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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th December 1850, Edition 1 of 3, Page 5

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      fn $ ja ferae «* d expHclJ terms the principle £ nfl » w&tf oprt * ahig-ofCo . b | ter ? tiYQ Stores , and stowing tJi » immediate p ' eeiiw ^ aly ^ *!™ - t » ges &ey conferred upon their subscribers , | Ir . Neale' continued : — ThBtawas , however , this farther advantage in ¦ these Co-operative Stores , that the successful deve-- lopement ot the system \ ronld give those associated ihe power of employing any person they pleaaefl . They would , in fact , create a market of their own , and might supply it from what source they thought proper . This had been already done to some extent . ty the establishment of several working men ' s asfmftfntersa and exnHnri terms the nrincible

      sociations , such as that of the shoemakers in Holborn . All that was wanted for such an establishment was customers . The developement of these stores would supply them . They need not stop at shoes . Clothes , furniture—all the articles in fact they were in the habit of daily using—might be supplied in the same manner ; and thus , in proportion as tfee system extended , the working classes would become their own producers and distributors . Here , then , he thought , were the means through ¦ which , by simply turning into a new channel the present resources of the working classes , they could effect a great and practical improvement in their ¦ own condition .

      It will require , of course , great care in the working out of the details of these plans ; and ¦ we must again repeat , that no time or exertions onght to be grudged for the purpose of procuring an amendment of the laws of partnership aa affecting such , associations . If this yere once secured , there is nothing whatever in their nature or scope that should prevent them from realising all , and more than their Jtnost sanguine promoters now anticipate . We fiee , indeed , no reason "why , in the course of their developement , they should not create for themselves a new currency , torepresentthe newwealth created and exchanged amongst themselves—nor why , in due time , the working men ' s associations should not remove ont o

      towns , and ply their labours either on leasehold or freehold estates , in the midst of superior sanitary , domestic , and industrial arrangements . In these days of railways , the products of their industry could be cheaply and speedily conveyed to tile marts they were intended for , and the possession of farms , ¦ wh ich could supply at least a portion of the provisions required by the co-operators , would be so stable a foundation for the whole as would enable it to defy almost any possible amount of external opposition .

      It would he easy to dilate on the glorious prospect thus opened np of the emancipation and elevation of the suffering and toiling millions , hut we refrain . It is sufficient for ns to itave shows , on this occasion , that they have to a large extent the means in their own bands , and to record with pleasure the fact , that a portion of them , at least , are beginning to know , appreciate , and rightly employ these means . Our best wishes are with them ; and , to the extent of our humble powers , we shall feel proud to aid those who thus set their own shoulders to the wheel , and manfully labour at the task of self-improvement and universal amelioration .

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      GERMAN LIBERTY . . Latterly all eyes have been turned to Ger-Rtsoy , the focus of the abstract thought of the world , as the spot where liberty was * to receive the next practical developement . To those who were easy of belief , this expectation seemed all the better fonnded , because they thought that in Prussia they "had found that rarest of rare things—a liberal king ; but the more experienced and thoughtful did not yield too implicit a confidence , because past years had taught them something of the vacillating , anstable character of Frederick William , and because all history told them how unlikely it was that any king would actively advance the cause of freedom . That

      credu-2 ousne 33 which simplicity yields to the professions of men , whether they be or be not kings , may be a sign of an honest , open , and candid mind , and so far estimable ; but it is a very bad defence in this wicked world of ours . The millennium has not yet arrived . Kings and statesmen are as fond of jiower , and warriors as devoted worshippers of glory , as ever . "We must he " cunning as serpents , " as well as ?' mild as doves , " while trick , artifice , and subterfuge , spread everywhere around us ,

      and entangle us in their meshes ; and it would be about as wise as for sheep to believe in the professions of the welf , and his assertion ' that he had repented of his carnivorous propensities , and made his resolution to lead a new and bloodless life for the future , and to admit him into their fold , as it would be for the peoples of the earth to put faith in the amateur liberalism of kings , possessiflg a thirst for larger dominion , and desirous of despotic authority .

      "Experience / ' it is said " makes fools wise ; " and the German people must be worse than fools even , if the experience they have had does not teach them that they must win that liberty for themselves which kings will never give them . The explanation of all that has occurred m Germany is to be found in a few words . There are really only two powers there , Austria and Prussia , the smaller states being as helpless and dependent upon tbem for their rery existence as old coats and hats upon the pegs provided for their support . Were it not that there is always a great blustering bully

      leady to step in , stripped for fighting , ^ protect the little princelets in their despotic authority over a people burning to be free , Republicanism would ere this have triumphed , and German unity be a great and splendid reality instead of a misty vision . These two great powers are enemies againBt each other , because they both aspire to supreme influence ; but they are also friends , because they are both opposed to that liberty and those liberal institutions , which would give the deathblow to their own authority , and when the people are striving for their own rights , the bond which draws Prussia and Austria together is stronger than the ambition which

      divides them . Keeping this explanation in view , the due to guide ns through the tangled maze o German politics is apparent . When the re-Tolutionary spirit , lighted up by fte success of the French Revolution , spread through ^ Gerjnany—when thrones tottered and longs fledwhen it seemed as thought theday of judgment for Mngcmft had dawned upon the orldwhen &eheart of Italybeat asthough

      w - with new life-when the thunderstorm of war Weaver Hungary-when Vienna wa ^ n the hands of the people , and the troops were ordered to give up the custody ***» £ * citizens , thin the versatrfe king * * £ » £ who always seeks to swim with the stream , mounted the German tricolor , acted the part of a red-hot patriot for the time , and strove his best to take advantage of a movement ^ v ) . Tin thoueht . if moperly managed , wouia

      crush the rival power of Austria , and make bun the popular head of Germany . When the Duchies rebelled againBt Denmark , or rather—for " rebelled" is not the proper word—rose to assert their constihitionalrights , he lent them the assistance of Prussian arms , and thought thus to gam a footing in those « arta which might hereafter hare given Start . a maritime influence When the Frankfort Parliament sat , and triedInmate for the

      rSSK ^ if purpose proving that constitutions cannot be "jf *"*"" of patch-work , but must , like * " »¦ " » rich soil erow up in & * hear ^ of T free peoplf tiie world will , perhaps never knW how earnestly W ™ * ™" HAH longed to seize that bauble , tne imperial Crown , wliichseemed within his grasp , Srattheoonortunitywasnot

      tempttogenougn-though attractive , it was not safe . - "\ miK" * have involved aleaderanip under the guidance of the people , not a peaceful advance towards SeaKesponsible power ; it might have iiade necessary war , which , once fairly begun ,

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      would no ^ stayed till the nmsses had ^¦ J 2 > H ^ Wt ^ sai nghtot&ejilg wellgoverned . It was too fearful a Btakefor the raccilJating , unstable , Frederick to play . He feared to set his all upon such a cast , and abide the hazard ofthedie ; and so after much flirtation and coquetting , he let I dare not wait upon I would" and the Frankfort Parliament was left to show of how little worth mere moral force is , when deserted by iti material embodiment—physical power . would not hare been atavnA * m ** . _ .

      Since then , the retrogade movement has gone on with all the certainty of a predestined fact . The King of Pkussia would rather be a popular King than no King at all . He would rather rule over a large state than a comparatively small one . His object was , and is , tbe greatest power with the smallest possible risk to himself . The people mi ght shift for themselves so that his own ends were served . Much as he was prepared to risk for himself , for them , like a true King , he would risk just nothing ; and so just as Austrian despotism , backed by the colossal power of Russia , has , by sheer force of arms , regained its dominion , and the danger to kingship from popular fervour has decreased , the policy of Prussia has become less and less liberal . Just

      as there has been less of kingly authority to be won , and more to be . lost , Frederick William has retraced his steps , and , to use a vulgar phrase , "drawn in his horns . " The idea of a German Unity has given way to an union of the Northern States under the thumb of Prussia , so that the star of Austria might not outshine that of Prussia—not that the people might be more free . The Prussian army was withdrawn from the Duchies ; but , ever vaccillating , whether for good or ,-evH , Prussian volunteers and a Prussian general were left to oppose the Danes . The King , fearful of what might be , would not sever the last link of his influence there , tJN liberalism seemed to be beaten down ; and now a Prussian and an Austrian commission are to

      threaten Holstein into obedience , and , if necessary , a Prussian and Austrian army is to bombard , bayonet , and sabre it into helpless submission . In the same way the HesBians , who by calm , moral action , unaccompanied by the slightest violence , had foiled their contemptible elector , who wanted , on a smaller stage ; to act the part of the Czab , were first cajoled by promises and a show of help , and

      are now left to the tender mercies of Austria and the Electob ; and the Prussian people , juggled and played with by their quasi liberal King , as a juggler plays with his rings and balls , hare armed and marched , leaving then * business to languish , their wives and families to shift for themselves—for what ? Not that the " honour and glory" of Prussia should be protected—not that the liberties of Germany should be asserted—not that the interference

      of the Autocrat of the North might be repelled with scorn , but that the Prussian King might make better terms for himself , and that his brother Royalties of Austria and Russia , might band with him on an equal footing , to share the power of divided Germany . That is the fact—out of all the turmoil and suffering the people have gained nothingthey have been fooled beyond the top of their bent , and the result is , that their tyrants have a better understanding than ever , and have resolved that for the safety of despotism , Germany , split up into powerlessness , shall be ruled from Petersburgh , Vienna , and Berlin . We hope , however , that the lesson will not be thrown away , and that the next time the people arm themselves , or are armed , they will blazon on their banners : " put not thy trust in princes , " and not consent to be disarmed till the purposes of the people are served , and potentates are left to shift for themselves .

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      O'CONNOR DEFENCE FUND . The ' response to our appeal has : so far been of a gratifying nature . The letters received at this office prove that Mr . O'Connor ' s position has excited sincere and wide-spread sympathy , and that with proper arrangements , that sympathy will show itself in deeds commensurate with the occasion . System and organisation , however , are necessary in such cases ; and , as this is one which especially demands prompt exertion , it has been considered advisable to issue a circular containing the facts briefly staled , together with directions as to the course to be pursued in the various localities .

      The circular is so brief , and so much to the purpose , that we subjoin it , merely adding our earnest request , that its suggestions may be immediately acted upon , throughout the length and breadth of the country . " Northern Star" Office , London . By the recent decision of the Court of Queen ' s Bench in the case of O'Connor v . Bradshaw , F . O'Connor , EBq ., M . P ., has been saddled with the costs of two protracted and expensive actions at law .

      A Select Committee of the House of Commons , after the most ample investigation into the affairs of " The National Land Company , " pronounced its proceedings to have iieen conducted throughout " bona-fde , " and added , that the personal character of Mr . O'Connor , in relation to it , was unimpeachable and unimpeached . In the face of this Report , Mr . Bradshaw ,

      ( the Editor , of a Tory journal published at Nottingham ) , accused Mr . O'Connor of personal dishonesty in relation to the Company . An action for Libel was immediately commenced , which terminated in the Jury retnrnine a verdict grossly inconsistent with itself and with the facts , namely , " that the libeller was justified in his charges , but that there was no eround whatever for any personal

      imputation on Mr . O'Connor ' s honesty I ' The Judge , in summing up , acted the part of a hostile partizan , and misled the Jury into giving a verdict , which threw the entire costs of the action upon Mr . O'Connor . That gentleman tried the question again , by moving for a new trial in the Queen's Bench . The case was re-argued at great expense , but , as the " Times" expressly states , he Judges " shirked" the merits of the casern a " cowardly" manner , and refused a new trial on quibbles—again " subjecting Mr . O'Connor to all the costs .

      This is but the last of a series of proceedings , all of which indicate a determination on the part of Government , and the law authorities , o deny justice to Mr . O'Connor , and to refuse him either redress for wrong done , or protection against injury . The object is to " ruin him with expenses , " as advised by Lord Melbourne years ago . He has spent his life and fortune in the cause of tbe people , and has never travelled a mile nor eaten a meal at then-expense honest but

      All who sympathise with an an nnnressedman , are ' called upon to come for-S liberally , and contribute to sustain him ^ tSSa ^ ou wiUimmediatelytake fescssw sas's- s ^ neously on a given day , thus sowing , by one general and hearty effort , that the' P ^ P J >» not allow their advocate and champwn to be victimised by Legal Frauds and Governmental Chicanery .

      _ ,, „ ,., •„„ Upon application to this office , collecting hooks , and every information that may be necessary , will be forthwith supplied to all who are desirous ef assisting in * his 8 " work .

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      MONIES ' RECEIVED Fob thk Week Ending Thubsdat , DbcbmbbB SCth , 1850 . FOB THE THE HONESTY FUND . BECE 1 VJED BT Vf . HU > XB . £ 8 . A J . George , Clewr , near Windsor .. 0 10 Fulueek , near Leeds per S . Scott .. 056 Sunderland , per W . Ovington .. .. 0 16 A few Friends , Las 3 wadp , per D . Reid .. 0 12 6 Wingate Grange Colliery , per W . Norman .. 0 11 3 Mr . Londy , Glasgow .. .. .. 0 0 6 Mr . M'Kenzie , Glasgow .. .. 0 10 J . Cameron , Glatgow .. .. 010 Mr . Elliott , Ciapham .. .. 02 0 Five Old Guards , PocWington .. .. 0 4 0 A . Watson , Leith .. .. 006

      F . Frost and Son , Rawmarsh , near Rotherham 0 0 9 R . Watson , Calverton .. .. 0 0 0 J . Henderson , Alloa ... 0 o 6 J . Armstrong , Jarrow .. .. 0 2 6 J . Boack , Jarrow . .. .. 006 J . Thompson , North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 T . Thompson , North Shields .. .. 006 It . Stodaart . North Shields .. .. 006 J . Wangh , North Shields .. .. 0 0 6 J . Watson , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 8 A . Nelson , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 J . Brock , Glasgow .. .. 0 0 6 M . Geum , Glasgow .. .. 0 4 . 6 J . Simpson , Glasgow ' .. .. 0 ( T 6 A ; King , Glasgow .. ... .. 0 0 6 W . Scott , Upper . North-street , Leeds ' .. -0 2 0

      A . S . Goldborough , North Shields ., 0 0 6 Sheriff-hill and vicinity , per J . Dunn .. 0 11 0 J , Sanderson , Hollingivorth .. .. 0 10 E . Hampson , HoUicgworth .. .. 0 0 6 H . Drinkwater , Hollingworth .. .. 0 0 6 S . O . Cononley .. .. .. 009 H . Hindley . Astley .. .. 010 Ellen Hindley , Astley .. .. 006 Friends , Bury St . Edmunds , per J . Brabroolc .. 0 2 0 Bridgewater , per C . Poole :.. .. 0 7 7 Nottingham , ic , per J . Siveet . . .. 1 li 7 P . Brooks , Lea , Near Gainsborough . ¦ .. 0 10 Ashburton , per T . Combes .. .. 0 10 2 TUlicoultry and Alva , per W . Brown . .. 0 5 4 J . Stephenson , Blackpots , Banff .. 0 10 J . H .. E . F ., W . P ., S . 0 ., R . M'H ., S . B ., B . B .,

      ' andE . D ., Hackney .. .. 0 4 3 W . Young , Curbridge , near 'Witney .. 0 10 0 Hebden Bridge , per J . Marsland .. 0 18 4 Spoa Hole , per J . Maraden .. .. 098 From Rochdale-Belfield Block Printers .. 0 8 6 S . Crabtree's book .. .. 079 W . Heye'sbook .. .. 0 9 10 Two Friends , Belfieia .. .. 0 2 0 E . Hanson .. .. .. 0 10 J . Taylor .. .. .. 006 A Female Friend .. 0 10 S . Cockcroft .. .. .. 006 Betty Clegg .. .. .. 010 R . Whitehead .. .. .. 013 Sarah Healey .. .. .. 0 10 W . Ishewood .. .. .. 006 J . Oakes .. ' .. .. 006 J . Fitton- .. .. .. 010 R . Hartley .. .. .. 010 A Friend .. .. .. 010 A . OgdenandFriends .. 0 18 Smithy Brook , near Accrington , per W . Bury .. 110 J . Fisher and Friends , Finsbury .. 0 4 0 BECKYED AT LAND OFFICE . M . Swales .. .. .. 010

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      WINDINGUPOF THE LAUD COMPANY . , BECEIVED BT WM- BIDEB . £ b . d J . George , Clewer , near Windsor . 0 10 T . Broker , Pottery Field , Leeds .. 0 10 R . Williams , Stalybridge .. 0 0 6 Sunderland , per W . Ovington .. • 0 3 6 D . Reid , Prestonholme .. 0 10 W . Cain , Hampstead Marshall , near Newbury 0 0 6 6 . Duerden , Blackburn .. .. 010 Mr . Lpndy , Glasgow .. .. 006 Mr . M'Kenzie . Glasgow .. .. 0 06 J . Cameron , Glasgow .. • 0 10 Mr . Elliott , Ciapham .. 0 3 0 W . Maulam , Whitechurch . near Blandford .. 006 Messrs . Martin , North , Kayling , and Pyke , Wootton Rivers ' .. .. 040 A . Watson , Leith .. • 0 0 6 X Newton , Warsop , Retfora .. .. 0 0 e F . Frost and Son , Rawmarsh , near Rotherham 0 10 R . Watson and Friends , Cahrerton .. 0 2 0 J . Henderson , All . a ... 0 1 0 J . Armstrong , Jarrow .. 2 1 " J . Frow , Gainsborough .. = «• -=- S ' ° From North Shields—J . Thompson . "! •' .. -00 6 T . Thompson .. V •• 52 s R . Stoddart .. .. ° 2 S J . Waugh .. •• « J 8 J . Petch .. •• 0 0 6 TwoDemocrats ¦• JJ " A . S . Goldborough " 2 i 5 J . Watson , Glasgow ° . " jj A . Nelson , Glasgow ... 2 ? J j . Overand' Cononley .. * * " 2 i n J . Tempest , Cononley .. ? } ) R . Hindley . Astley .. " 2 J 2 R . Preston , Holbick , Leeds .. • 91 ; Nottingham , per J . Sw ^ et .. • « J F . Brooks , Lea , near Gainsborough . .. ? , i ; Tillicoultry and Alva , per W . Brown ? ° 12 t J . Stephenson . Blackpots , Banff .. " } J . Fisher and W . Davies .. .. 010 BECEIVED AT USD OFFICE . J . B . .. .. .. 026 J . Dennis .. .. .. 0 2 6 M . Swales .. .. .. 026 C . Bains .. .. .. 0 0 6 Mr . Donaldson .. .. . 0 0 6

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      NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . ¦ ~ . S . Duncombe ; Esq ., M . P ., President . Established 1845 . "FIAT JU 8 TITIA . " "Kit were possible for the worktopf dasse 3 , by com . billing among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general rate of wages , it need hardly be said tlmt this would be a thing not to be punished , but to be . welcomed and rejoiced ¦ t . " Stuart Mill . Vf imr ^ " ^' . - " ¦ '" . _ ^ ^ . '

      The important and all-absorbing nature of the Wolverhampton conflict has precluded us from turning our attention so much as we could have desired to more general , but equally important questions connected with this movement . One of the necessary and expected consequences of the protracted , and , to us , triumphantly success ! ul Btruggle , in Wolverhampton , has been an awakening of various bodies of the working classes to a sense of their own isolated and unprotected position , and a desire to become better acquainted with a movement which has so successfully defeated the machinations of one of the most astute

      and accomplished tyrants that ever lorded it over ignorant and unprotected labour . We announced , last week , the adhesion of the Engine Drivers and Firemen of the Doncaster Station of the Great Northern Railway , . and we understand that the question of joining this Association is now seriously entertained throughout that line and many others . We are deeply impressed with the importance and responsibility" of such a movement , and are fully prepared for tbe honourable office of marshalling the operative railway interest in a defensive league against the unfair encroachments of their powerful employers . Our

      policy . and our measures may , possibly , be misunderstood by many ,, and misrepresented by otheirs ; but we have maturely weighed the consequences of ou * dangerousi . mission , and are fully persuaded , that it is bur duty , and should be our ambition , to seize with avidify so glorious an opportunity of bringing the principles and practical working of our Association to . the severest test to which , perhaps , any labour combination was ever submitted—an organised and legal resistance to any and every encroachment offered to labour by the . most powerful combination of capital that ever existed in the world . The Times of Tuesday avows , in the plainest language , that the combination of labour must

      be met with a counter combination of capital . Be it so . We only ask to be permitted to enter the field with an united and well-disciplined army . We have law and justice on our side ; and while we confine ourselves within those limits , so clearly and so eloquently defined by the soundest and most valued lawyer of the present day—the present Lord Cranworth , one of the Vice-Chancellors , and , if we are not very much mistaken , the future Lord Chancellor of England—we have no fear but that we shall be able to maintain for our cause the sympathy and support of public opinion , which is stronger than any array of capital which can be brought to bear against us . .

      The question has been asked us : " Is such a combination as you contemplate , legal ? '' We answer , indisputably so ; and while its operations are confined within those limits marked out by the existing law , no less than by reason and common sense , it must ever remain so ; and in order to remove from the minds of the working men , of all classes and denominations , all uncertainty upon this matter , we here reprint an article we drew up upon this important point nearly two years since , which will , we hope , clear away all doubts upon the question , and induce our fellow workmen to see with us the immense latent power they possess , which they now permit to rust in inaction , to the great detriment of themselves and their interests . William Peel , Secretary . 259 , Tottenhain-court-road .

      THE RATIONALE OP INDUSTRIAL COMBINATION , . As . contemplated and recognised by the Statute Law of England . There is no question upon which the working classes are bo gonerally misinformed as upon the right of Industrial or Trades Combination . Prior to the passing of the Act 6 thv . George IV . chan . 129 , the law itself was very vague , if not unintelligible . The Judges were divided in opinion upon the construction to be placed upon numerous statutes then in existence , which , being so contradictory , were twisted and turned just as it suited the peculiar temper of judges , or the pliability of interested or

      ignorant junos . But , about twenty-five years since , all the acts of parliament , or the portions of such as remained nnrepealed by former legislation , were swept from the . statute book , and their place supplied by the act above referred to , which now constitutes the whole of the statuto law bearing upon Trades' Unions . It is to this act ' of parliament , and the extensive and valuable rights secured by it to the working classeg , which we now desire to direct the attention of our readers . We think we shall be conferring as much benefit upon our fellowworkmen , and at the fame time fulfilling our duty to them as usefulli / and as faithfully , by proving to them the invaluable nature of the liberties they

      possess , and by this means stimulating them to a wiser and more determined use of those privileges , as those of our fellow-labourers , who confine themselves constantly to the dark side of . the question , and who represent our present position as one of hopeless slavery , which no unassisted effort of our own can modify or improve , except through the medium of the most extensive political changes . That the working classes of England are in a state of political bondage , we believe no sane man will dispute , and that every available means should be

      used for effecting their political enfranchisement we cordially admit ; but , we are disposed to doubt , either the wisdom or , policy of those who would urge them to amalgamate their industrial and political questions , and thereby endanger the social liberties they . now possess , in a protracted and extremely doubtful crusade against the concentrated power of those divers interests , who , through rivalling eaoh other upon" all other points , will unite as one man to disputo , inch by inch , the progress of the working man to political freedom .

      ' That such an amalgamation is contemplated , we have the strongest reasons for believing , and we protest against it , from a conviction , that its results would be disastrous in . the . extreme to the best interests of those it professed to benefit . We are , at the same time , fully prepared to find our judgment upon this most important point questioned , and perhaps , impugned . But , relying upon the integrity of our motives , we shall proceed to explain the . pature of the privileges appertaining to , but not enjoyed Vt tne working classes , ' by the statute , Gtn-Geo . IV ., cap . 129 , and leave them to decide how far it would bejudioious to lead the

      government to attempt the repeal of that act , by any steps whioh would make . Trades' Unions Combinations ( which are by that'law legalised , ) ' the medium for ; he perfecting of political organisations . We shall first place before our readers the opinions of the highest legal functionaries , upon the nature and extent of the privileges secured to the working classes by the existing law , and we styilLthen endeavour to show how far it is possible ,. by a judicious Trades ' Combination , to render that law instrumental to the advancement of the interests of labour and the removal of many of the wrongs which they now suffer , by their ignorance or neglect of the power they possess .

      ' In the celebrated case of Jones and Potts , v . 8 el 8 by and others , indicted for conspiracy , Mr . Knowles , the Queen ' s Counsel , thus expressed himself , he being counsel for the defendants : — " The indictment charges a combination , and to that extent , we plead guilty . No doubt thero was a combination not to work under a certain rate of wages—no doubt there was a combination to carry out that object by legal measures ; but I deny that there . was any illegal ' conspiracy . It would he strange * indeed if there were not combinations among workmen for their own benefit , for we live in an age in which combination is an acknowledged principle of action . Scarcely anything of importance is carried on without ¦ combination ; almost

      every great benefit secured to mankind is the result of combination ; almost every great social good has been achieved by combination . Combination , therefore , per se , cannot bo illegal ; and I do my client no injustice by saying that , in that sense , they may have com bined . -Gentlemen } there are combinations of masters too , bearing hard upon their workmen ; and it would be strange indeed , if the law , professing to be impartial , should thro wits shield over the wealthier classes , by allowing them to combine for their protection , and net , at the same time , allow the workmen to combine for their protection . Gentlemen * , the-law does allow them to combine . I utate it boltiljV in the presence of his lordship—to combin » -ft > r . pafftioulaicobjeotB , and for articular pumnu * ,. Bdggwd aU doubt * gentlemen

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      tho fe « fa 6 ? allow ?*?¦?? r S ^ ^ ow there » , V ^ J 1 ^ 0 tt bt aboSt ^ in the oldeh time : lam S / ' > . e olden times , it wSs-tield & R Sftint ^ fl the ? ri ^ to ^ labour , but these times h ^ O V f 6 * * %$£ «* *! a statute law , which has re ^^ led . all former laws , by , the 6 th Geo . IV , o . 129 / he laffwhloh now regulates combinations , whether o . ^ £ f ^ ™ ± wen , tbe workmen have an undoub ^ f ht t 0 me ? and resolve that they will not work' iT ^ f f j prices ; and the law says , it is legal for ti ^ W ^ ° so . No doubt the masters may meet too , anu the / do meet ; and it is fair the same right should J > 6 extended to the workmen . " . . ..... I : . ' -, 73 ^ . ^ Hflnsw « 7 ^ T . 7

      This is the opinion of Mr . Knowles , one of the most eminent counsel of the present day ; but , perhaps , it may be imagined that as the paid advocate of the defendants , this opinion should riot be altogether relied on ; let us therefore see hoff far his opinion is endorsed and confirmed by the Judge , Mr . Baron Rolfe , who tried the case . ¦ In his lucid and impartial summing up to the jury , 'ho ihus expresses himself : — : ¦ ¦ ; . ' ¦ ¦¦ " The law on this subject certainly depends now upon the especial statute which has-been referred to j previous to the passing of which it had always been considered ( whether ri ghtly or not ,-1 cannot make up my mind satisfactorily , ) that masters might meet to say that they would . not give more than a certiin amount of wages , but that the

      workmen might not meet to say they would not work for less than a certain amount of wages . This state of the law was considered unjust by many ; and it was accordingly altered about twenty years ago , and the law now depends upon the particular statute referred to , which enacts that all enactments then in force , with respect to combinations of workmen should be repealed ; and that all combinations of workmen for fixing the , amount of wagoa , for increasing or altering the hours of labour , et cetera , shall be regulated by this mK ¦ . It then goes on to say tbat it is not illegal for them to say that they will not work for less than a certain sum ; in that the

      law is perfectly rational . Those who employ men may say that they will make a regulation beneficial to society , and may agree in that spirit ; , not to take any workman who requires for his labour more than a certain sum ; on the other hand ; workmen may meet and say that they will not work for less than such or such a ' sjim , for any person who wants them them to work for less than such sum . [ That being so , and depend upon it , the Legislature considered that , in that respect , as in all others , ; the market would find its own level , and that what Is the value of labour would be found out by th . e influx of labour or otherwise . "

      Now this opinion of the learned Judge , so clearly corroborative of the statements of Mr . Knowles , sets this question at rest for ever ; . it forms a valuable and undoubted precedent for all future cases arising out of the disputes of masters and workmen . But Judge Rolfe goes much farther than Mr . Kiiowles ventured ; for he contends that not only have workmen the right to combine , but also to persuade others to do the same ; these are his words : — " Gentlemen , it is undoubtedly lawful for persons to combine not to work , except upon certain terms . That being so , I am not aware of there being any illegality in their peaceably trying to persuade others to adopt the same views as themselves . So

      I think it is perfectly reasonable that they should say to their fellow-man , ' It is better not to do so and so , ' if they made use of no ; threats or intimidation to prevent him from acting ; contraryeto their wishes . Understand , however , that not only threats are necessary , but it is necessary that the langua ' ge used shall be such as to satisfy you that intimidation may be inferred . " And a little further on he states , in reference to one of the defendants , Bowman . " Now that plainly shows that Bovrman was a party to a combination to form a picket . That , perhaps , is an irresistible conclusion ; but youmust recollect in coming to tbat conclusion , that you are in a criminal court , and must not come to a conclusion that the facts , as proved in evidence , do . not necessarily lead to it . You have it in evidence that many of the defendants did nothing—anoV as to

      some of them , you have it in evidence ,- that all they did was merely to persuade—they said , ' You had better not do so and so ; ' and there must be , it appears to me—there must be , of necessity , something in the nature of a picket—somebody to watch that parties should not go , to work , so long as there were certain persons maintaining those parties , upon the understanding that they should not go to work . They must take some such means to ascertain that they are not giving their money , to those who go to work . Therefore , the question is , although you do find that Bowman is a part and parcel of—conspiracy is a word that implies criminality—part and parcel of a combination , unless I say , you find that he was a party to a combination to effect a certain legal object by illegal means , undoubtedly he is guilty of no crime whatever . "

      Mr . Sergeant Wilkins . — " I apprehend , my lord , that intimidation is not necessary to prove a conspiracy ; if molestation or obstruction is used it is sufficient to establish the . crime of conspiracy , in this case . " Mr Baron Rolfe . — " I apprehend that this was not an illegal end that these men sought . Their object was merely , in my opinion , none other than that of persuading people to adopt their views . * * I think that parties forming ; a fund in support of each other , merely stipulating , for their own mutual advantage , that they should not work for more than such and such hours , for such and suoh wages , is a perfectly lawful combination . ' In these extraots , we place before our readers the

      highest legal opinion as to the construction and the extent of that act of Parliament , which secures to the workmen the same right 3 and privileges , subject to the same exceptional clauses , as is given to the masters . That this state of the law has hitherto been scarcely understood by the working classes , and , consequently , has been' of little benefit , does not render it of less value . We conceive it to be the palladium of our social rights , and can be made the means of remedying many , if not all , the wrongs we suffer , when thoroughly understood and judiciously applied . But , if an attempt is to be made to engraft—upon our trades ' unions , which aro so clearly legalised by this law —political objects , we fear the time will not be far

      distant , when much more stringent regulations will be adopted , in reference to the socialliberties of the working classes . In France , in Prussia , Austria , and Italy , the right of combination has been one of the chief rights claimed , but not secured , by the working class . Universal Suffrage , they have won , and , so far , maintained ; but , in our opinion , the equally valuable right to combine for the protection of wages , they do not possess , to anything like an equal degree with tbe English working man . Insfead , therefore , of endangering the existence of this valued right by any false step , let us rather seek to extend a knowledge of the power we now possess , and point out the way to improve the value of such knowledge , by

      cenverting the right of combination into a lever to raise us in the social scale ; to prove to the proud lords of capital , that labour also knows its rights , 11 , knowing , dares maintain . " It appears , therefore , quite certain , upon the high legal authority of Baron Rolfe , that Trades ' Combinations are strictly legal , when their operations are confined to self-protection * and are not converted into instruments of oppression to others . And not only are they legnl for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages , but for any other purpose whereby the interests and well-being of the workmen may be promoted . This sentence from the learned judge has a remarkably wide and extensive signification : — " and tbat all combinations of

      workmen , for fixing the amount of wages , for increasing or altering the hours of labour , cct ., shall be regulated solely by this act . " It is up ^ n this con struction of the law ,, that all the operations of the National Association of United Trades have been regulated . Tho founders of this important confederation seek to create an extensive combination of the working men of all trades , for their mutual protection against the encroaching capitalist . Such a combination is , undoubtedly , within the spirit and meaning of the act , as explained by Baron Rolfe ; and its power and utility , is only to be measured by the extent and perfection of its organisation . With such a combination , all legislative interference between

      oapital and labour would be unnecessary . None of the many abuses now so justly complained of , and which call so loudly for redress , could exist in repugnance to the will of such a confederation . Ten Hour Acts , Truck Acts , and all other parliamentary protective measures ; would be unnecessary . Labour would legislate for its own protection , and the nation would rejoice in a well fed , well clothed , industrial population . - If , under these arrangements , our mechanics and manufacturers found their competing spirit somewhat- 'interfered with , every description of native industry would thrive under the invigorating influence of a healthy and constantly increasing home consumption . Tbe producing classes , rendered less dependent upon the caprice of employers , would become physically and morally elevated . The twin companions , poverty and crime ,

      would be sensibly diminished ; and a large portion of the immense sums now annually absorbed by workhouse and prison expenditure might be applied to educational purposes . Strikes would be rendered unnecessary , if not impossible ; and the immense sumsannually squandered in thoBe runious contests saved to the working classes , which would of itself be tantamount to an inoreased wages . All trade disputes would be settled by the system so beneficially adopted by the National Associationmediation and arbitration . These , and many other equally important and beneficial consequences , which ourspace will not now permit us to dwell upon , would . be the inevitable results of a truly National Association of United Trades . Such a confederation confining itself to its legitimate objects , as contemplated and recognised by the aot whioh legalise * a , would meet with no govern-

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      wentaTinterference j but if ever converted into ad instrument for political purposes , it would tamenim j £ - ke ? the Je al 0 U 3 y of Government , and arm the capitalists with an irresistible argument for us suppression . " — ^ s ^ g ^* m

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      COTTON SPIMERS IN AMERICA .. lishld £ 7 » e ? ceiwd the following document pub - Ohwttar » nS ? of a handbill , from a well-known cbnntrv fo ' r A land - membep of ffyde . Wfl 0 kft thi » - HMDof ^ n ^ m"ioa in 1848 > asdhave no doubt it * perusal Will be int eresting to some of our northern , readers . A JAIR DAY'S WAGE S FOR A FAIR DAY'S

      WORK . ; T present attempt to reduce our wages is one of , the most outrageous" ever made upon the opera * tives of this town , which calls forth , or rather brings into existence , 'the greatest indignation of every labourer or humane' individual ; who knows the real state of things . There is not tho Iea 3 t truth in any argument put forth by the avaricious capitalists regarding the necessity of such a curtailment of our wages , as is fairly proved by

      the following statement of Gen . 0 . T . James , Civil Engineer of R . I . He says : — " Considering the more rapid increaseof wealth in the mauufa during , than in the cotton growing States , there must bo an adequate cause . That cause must be sought for in vain , except in the greater productiveness of tho manufacture of cotton , than of its culture . In confirmation of this statement , see what is said relative to a mill of 10 , 000 spindles referred to below . The rflsulta were realized last year , one of the worst for manutures ever known in this country since the- first introduction of the business . The account stands aB follows : —

      dola . Cotton ( l , 80 O , OOOas ) , at 7 cents 126 , 000 Cost of Steam Power 4 , 500 „ Carding 13 , 266 „ Spinning 14 , 734 : ,, Dressing and Starch . 0 , 305 „ Weaving , including all Expenses ... 26 , 590 u Kepair , Wear' and Tear , Machinists , &c j 17 , 000 „ General Expenses , Officers' Sala- - ries , Transportation . &c 20 , 640 „ Interest on Capital of 259 , 000 dols . 15 , 000 Making a total of . 237 , 048 Against this total cost , we have 4 , 500 , 000 lards of Cloth ( No . 14 ) Sheeting , - worth , 7 1-4 cents per Yard 326 , 250 From this amount deduct cost as above ... 237 , 048

      And we find a balance of < 89 , 205 Now we consider that this is a fair interest of money at the rate of wages we have been receiving without attempting to reduce them any lower than what they are . It plainly shows that the capitalists never consider the sufferiug wants of humanity , but measure their profits by the forbearance of . those who Buffer by it . Their conduct compels us to exclaim . - " 111 fares the land to hastening ills a prey , Where wealth accumulates and men decaj . "

      It will be utterly impossible for the spinners of F . R . to maintain their families under the rate of wages now offered by the manufacturer . It has been urged by some that cotton is high , and there is not a good demand for cloth . Now it is a wellknown fact that the present year ' s production of cotton will reduce the price of that article . Whilst ; the adoption of short time in preference to a reduction of wages would have the effect of increasing the supply ,- thereby bringing the price still lo wer . And increasing the demand for cloth would increase tha price of that artiole also . This we have no . doubt would be acceptable to the operatives in preference to a reduction of wages .

      If an example is wanted to show the evils arising from reductions of wages—Look at England ! the greatest commercial nation in tho world ; a barracks , a bastile , and two or three courts of justice in every town , and a police office in every village ; and these are insufficient to prevent crime and out * rage of the most barbarous description . . Storekeepers , and well-wishers of humanity , we appeal to you as men of sense , whether we are justified oc not in tho course we have taken : knowing that the . practice of the capitalists will increase ignorance , crime , pauperism , and taxation , disgrace themselves , dishonour their nation , and bring us and our children to a level with the brute creation ?

      We are determined to resist this infringement of our rights , and do hereby avow our determihatioa never to work for a less price than what we have been receiving for the last six months . And we recommend all the operatives of this State to commence an agitation , and petition the Legislature to pass a law limiting the hours of labour to ten houre per day . Tiib Spinners of Fall River .

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      THE SHIPWRIGHTS OF THE TYNE AND .. . THEIR EMPLOYERS . On the 16 th inat ., a great meeting of this very numerous and deserving body of men was held at the Town Hall , South Shields , to take into consideration the present state of affairs relative to the shipwrights . The main object of the gathering , as it subsequently appeared , was to protest against , expose , and denounce what they regarded as unfair conduct on the part of the Shields Gatette , in . allowing anonymous correspondents to attack the ship * wrights , and refusing to insert a reply . The time appointed was seven o ' clock , but before that hour the hall was densely crowded , and some hundreds were unable to obtain admission . On the motion

      of Mr . Edward Surtees , the chair was taken by Mr . John Ferguson , of Sunderland , who holds an influential position at the head of the Tyne and Wear Shipwrights' Benevolent Society . Mr . Surtees said a letter had appeared in the Gazette stating that the men wished to compel the ship owners to pay sixpence a day more for their labour than the dock-owners ; this was a false representation , for the men had resisted this , although their roasters wished to impose the injustice upon them , and the managers of the paper knew at the time the letter appeared that this charge was false , yet they inserted it , whilst they ( the men ) had not the . privilege of putting in a letter to contradiot the . statement . He never expected such treatment in the

      Gazette ; as a proof , a letter had been sent , but the editor denied it insertion . All they could do then was to vindicate their cause before a public meeting . They had a proof of what was this paper ' s intention in their conduct to their own compositors whom they discharged for no fault save that they belonged to the union . ( Cries of " shame . " ) The following resolution was proposed by . Mr . Surteep , and seconded and supported by Mr . Kyle and Mr . Duncan : — " That it is tbe opinion of this meeting that the North aud South Shields Gazette *\ B a partial paper , calculated to create disturbances between employer and employed , and unworthy of the support of the working classes . " The motion was carried unanimously , and followed by three times three . Mr . John Bell next moved — " That it is tha

      determination of this meeting not to support the establishment where the ) -Sfa'eMs Gazette is taken in " The Gazette was a free-trade paper . He hoped any working men would carry out his resolution , and neither deal with any grocer or draper who advertised in the paper , nor countenance any ppblichouae or temperance hotel that took it in . ' The motion having been seconded , was unanimously adopted . The chairman next read a placard issued by " the compositors late employed on tho Gazette , " complaining of their dismissal oh the

      ground that they refused to sacrihce " one of their dearest and most inalienable rights—the right to unito with one another for the protection of their labour . " Mr . Cavill , one of the compositors lately employed on the Gazette , next addressed the meeting , and narrated the harsh treatment to which the compositors on this journal had been subjected , in order to force them to leave the union . Thanks having been given to the reporters present , to the compositors of the Gazette , and also to the chairman , the meeting separated .

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      Dreadfw . Suffering of a Boat ' s Chew . — -The following extract of a letter from Mr . James O . Jones , Second Maiter of Her Majesty ' s steamer'Dee employed on the Cape of Good Hope station , which has come to England tq . his parents , by a forlorn chance , discloses some almost unparalleled privations and sufferings of himself and crew , by the upsetting of their boat : — " We are at present lying up Quilimane River , but I believe we go to the Cape about Christmas ; we are nearly tired of stopping up here . It was a very great chance sending this letter , as the vessel only anchored off here yesterday ( no date is given ) , and sails to morrow , and she lies about nine miles from us . The greater part of this was written in an open , boat , as ! was going to overhaul her . * • I have ead news to tell you . I had a narrow escape with my life . I was going into the river from the Pantaloon , 10 , Commander Parker , where I had been for provisions in one of the Dee ' a cutters , whenjust a 3 wo were crossing the bar , a heavy breaker ran in over the stern , filled and capsized the boat in tbe middle of the surf , and as it was just dusk they could not see us from the ship , so we were drifting about the breakers all night , clinging to the boat . In the mornings drifted up the river , and not far from the ship , but as only our heads were above water , they could not see us although looking out for ns ; at last we drove ashore on a sandbank , where we got out more dead than alive , after having been in the water thirty-four hours , without anything to eat or drink . The next day , about two o ' clock , the ship sent a boat and picked us up . But I have not told the worst , for out of six men and three officers , who were in the boat , there are only roy , . V ^ others saved . The master assistant ( Mr . Dyer ) and three men were washed off the boat by the surf . Poor Dyer got hold of my foot and took me down a good way with him ; I tried to swim up with him , utl found I could not , so I was compelled to kick him to clear myself , and could only just get hold of the boat then . " The fortitude displayed by this officer is of no common character , and the presence of mind which attended on that fortitude is almost without equal in the annals of sbipwrccks . Mr . J . Jones is tne son of Mr . Jones ,, the © ueen a pilot at ' ortsmouth , aud au officer o * high promiae in the na consumption of malt » hflr « y greater now than it was tbirty-five yeara- . ago ) . Boiwithetanding the increase of toe pofnlRtwn-

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      FOR THE HUNGARIAN AND POLISH REFUGEES . Received by W . Rideb . —W . Feist , Brighton 18—J . George , Clewer , near Windsor 6 d—T . Booker , Pottery Field , Leeds 3 s—S . Patman , Pottery Field , Leeds 6 d—A few Friends , Monk Wearmouth Colliery 3 s—F . Frost and Son , Rawmarrfi , near Rotherham 3 d—W . Scott ,- Upper North-street , Leeds ls-C . Scott , Bewben-terrace , Leeds Is . Received by John ABNorr .-Huddenfield , per Mr . Hirst IDs . \ : FOR MACNAMARA ' S ACTION *; Received by W . Eideb . —Nottingham , per J . Sweet Is . , AGITATION FOR THE CHARTER . , Received by John Abnott . — Mr . Leedham 6 d-Mr . 'Walker lOd—Mr . Blanchard Is—Mr . Alger , Cheltenham 6 d—New Radford , per S . Saunders ¦ Newcastle-upon-Tyne , per M . Jude Us—Sutton in Ashfield , per W . Felkin 18 s 2 d . TRACT FUND . Received by . John Abnott . —Newcastle-upon-Tyne , per M . Jude 10 s . FOR LIQUIDATING THE DEBT DUE TO THE TREASURER OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . Received by John Abnott . — Royton , per J . B . Hprsfal ! 2 s—Mr . G . Pearce Is Id—Huddersfield , per J . Emsall 10 a . DEFENCE FUND . Received by John Abnott *—New Radford , per Mr . S . Saunders 2 s 6 d . FOR MR . HOOPERReceived by John Aenott . —New Radford , per Mr . 8 . Saunders Is 3 d . .

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      Tns Bbfugees—Mr . Kydd lectured at 41 , Turnmill-street on Sunday last , on the Popish Question , with his usual ability , to a very attentive audience , and will lecture again on Sunday , the 29 th , at eight o'clock , on . Church History . Mr . Kydd , in his remarks , introduced the position of the Refugees , five of whom were very ill , and he believed if the friends of liberty could only see theae unfortunate Refugees it would stimulate them to double energies on , their behalf . The Committee adjourned until Wednesday next , January 1 st , 1851 , at eight o ' clock .

      Morality or London and Pabis . —In London 26 illegitimate births take place , for every 1 , 000 . In Pans the proportion is 310 per 1 , 000 . The number of illegitimate children annually born is , therefore , twelve times greater in Paris than in London . 5 , 000 children are abandoned every year by their parents in Paris ; in London 1 , 000 . The number of easts of infanticide in Franco is twelve times greater than in England . These results are mainly attributable to the system of founding hospitals-Beniimandeletsert „ „ „„„ . „ fiftben wounds it *

      An Awfu ! . Bad Ua , with . n cmD ht TTrvTTrvro .-r ' o ointmbnt and Pius—Extract oi a letter froS Sarah Ba ^ meat , of Haselbury near Crewkerne , n ^ ifirt , Tanuarj , 1850 . To Professor Holloway . ' Sir . — About six jea ? s ^ o certain unfavourable oymptoms manifested Selves in my left leg , which proved to he Ku > g' i evil or scwfula , and atone time there were 6 fteen wound * ^ Si a * We . For four months I was in Cheltenham rosDital , and there pronounced at incurable . From thence went to King ' s Collega Hospital ; there also they failed to effect a cure , and I was obliged to ^ return Home a complete cripple . In this state I commenced using your Qintmen t and Pills , which have perfectly cured my le ^ . ' '

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      bu ^* : ^^ WZ the amount collecteu * " > . v ., " / undertake that duty ; the ^ npunt of such per centage to he fixed hy the iJC 2 * * ? " mittee . The funds should be remitted immediately ( per Post Office Order , ) to Mr . William Eider , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymarket , with a list of Subscribers ; and a due and full acknowledgement will appear in the " Northern Star " each Saturday . .-. ] "A long pull , a strong pull , and a pull altogether "—now or never . William Rideb . '~ u k ' . "~ '"tided that a nw mBf . ^ ' ^

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      have been 1 , CteOTijIBBB 28 , 1850 . __^ THm NORTHE RN STAR . , ¦ iwMtwin ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 28, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1606/page/5/