property are expected to comply as their portion of the social compact which can never , without injustice to someone or other , bo one-sided . The debates in the House have exhibited the

      usual . diversity of opinion , but no new light has been , thrown on ' the abstract question . Lord John has shut the mouth of those who twitted him with inconsistency , both in action and speech , by-candidly confessing that his opinions have been altered by the conduct of the Pope and the . conclave of Cardinals . lie did . believe that they would bo satisfied with equality , and act in good faith towards a Protestant State which showed itself favourable

      to that , equality . He no longer believes this , and acts upon his altered' couvictions . That may be regretted , but certainly , neither Cabinet nor Legislature provoked the alteration . It has been forced upon them , and those who did so must not complain if they get a " Rowland for their Oliver . " . The bill is not yet introduced in consequence of some of the Irish members speaking against time on Wednesday—the consequence was that six o ' clock arrived , and the Speaker left the chair . The motion , therefore , became a " dropped order . '

      Mr . Disiukh ' s motion served as the text for a long speech , prefaced by an unusually long exordium . It took just one hour and a quarter to make his " preliminary remarks " Ihe substance of his speech was not novel - its , manner was slightly so , and altogether here is a marked improvement in his style of handling such matters . But' lie has a radically , vicious and defective case in hand . " i ! ie < nniers and occupiers of the soil 1 ' * k L / 4 t & 44

      ma ^ ^ » ** ^ . * * J VJ A ^ H ^^ Qw A ^ * . ~ J w in a distressed condition , but it is not because they have an undue share of the national burdens' to bear . True it is , that they have to pay taxes as well as other men ; but we think that a practical and vigorous iuves tigation would show " the shoo was entirely on the other foot' '—and that their propertionate share of the national imposts is comparativel y small . The leader of the country party , made a vigorous onslaught on thein- ' .

      corisistences and anomalies of our fiscal and financial system , and especially dwelt on the hajdohmof preventing the British farmerBfrom > '

      Untitled Article

      growing , one crop-tobacco - and W ^ T heavy duty on another — barley . But tl * are not alone . The excise interferes J 13 capital , cripples industry , and prevents im proyement and enterprise in more pu , r Uji " than those of tbe agriculturists , Mr . Bk KABLiwill do some good , if he will turn hi attention to the formation of a just and com table financial system . His present occupy tion of making out a special claim to exenm * tion on the part of the landed interest nnuf fail , because it has no foundation either in fa i or in equity . . The reply of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer was , as usual , crammed full o j figures about exports and imports , pr oduction aud consmription , and averages of pnCes wniuu

      , nowever conclusive to statists , roalf are very unsafe and fallacious data from which to predicate the actual condition of a people . Itis quite possible that a portion o the population may have acquired tho power to consume more largely , while the great bulk have had their former consumption dimmisilC ( j If the gross amount is the same or la rger tlm statist when he strikes his average , concludes that the relative position of these parties continues the same as before , or is improved ' as the case may be . This kind of jargon ' however , has a fine effect on the " ground lings "—it seems so very profound—i t looks '

      at the-same time , so very " matter-of-fact " like , and it indicates such painstaking on the part of the Minister , ^ ho is stuffed with bales of figures , that it is quite the fashion among would-be statesmen . The result " of the debate shows that Protec . tionismis , however , by no means , so devoid of vitality as the "Manchester School" are in ' tlio ^ habit of stating , and as those who piu their faith to Free Trade newspapers , implj . citly believe . Ministers wore close run , indeed having only saved their seats by a majority of fourteen ! Last year they escaped with only

      twenty-one supporters . On a question of such vast importance this is no majority at all ; and whatever may be the composition of the mino . rity , no high-minded , independent , nor honest Ministry , would hold office in the face of what is , really , an adverse decision of the Legisla . ture against their policy . At one part of tho evening , indeed , it was expected that the majority would have been at least six or seven against them . But at the last moment , it ig whispered , that the blandishments of tho whipper-in , reinforced " for that night ouly " by the potent charms of Mr , Tufnell , the

      late whip , succeeded in deterring several Irish members from voting , and from dragging others reluctantl y into the lobby . What were the conjuring spells by which these transfer , matrons were effected upon men who , a few hours' before , had pledged themselves to vote against'Miuiskers , we do not pretend to-know but no doubt their constituents will narrowl y inquire . Had the twenty-five Irish members voted as they were expected , Ministers would this morning ( Friday ) have onl y " held the seats until their successors were appointed . " As it was , fourteen only came to the scratch , and they were saved for the moment .

      But it is , we believe , only for the moment . Notice has alread y been given of a Parliament tary Debate in the House of Lords , on Tuesday ' night ; and it is not unlikely that , en . couvaged by the division of Thursday night , Lord Stanley may venture upon trying tho conclusion in the Upper House . The question may be again brought on in the House of Commons , in another shape . The

      combination of parties—to which , before the session , we alluded to as probable—has evidently begau , and the Whig Cabinet , is in danger . Before Easter it is not improbable that WO may have a New Ministry , and , after it a New Parliament . Surely there is something in that fact to make Chartists organise , unite , aud act in concert , for the purpose of sending , at least , half a score members to represent tliem ?

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      THE . LATE MANCHESTER CONFERENCE . TO THE EDITOR OF HIE NOuTHEltN STAIt . Sir , — . The concluding portion of the report of tho Manchester Confer ence-published in last Saturday northern Star—contains some errors , personal to myself , which I trust you will favour me with space to correet . ' It is not true that Mr . M'Grath told me I was nanting the battle of my patrons with zeal ' and ability . Sir I have no patron except my conscience j and had Mr . M'Grath made such a remark , I should have resented it with as much emphasis as left ! oppose the very many objectionable sayings and doings ot that gentleman , and his friends , at tho late Conference .

      The speech , set down to my name , at the bottom of the fifth column , paao seven , is to me so perfectly now , and taken into connexion with other speeches made by me on that occasion , absurd . I . never thought that the policy recommended by the Mecutive would be rejected by the Convention they have called . . I do not differ with tho mode by which the present Executive was elected . I did say that I thought our movement for the future would be a Conservative Democratic one ; that \ i the Mecutive recommended any rash policy , any pnyMciil ioi'ce organisation , or base their power and influence

      upon personal antagonism , that their recouimondatioiis would be scouted , and themselves ' tabbooed . . TUn mwh Ifrid say , sir ; but I also ' sai . i that 1 had too much confidence in the intent )" , wisdom and experience o ' f . the Executive ( as a body f peak ot them ) to suppose them capable of SO a great folly . - : ¦ >¦ - ¦ l There tire many other things in the report which arc anything but a faithful reflex of their original . It . is with extreme regret that I'have thus far treslassudsir , upon your time and apace , but I have felt it to be a duty I owe to niyself , and to the very many persons whose opinions and feelings I may bo said to have represented ;\ t tho late Conference . Sir , I am , ifcc , „ -,,, - , ' George Joseph Mantle . 2 , Cable-street , Manchester , February 10 th .

      Ed ©Omspoffijema.

      ed © omspoffijema .

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      A PAUPER REBELLION . . In the county of Suffolk , five miles from Ipswich , / . stands one of the pauper , prisous with-which it pleased the wisdom of our Political Economists to stud the country after the passing of the Poor Law '' Amendment (?) Act . - The sight of these prisons was to euro our labouring classes of the disease , of . pauperism , with the same speed and certainty as a glance at the brazen serpent in the wilderness cured the Jews who were bitten by its fitry prototypes . But alas lour 'Economists '' are neither prophets nor deliverers , and so we have both the prisons aud . the pauperism .

      It is a bitter and a wretched life to alternate between hard labour and semi-starvation in the fields during six or seven months in the year , and semi-starvation with imprisonment in the bastile for the remainder of the year Yet , such is the ordinary fate of a lar « e por ' tion of " ourbold peasantry-their country ' s pride . " The seven or eight shillings doled out to them weekly in the name of wages' at tho « e periods of the year when the farmers require

      their services , are manifestl y insufficient to do more than keep soul and body together from day to day . The moment that ' tho winter season sets iu , when owing either to short days or bad weather , it ig apparently no longer the interest of the farmer- to employ the labourers , they have no resource but to apply for relief to the Guardians . The answer made and provided in such cases by the law is : " Come into the House "

      Well do the labourers understand all that is implied in these words .. They know that separation from wife and children — subject to restrictions more severe than those enforced on ,: felons in the hulks , and confined to a dietary compared with which , that assigned to convicted burglars and hi ghwaymen is

      positively luxurious ,- are the penalties they must pay' for accepting the shelter of " the house . " But what : can they do ? Hunger has no law , and half a loaf they say is better than no bread , Besides , the natural repugnance with which they looked upon the Bastile has partly worn off—the manly sense of self-respect and independence has been broken in upon . -They have gradually acquired the recklessness and the meanness of habitual paupers . .

      In the Barhain Union House , one hundred and twenty " able bodied paupers , " were cooped up , and subjected to all the pedantic and studiously severe regulations of qur philosophical and most ignorant economists . They ought to have been satisfied with their treatment , seeing that it was strictly deduced from the sublime and saving science of Political Economy . But unfortunately for either them or the " science" they were not . On Sunday night last , " after prayers , " they broke out in rebellion—whether stimulated thereto b y the " prayers'' does not appear in tbe report . As , however , American slave owners prohibit religion and education to their

      human cattle , it is possible that the prayers had something to do with the rebellion of the English slaves ; there might be something to starving men alarmingly suggestive in the petition " Give us this day our daily bread ;" and some of them might have just intellect enough to think that the will of God « was not exactly " done on Earth , " ( at least not in Union Workhouses ) ( ? as it is done in Heaven . " It is quite possible too , the effect of tho prayers lost nothing , by their being read by the head gaoler , usually called the "Master , " whose duty it is to enforce an . anti-Christian but " philosophical" and " economical" system of dietary and discipline . ....., ¦ .. . ; ¦ . '

      Whatever may the cause , however , the insurrection commenced in good earnest immediately after prayers were read . : The hearty English "hurrah , " which has preluded many a bloody battle in every clime , was tho signal for war in the Suffolk Workhouse . The . opening cheer was speedily responded to—the barriers that separated the men from the women thrown down—the master and inferior officers compelled to % from the house—and then the victorious insurgents turned their triumph to substantial use , by storming the larder , store room , and cellar , and by having a hearty

      meal—the first , we dare say , they have enjoyed for many a long day . Everything on which they could lay their hands was eaten up . When the cooked victuals were disposed of , steaks and chops were cooked by means of Buch impromptu utensils as presented themselves . In short , it was evident that the people were maddened beyond all endurance by hunger , and that they were not like Jane Wilbrbd , starved down to such a point of submission as to have lost both the spirit and the capacit y to resists Under the unwonted stimulus of beef and beer , it is no wonder that

      the insurgent paupers waxed riotous , disorderly , and destructive . Even in well displayed armies , plunder and licence-follow victory . If you doubt it , ask " F . M ., the Duke of Wellington . " The burning of the books and furniture , and the smashing of the windows of the Barham Union House by the Suffolk peasantry , were the merest trifles and flea-bites , compared with tho wholesale destruction of property , life , ' . happiness , and

      honour , committed . by tho troops under his command , after the storming of many a town during the Peninsular War . Battles are , in fact , always followed by a Saturnalia on the part of victors , and the Suffolk paupers did but imitate the . fashion . They do not appear , however , to have deliberately inflicted any personal injury on their opponents . The porter distinctl y states that he was warned not to interfere , and when , despite that warning , he did interfere , even in the midst of this

      excitement , they remembered that "he was not to blame , '' and prevented him from being injured . For a few hours they were suffered to hold possession of the premises , until policemen and soldiers could be collected to attack them . . The appearance of these assailajB . tsied to a renewed struggle , in the midst of which the police forced an entrance , arid , armed with cutlasses , succeeded , after a desperate fight , in overcoming the . insurgents , about fifty of whom were handcuffed and secured . The wounds given and . received during the melee were numerous , and , in some cases , very severe , and the injury done to the house is very great . ;

      If we are to believe some of the Members ' of the House of . Commons , who ought to know the slate , of the agricultural districts better than the writers of "Royal" Speeches—or even leaders in Politico-economical newspapers —Barham ' Union is not ' the only Union in wbich ' ihe spirit of revolt is to be found in this country . It is sown , broad cast , and but waits for favouring influences to ripen into action : a melancholy commentary on the system which produces such lamentable results .

      As ye , t no direct light has been thrown upon the particular circumstances : which stimulated this outbreak . Incidentally , . however , the fact peeps out—that the able-bodied labourers must have been- treated with peculiar harshness by the authorities , and especially with respect to diet . . The reason assigned by those who were charged with ' having participated in the disturbance was , in point blank termshunger . Of course , the matter cannot rest where . it is . A strict and searching investigation must be made—the result of which , we anticipate , will bo to disclose secrets as to the practical administration of the Poor Law , of au instructive , if not very gratifying nature .

      The strangest part of the whole affair is the dogged obstinacy with which the Poor Law Authorities , from tho President of the Commission at Somerset House Oown to the lowest Relieving Officers , adhere ' to the exploded system , of harshness , ' repression , low diet , and lioness . . The experience of every year since 1834 is decidedly against them . Yet ,- still they persist in . it . ¦ Experiments , of a more practical , humane , and beneficial nature , followed by satisfactory results .

      seem to . be made in , vain ibr them . In any other nation , the facts elicited bytbo adoption of a . re-productive and useful labour-system , both iii the . Cork Workhouse and by the Shef-. field guardians , would have attracted attend tion and investigation , with a-view to ascertain how far they wer . e generally applicable and practicable . No one can ' - deny that , in their own limited sphere ,. bpth of these experiments have most admirabl y aud satisfactoril y fulfilled the objects , mid realised the anticipations of their projectors . But cf what use is it that

      such experiments are made , if the central authority , which is maintained at a great expense to-the country " ,, for superintending the Administration . of , . the Poor Law , takes no notice of them ? If we understand the duty of that Commission aright , it is to introduce generally such improved modes" of administering the funds raised for the relief of the poor , as' may conduce at once to the interest of the ratepayers and the rate receiver . Every measure by which this twofold object can be . attained , ought to receive their most earnest attention , aud , when successful , their most strenuous support and encouragement . Tho

      Sheffield . plan of . sotting , able-bodied , paupers at work on the reclamation of waste lands , -was adopted'firstly ; is ; i means of curiug refractory paupers . At Sheffield , as at Barham , idleness and a short diet bred discontent aud strife , and the police had to be frequently called into quell disturbances and enforce the ' regulations . From tho moment that an outlet was opened for this pent-up activity , and the able-bodied men and boys , formerl y condemned to forced idleness , were permitted to Bpend their energies in useful and healthful la bour , the Sheffield guardians have had no more ' " re fractory " paupers . Work at the wMtract ' of

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      ground , which is being fCPiaimed from the bleak moorland , is looked upon as a privilege , not a penalty ; and while it keep ! alive a wholesome spirit of independence , and conduces to a healthy state of moral being in the worker , it at the same time confers a benefit upon the nation , ; by adding to the-extent of its cultivable and productive acreage . : The Government and . the local authorities have these things in their own hands . If they

      fail to do their duty , it is they who are to blame—they who ought to be puuished for any evil that may follow their neglect or ignorance . It is their false , vicious , and unjust arrangements that have driven the able-bodied paupers of the Barham Union into open revolt . Why punish the victims of these mischievous arrangements ? It is time we began at the right end , and instituted better . Punishment will but provoke retaliation , and retaliation is sure to be followed by revenge .

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      BRADSHAW AND O'CONNOR , We beg to inform the working classes that Mr , Bradshaw insists upon having the whole amount of his costs paid off b y the 20 th of this month ; aud we must say that nothing can more firmly convince the people ' s enemies of their ingratitude , than the manner in which they have allowed Mr . O'Connor to be treated

      by his revilers , persecutors , and slanderers . He has never allowed a man to be tried for a political offence without procuring for him the best counsel , —even before a farthing was paid;—in truth , he did a nation ' s work ; as ho paid over £ 100 out of his own pocket to save incarcerated Chartists from oakum picking . We trustthat the working classes of England will not allow their long tried advocate to bo EUINED WITH EXPENSES .

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      MR . LEACH ASD THE HALIFAX ' CHARTISTS . ' TO THE EDITOR OF THE SOHTHKBN STAR . W" . —I . perceive by the ropoit of the I'rocecdings ot tao Manchester Conference , contained in your paper of last Saturday , that Mr . James Leach is rnioncJ to have stated that the Co-operators of Ilalitax subscribed £ 52 for the support of Mr . J ' .-ness family during ( liis incarceration , while the , veritable ¦ Char tists refused to subscribe anything towards exempting him from oakum p icking . I am , at a loss to tell where lie baa received ' his informatitn ; the whole story , however , is a pure fabrication . Every farthing of the money subscribed for the above purpose was subscribed by the veritabl * Ckartisu , —thc Chartists and somethhiq more . Xo Co-operative or otl . er Society ever subscribed a single Jarthmg of . it . In fact , there was no sucu tuiug as a Co-operativo society in Halifax at the time , nor for several . months after bis release from prison . Mr . Leach is also wi > on as to the mriouut subscribed , it beiii" nearly twice as mueha 3 he states . We likewise remitted money regularly to exempt him from oakum picking . We bad no desire tlu-u this aflUir should have been brought before the public , for we repudiate the charity which wants all tlio world to know ot its . deeds ; but as Mr . Leach Jias stepped so lar out of his way to drag this subject before tlio pubiio , i deem it my duty , as ono of ' the committee that raised the funds for the above purpose , to give tuis flat contradiction to his statement . In subscribing that money we arc confident that we fell far snort of our duty , and only regret that we wcro not able to do more . I hope that for tho sake of trutb , and in justice to tho Chartists of Halifax , you will insert this in your next week ' s paper . > - ' r ... . „ C . Shacubion .

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      by courtesy , fresh , from college , ; whose incipient " moustache " ' and ' imperial" have scarcely passed from the " . downy" into the "hairy—tlio : bald-headed , grey-whiskered , keen-eyed man of business , who haB heaped up hundredsof thousands by buying cheap and selling dear , and watching the turn of the market —theprosperous , pushing , ' owners of factories , warehouses , and wharves—the speculators in stocks and shares—the briefless , unscrupulous , but expectant lawyers , who make seats in the . - , . * - « , ;_ =- _ ..,......., . .

      Commons stepping stools to Solicitor-GeneralshipSjAttornoy-Generalships , Judgeships , and the Great Seal : all are horrified at the idea of the people having a voice in their own "House . " -However keen may be the quarrel among themselves for the division of the spoil at other times , they never fail to combine most cordially in their resistance to any motion for the enfranchisement of the spoiled . " The system works well'' for them . Why should they alter it ?

      If . lt depends on them , it . never will bo altered . Every year , as it passes over our heads , demonstrates the fact more palpably that "a great gulf" separates the people from their so-called representatives ; The questions which stir to their profoundest depths the hearts and the intellec ts of the masses , find no voice in what ought to bo not only the legal , but the legitimate and real expression of the national will arid intelligence . Around the Legislature mighty agencies are at work—material , mental , aud social—which are calculated most surely to change the destinies of society , and stamp anew , image on

      the" future . Yet few , even of its most eminent members , have the most remote conception of the nature , extent , and tendency of these agencies . The limited constituency by which they are elected re-acts , by producing a limited and a . conventional public opinion within- the House . The topics on which a man gains the readiest hearing , and wins the greatest / applause on the floor of . the House of Commons , are precisely those in which the bulk of the people take not the slightest interest . If by chance a , stray expression should fall from any member , which beats iu unison with the feeling out of doors , it is either ridiculed or reprobated , according to the mood of the hour . .

      When is this . difference between the Theory and the Reality of our Cotiat \ tu . t \ oii to have an end ? How is it to be terminated ? An occurrence in the House of Commons , very briefly related iu the Parliamentary Report , should stimulate the Political Reformers of this country to give a " speedy and a practical reply to these questions . Qn . Tuesday afternoon , the stranger who

      hadj been" fortunate enough to procure an order for the stranger ' s gallery—aud ardent enough to go down two hours before the door was opened , in order to have the chance of hearing the expected Protectionist debasemi ght Lave seen , but could scarcely have heard , a member on the last scat of the second bench to the right of the SpExYKer , rise up and ask the following question : —

      Whether it was the intention of her Majesty ' s ministers tc take qny steps , during the present session , to extend ttte right of voting for members of this house to other portions of the adult male population of these realms than those now in possession of the elective franchise under the provisions of the lleform Act ; or whether there was anj intention to amend the deficiencies of the Reform Act of 1832 ? What was the reply of the Prime Minister to Sir Joshua . . Walmsley ? .. Here it is , verbatim : —

      Sir , in answer to the two questions of the honourable gentleman , I can say , in the first place , that it is nut the intention of her Majesty ' s ministers to take any steps in the present session to extend the right of voting for memberato sit m this house . —( Oh , oh . ) . With regard to the second question , whether there is any intention to amend the deficiencies of the Reform Ant of 1832 , 1 have on a previous occasien expressed my opinion to the house that there were certain amendments to the lleform Bill which I thought , it was desirable to make , with a view to the extension of the fi'anchise , - ( Il « ir , keav . ) I still retain that ojamon , and I shall . certainly carry it out whenJtMnfc 4 fteproperUmehatarriwlfordoing so . ( Qreat laughter . }

      The " noble lord" is not " Finality John " as he has been calumniously called . He still graciously retains the-opinion : that ' there . are " certain amendments" in the ' Reform Bill 1 desirable , ' ' and when he thinks the proper fee has arrived , HE will certainly carry out his opinion ! The reporter informs us that this answer was followed b y " great laughter ;" . but it is impossible for reporters or editors either to analyse and convey in words . all the . varied emotions expressed in that laughter . One thing is certain , that any other man ' s ears but Lord John Russell ' s ^ would

      have tingled for a good hour afterwards with the reverberation of the bitter irony which predominated at the idea , ' that he would ever think the proper time had arrived to Reform the Reform Bill . That would be a capital joke , indeed ! Still it is not absolutely impossible ; and , therefore , if the people have no other way of obtaining their rights—if they are endued with the requisite patience and forbearance , and are of opiuion , that they ought to wait until Lord John Russell thinks proper to let them have some small instalment of tlie great debt justly due to them—why , all we cau say is , that they will be rightly served

      u they never get even that lnstalmesA : The cooland contemptuous tone of the reply would amount to offensive insolence , unless we keep in view the peculiar atmosphere of the place in which it was uttered . It was not the little , insignificant looking man who so senten tioiisly and pomposely put his veto on a nation ' s , rights who was to be blamed , . but the system of which he is the mouth-piece and representative , —that system which sends to the House of Commons men , before whom a Minister of State is neither ashamed nor afhiid to speak iu such a tone on sucli a subject .

      We repeat the important question—How is this system to be put an end to ? Let the advocates of Representative Reform supply the answer . It rests with them . For they are told by all parties that public opinion is the ultimate ruler in England . Surel y it is possible . to create a public opinion' sufficiently potent to compel the submission of the Oligarchy to the People . ?

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      ^ THE NORTHERN STAR . : ; Febbpary 15 , 1851 ; TIPrOSTTU /\ W mtrn rnn-nrr .. * ,,. „„ .. « . «_ . « . «* . *** - * ¦ I *¦ - ¦¦ - •¦ ¦ - ¦ - -- -: ¦' - /•» - .., » . . - r ¦ - ¦ """^ ¦ - ' - ' ' " --.,-- j . - . _ .. . . -, ,., ^ _ , ¦ ] _ _ ^ _ ¦ " . ¦ " ™ . - _ ¦ ¦¦ — -. ¦ ' ¦ T , . ^^^^^^ W ^^ J RBISsUE

      ___ __ Cul Lohckit"51*R Hi" ^Ilr Llftyinmjil Lucvtdllfvtfti) ~Sltaeifr Of Thejatiokal Ihstruotor. So. Til Of The Xew Series., , . . Of . ... "'' "The National 1strugt0&"

      ___ __ CUl lOHCKiT" 51 * r HI" ^ Ilr llftYinMJIl lUCVTDllfVTfti ) ~ Sltaeifr OF THEJATiOKAL IHSTRUOTOR . So . Til of the Xew Series ., , . . OF . ... "' ' " THE NATIONAL 1 STRUGT 0 & "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 15, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1613/page/4/