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    '^ TiBDBESS OF : THE METROPOLITAN ^ H AWES' DELEGATES TO THEIR FELLOW 2 ££ vTBlMEN , OK THE INTERESTS AM ) C 2 ^ FST POSITION OF . THE LABOURING iSs OF THE EMPIRE . ¦ vvnjoK Cotjstboisk;—There is not recorded an ^ Zi hYSmtf <> comtr l' ^ , indeed , in ** £ torvof aUnatioDS , when the great subject of tie ^ 5 ^ d sociai rights of those who live by { jie DatnW j ^ jj . labour , wag j ^^ gd to / be so J ^ IhWIv considered , so clearly explained , fl ^ gffiS »* k ^ ^ supported , as the jref ^ eiV connected as we are with the interests ^" intimately co embera flf ^ das 3 who . f labourers , uj - "" d , „ j * i ,-u . * ; i : _ o u- ~*\ . ~

    , i * . ^ exercise of labour , and being entrusted by jjosstaut ~ : feuowjabourers of this nation with 69 jnanf o ^ a scertaining , as far as we may be tbeg f " t operating natural and social causes * . % = , e ; ther beneficially or injuriously , the * rs 2 , and the prospects of all who are engaged 00 » S r we desire to call the earnest attention of inla r « rkin » men of this great country to the ^ - « u declaration of onr views , follow" ^ rfeadflv and carefully at those natural 00 l 0 SSf which ' the physical well-being of all so ^ - " pv nation of the world , are derived , we ^ " \ v > t none of the material productions in nadiwerD ^ d either forfood or fcr clothing , forshel-^ r £ v oth er purpose , varied and abundant * f' hS materials are , can b » mtri except-& ° ~ tue ^ hei en tali of th e { abmr of ma n ' ^ T , &f SSSTtbat little advancemet could ffea SnXiS \ be necessary , useful , or orna-^ Kipr ^ n of the crude nmteriols of *? Sif theefforts of labour had not been madein ^ e departments of industry , or , as it is called Klitical economy , the division and to

    ^^ ^ eSsifkters bemgthus directed a Stv of emploTmente , eachman undertaking m ^ fS occupation for the purpose of ensuring » . pmwj ** nS « ai object , which is , snpenonty S siSsr ^ 'snnc gSAtobtoSeB aSdtteir taffies are s » p' ' ( wm . Wfriocainic . osls tie sociaipiinciplc thus g £ « SS 1 tte purpose of consumption , of each 2 S prodnction-we see that some rafe or lawof £ u JindispensaWy nece ^ ary ^ preserving the Stinted right , « * he dne ^ oyment of those ISfSm entered up 9 n this conjoined course of

    Sir , involving , as it does , production ot commo-Ifes on tic one hand , and consumption of them on ^ r l » Hnc carefully on the simple state of things -5 f alluded to-the " combination of the passive Wier of nature , and of the active power of labour ihe elements of the earth and the labour of man Erected to educe , to alter , and to modify these elem ents tor use and convenience—we see the manner fe irliich the interests of man in a social state are amsiimted . "We see that man must , by the con-S rainin" power of those circumstances with which jfe n atural condition is surronnded , unite himself sfith his ndg Bour , in order to accomplish any satisfectorr and suecessfnl progress , or acquire the Mgsession ofthose things that are necessary for his Wortable subsistence . A mo 3 t important ques-&d arisinff ont of the state of things just alluded

    to , is th en presented to us , which is , who constitutes this neig hbour with whom the agreed union of labour , together with the exchange of productions re sultingfrom it , takes place ? To this important question one right answer , and one only can be g iven , which is , he who is nearesttiit is , ' a fellow countryman . "We see then , that in the order of nature priority of connexionparity in the union of labour— -priority in the exchange of productions or ia commerce , must spring sp and subsist between men in that particular sp here which they inhabit , fhis great social act and principle prevailing in every community or nation . Ey this course it is that the connexion of family Triih property is established .

    Seeins , then , that the priority of connexion just alluded to must of necessity subsist , and attaching to this priority a rule or law of progress , which is required everywhere and over everything , we maintain that the social obligations of men are of that character which requires them to attach themselves in the first place to the interests of their fellow cotmtrrmen or fellow labourers . We maintain that commerce , which is an exchange of productions letween man and man , should be conducted , in every nation , in such a manner as to comprehend and preserve to the utmost degree the interests of all the members of the nation . Hence "we advance sod maintain the principle that established and home trade should jru be considered and preserved , snd that chanees and foreign trade outfit to be

    undertaken only by means of that value or capital vhich may be over and above what is required for maintaining in their enjoyments , the members of each nation . Ton will discern that the principle of commerce just adverted toby us . is that principle which was asciendy adoptedby our ancestors , the incorporation of it in onr laws and in onr practice having fanned one ot the most important and influential characteristics of the British Constitution , though the principle has been so partially , and hence , ranpjnstly applied , as to derange and destroy its oto operation , thereby causing the minds , even of many thoughtful and honourable men , to suspect its troth , to deny its utility , and to demand its rejection .

    Deeply impressed by the degraded social condition of so many men in our own , and also in ether nations—so many human creatnres being seen to snSer under the tremendous evils of poverty and tetitotion—a clas 3 of men have been induced , daring the last seventy-five years , to direct the power of their minds to an investigation of the science of Social and Political Economy . Poremost of these writers was Dr . Adam Smith . The w » k of this celebrated writer , appearing under the striking and alluring title of "the Wealth of Nations , " many persons were induced to read the elatorate statements , and the ingenious reasonings contained in it , and also to place reliance on those commercial doctrines which are mainly proponnded

    ffi it . Since the departure of Adam Smith , a number of other writers have sprung up who have recared him as their chief authority , or leader . Thus a modern school of Political and Social Economy fcas been reared in our country . By this school all tbe most important subjects , connected with the physical interests of men , have been freely dealt iri lh ; for besides a discussion of the natural means placed -within the appropriation of man for his maintenance , together with the varions methods invented and adopted by man for making this appropriation , iis ri ght to introduce his offspring into the world , las been discussed also . The main result of the intellectual < gbrt of this school is the adhesion given *? its members to the doctrine of free social and commercial action .

    TCe have it thus announced to U 3 that ii is under " * operation of unregulated , stimulated , and ° wersal competition , we are henceforth to life . Cheapness is proclaimed to be the one great and aeatalle attainment But the cheapness that is fitted under this system is not the result of fair i- * wstributory abundance—being mainly acquired " ^™ in isui ng ihe enjoyments , er the consumption I "™* by whose labour productions are derived , ^ uy ftat economv of labour by which , in so many r ^ aees , the labourer is cast off altogether from tmpiojmerrt , because a cheaper , that is , a less con-*™ nf instrument than his body , is invented and pned

    ^ . The labour of the working man thus bejrones a superfluous commodity in the market , so mm & must e - lther be ^ outcast altogether from ?^ y . or else find some way of doing more work if h ^ in M € naIs of consumption ; and even then , cw £ ! \! ^ - < M 8 conise of ** & ** & »»* r ^ ' , httomes instrumental in bringing *«» £ other of hisfeUow labourers down to the earn ! ib ! r CTd t 0 ? hichhe is reduced . cob ^ k d . appaUm 6 however , as ia the existing h , T ° fso " ^ y who only means of support-« g themselves and their families is the exercise of ^ a-daly labour , yet we maintain that the pros-J * t before us is still more dark and gloomy We are to

    ^ o you our convic&on that a far greater deftetf suffering and of destitution impends over ^ abourine class and their families , both of this ?™ of all other nations , unless the falseness of the ^ oreompetitive system be thoroughly penetrated , 5 r exposed , and a course of general commerce , J * y difierent from that emanating from the free BJ | tan , be entered upon . it has become a matter ef the very highest impor" «» that every working man , and , indeed , the a *?™ Bafion , should be made acquainted with the 3 a that prevails regarding Adam Smith ' s ¦ flj / y ? * asalso the writings of those who , together of P / . 1 S ^ Smith , constitute the modern school nt ?? ^ wrists . CfeS throughout the aranby ,. and 7 01 mat buu

    jeut . ™ w »» waus parliament , me - * 8 hba frights qf hbour , comprised ^ a 3 these lis vr m " ^ Principles of general commerce , Jlain ^ T s wel 1 80 fully considered and exj ectis tol ^ - body of ^ n "* that the vital sub-8 ! % d an * ^!? ? ^ suhject thoroughly under-Jate dtt ; . v ? ' Writers and statesmen have asb on- ^? r ^ mucn confident assurance that fcfi dis larT b ae ^^ are of the whole nation de-« Ha sX ^ n , in some instances , made , and in aJ * ne 3 i ? B *? accordance with the principles Sbir ^^^^ wi of Economists . ^^ d aSP ^ rofi < aa « eyoftai 8 school , cannotbeente ^ ' aaa we are bound to « moimW to job that a

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    aecdpfaon of the grossest character has been practised oa the nation with regard to it . This assertion tfe wfll prove , and the proof shall be derived from the leading Economists themselves , they having been under the necessity of admitting that the Irue characters Of the main branches of the science of Social Economy have not been discovered by them . . . ¦ The proof which we will adduce first , is derived from the writings of Mr . M'Culloch , who , himself being a disciple of Adam Smith , and acknowledging him as his leader and master , has , nevertheless , admitted , in a passage in the introductory part of his own work , that his master was very deficient . The following is the passage : —

    However excellent in many respects , stiUit cannot be denied that there are errors , and those too « f no slightimportance , in ' The Wealth of Nations . ' Dr . Smith does not say that , in prosecuting such branches of industry as are most advantageous to themselves , individuals necessarily prosecute such as are , at the same lime , most advantageous to the public Hi 9 leaning to the system of 1 L Quesnaya leanuag perceptible in every part of his work-made him so far swerve from the sounder principles of Ms own system , as to admitthat the preference shown by individuals in favour of particular employments is not always a tni * test of their public advantageousness . He considered agriculture , though not the only productive employment , as

    the most productive of any : the home trade as more productive than a direct foreign trade ;' and the latter than the carrying trade . It is clear , however , that these distinctions are all fundamentally erroneous Perhaps , however , the principal defect of »¦ 'The Wealth of Xations' consists in the erroneous doctrines laid down with respect to the invariable value of corn , and the effect of fluctuations in wages and profits on prices . These have prevented Dr . Smith from acquiring clear and accurate notions respecting the nature and causes of rent , and the laws which govern the rate of profit ; and have , in consequence , vitiated the theoretical conclusions in those parts of his work vrheb . treat on the distribution of wealth and the principles of taxation . —Principles of J ' slitical Economy ;

    by J . R . ZI'CiMoch . If you will examine carefully the foregoing extract , you cannot fail to discern how great those deficiences are which the pupil alleges against the master , for he declares him to have been ignorant of the true character and value , firstly , of home trade ; secondly , of foreign trade ; and , thirdly , of the carrying trade between nations . A pretty extensive category of ignorance this is ; and then , in addition , he declares , that the master was not able to discover the laws which govern the rate of profit . Xow , as all increase of wealth is comprehended by the term of profit , so , failing to discover and apprehend the cause of profit , is failing to discover and apprehend the whole subject of the creation of wealth . The next category of deficiences , admitted by the schoolmen themselves , we derive from the writings of Mr . Malthus . They are comprised in the following passage : —

    Since the era of these distinguished writers , the subject has gradually attracted the attention of a greater number of persons , particularly during the last twenty or thirty years . All the main propositions of the science have been examined , and the events which have since occurred , tending either to illustrate or confute them , have been repeatedly discussed . The result of this examination and dis . cussion seems to be , that on some very important points there are still great differences of opinion . Among these , perhaps , may be reckoned , the definitions of wealth and of productive labour—the nature and measures of value , the nature and measures of the principles of demand and supply ; the origin aad progress of rent ; the causes which practically retard and limit , the progress of wealth ; the level of the precious metals in difierent countries the principles of taxation , &c — Principles of Political Econmy ; by T . S . Jfaltftus . edition 1836 , page 3 .

    By these passages from the writings of-Malthus , containing his latest judgment , for the work has been published since his death , you will see how much the writers on Political Economy have left for succeeding inquirers to explore , to discover , and to explain to the world . The next evidence which we will adduce , is derived from the recorded judgment of a scientific and practical statesman , one who , having attached himself to the liberal political party , before entering on public life in the House of Commons , devoted himself , with the Edinburgh schoolmen , to an especial study of the science of Political Economy . We allude to Francis Horner . He studied patiently and perseveringly Adam Smith ' s work . He studied also the science of Political Economy . The resul ts of his studies are communicated to us in the following passages : —

    We have been under the necessity of suspending our progress in the perusal of' the Wealth ef Nations' on account of the insurmountable difficulties , obscurity and embarrassments in -which the reasonings of the fifth chapter are involved . It is amusing to recollect the history of one ' s feelings on a matter of this kind . Many years ago , when I first read'the Wealth of Nations , ' the whole of the first book appeared to me as perspicuous as it was interesting and new . Some time afterwards , whilel lived in England ! I attempted to make an abstract of Smith ' s principal reasonings , tint I was impeded by the doctrine ot the real measure of value , and the distinction between nominal and real price ; the discovery that I did not understand Smith speedily led me to donbt whether Smith understood himself , and I thought I saw that the price of labour was the game sort of thing as the price of any other commodity , but the discussion was too hard for me , and I fled to something more agreeable , because more easy . —Memoirs of Francis Horner , vol . 1 , page 163 .

    Therehasbeennothing new veiylately ia theline of Political Economy , though Brougham's work and Alalthus ' s are a great deal for one year . An indirect application was made to me to fiirnish a set of notes for a new edition of Smith's * Wealth of Nations . * This , of course , I declined , because I have other things to attend to : even if I had been prepared for such an undertaking , -which certainly I am not yet , I should be reluctant to expose Smith ' s errors before his work has operated its full effect . We owe much atj > resent to the superstitions worship of Smith ' s name , and we must not impair that feelingtill the victory is more complete . There are few practical errors in the 'Wealth of Nations , atleast of any great consequence , and , until we can give a correct and precise theory of the nature and Origin of wealth , his popular , and plausible , and loose hypothesis is as good for the vulgar as any other . —Memoirs of Francis Homer , vol . 1 , page 229 .

    The opinions just quoted are those of a man who was expressly educated as a scientific statesman , and who was introduced and received in Parliament with this high character . You will not fail to mark the deep importance of his word 3 when be declares that a correct and precise theory of the nature and ori gin of wealth , has not been discovered either by Adam Smith or by any other member of the school . The writer who has appeared last on the stage of literature of those who are connected influentially with the modern school of Political Economists , is Mr . John Stuart Mill ; the work of this writer having been very recently presented to the world . The estimation in which Mr . Mill holds the work of Adam Smith—that work which our most influential and leading statesmen have of late declared to be all sufficient for guiding them in their most important courses of national law-making , is announced by the following words : —

    The ' Wealth ot Nations' is in many parts obsolete , and , in all , imperfect . Political Economy , properly so called , has grown up almost from infancy since the time of Adam Smith ; and the philosophy of society , from which practically that eminent thinker never separated his more peculiar theme , Ihough still in a very earlystage of its progress , has advanced many steps beyond the point at which he left it—Principles oj'Political Economy , by John Stuart Mtil , vol . I , preface , p . 5 . Such are the proofs we have to lay before the working men of this nation respecting the assumed discoveries and the doings of this highly vaunted school . That which the whole people have been exhorted to admire and to adopt , is admitted to he nothing better than " a popular , plausible , and loose hypothesis , " but although of this worthless character , it is , nevertheless pronounced to be" a 8 good for the vulgar as any other . "

    Many more such proofs might be adduced , but we Lave adduced sufficient . You will now see how urgent the necessity is for renewed and more skilful investigation in this important field of sciencea fieldofiniquiryin which the dearest interests of yourselves and your families , of every family of the nation , and indeed of the whole world , are comprised . The great and urgent question then is— "What shall we do ? What practical course can be adopted ? In reply to this question we answer as follows : — ~ We enjoin you , in the first place , to examine well , and consider maturely , the few suggestions , and the declarations contained in this address . Enough is presented in it to lead your minds to a solemn consideration of those principles ,- and that

    course of social action , which conduce , on the one hand , to the elevation , and , on the other hand , to the depression , of the interests of those who have to lire by their labour . Be prepared to give us effectual support for securing , before a competent tribunal , a full examination and discussion of the mighty subject . "We , on our parts , will be prepared to adduce evidence , and to submit argument , in accordance with the declarations contained in this address . This we solemnly promise you . But then this evidence , aad this argument , must be submitted to those who alone can give to them practical influence and effect when they are so established . We mean those statesmen to whom the power of governing the nation is entrusted . .

    # It is generally seen and admitted that the governing principle and power of onr country areT at the present juncture of our national affairs , in a nosi turn of lamentableinstability , which could not be if aS rSu&d ™ 0 tTUe ' the power broadiy and The predominating influence and power of aristocratic government having prevailedibr a lenetheaed period , arenow passedaway . The aristocratic part having raised the structure of its government upon the ancient constitutional principles , departed from these principles , introduced corruption , and is now deposed . The predominating influence and power of the middle classes of the nation -are acknowledged and accepted at the present time . This party having introduced , as principles of general social action , the meanest incentives and motives that can animate the human mind , namely , the free and full action of unenlightened self-interest—the unqualified love of wealth and the gratification of this love —the accumulative principle of social actiononstead of the distributive—their political philosophy being of a character wh » Hymercantifc—is now impaired and degraded to the oouflictiDgoperatMaot t&osa

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    courses which it sets in motion afld stimulates . This power also isin a condition to be rejected . ' Let us , then , be prepared . You be prepared to give us all necessary support in a temperate , firm , and constitutional manner , —at all times remembering that in undertaking to argue and to treat of our own rights and interests , we , must , necessarily , argue and treat also of tho rights and interests of others . We , on pur part , will be . ready to show your fights , both in a manner and iii substance , not hitherto attempted . Resting our case on its right foundations , and' submitting it in the good shape of calm and dispassionate reasoning , there will not be wanting to us zealous and honourable advocates both within the walls of Parliament and without them , by whose aid and full and fair hearing , followed by a just ju % nient , will be ensured us . If , then , your judgments approve of the views and declarations we have now submitted to you , it will

    be your duty to give an ardent support to the cause in every sphere where your influence may be exerted and felt , and on every fitting opportunity . Moreover , you must be resolute in demanding that we be heard . This hearisg will , we feel assured , lead to coDvincement in the cases of those whom we desire and require to convince ; and conviheemenfc , as far as it can be made to extend , will lead to the recognition and adoption of that just national policy , and of action in accordance with this policy , which constitutes the only remedy for those terrific social evils that so many labouring members of our country have to feel and deplore , Sig ned on behalf of the Delegates , — John Segkave , President . Augustus E . Delaforcb , Secretary , 10 , North Square , Portman-place , Globe-road Mile-end . Committee Room , St . Andrew Coffee House , 82 , High Holborn , London , April 11 th , 1850

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    NATIONAL REFORM ASSOCIATION . PUBLIC CONFERENCE . In pursuance of the recommendation of a meeting of reformers held in the City of London on Thursday , Dec . " 20 th , 1849 ( Sir Joshua Walmsley , xM . P ., in the chair ) , to hold a conference of the friends of reform from all parts of the kingdom , the Conference commenced on Tuesday in Crosby Hall , Bishopsgate-street , at eleven o ' clock . The objects of the Conference were to receive reports from delegates in reference to the progress of the reform movement , to devise means of carrying out with promptitude and vigour the objects of the association , and to complete the arrangements for realising

    the fund of £ 10 , 000 required for the present year ' s operations . The large hall was very numerously attended , and amongst those assembled were no less than 130 delegates from different parts of the kingdom . On the platform were many distinguished reformers including Mr . Cobden , M . P ., Mr . Hume , M . P ., Colonel Thompson , M . P ., Mr . George Thompson , M . P ., Mr . W . J . Fox , M . P ., Mr . J . Kershaw , M . P ., Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart , M . P ., Mr . Feargus O'Connor , M . P ., Mr . J . Williams , M . P ., Mr . L . Heyworth , M . P ., Mr . J . B . Smith , M . P ., Mr . B . Wilcox , M . P ., the Sheriff of Norwich , the High Bailiff of Southwark , Admiral Gordon .

    • Sir . J . Walmslet , president of the association , having been called upon to take the chair , commenced tho proceedings by saying : Gentlemen , — In accordance with your wishes I do not hesitate to take the chair and briefly to explain the objects for which we are assembled . In doing so it is necessary I should state that this conference can only consist of those members who vote with Mr . Hume on his motion for an amendment of the national representation , the members of the council of the National Association , gentlemen appointed by associations who have adopted the principles of the National Association , and such other gentlemen as may have been invited by the executive committee , and who attend in their individual enpacitv . As you are

    aware , we are not here for the purpose of deciding upon the nature and extent of the measures of parliamentary reform which we shall seek to attainthat question is already determined . There is , therefore , happily , no occasion , and no room for controversy on matters of principle . Our deliberations and our discussions will have reference to practical measures for carrying out a previousl y adopted and generally accepted scheme of representative improvement . Little more than a year has passed since this association , then confined to the metropolis , entered upon its important labours . Since that period it has extended " the sphere of its exertions to the kingdom at large , and has assumed a name corresponding with its designs . As a nationa

    association it has sought to awaken and arouse the energies of reformers in all parts of the country ; and I have the gratification of announcing that the meetings which have been held have been one of the most animated and enthusiastic character , and have , without a single exception , been unanimous in their approval of the objects of the association . Your first act will , I apprehend , be the appointment of a committee to report to the conference such resolutions as will be calculated to bring the more important ' subjects for discussion under immediate notice , and also to report a list of officers to superintend and record your proceedings . The council desire you to express , in the most unreserved manner , your opinions of their past conduct .

    Whilst convinced of our own sincerity and zeal , we lay no claim to infallibility , and are pvepared to profit by the suggestions and animadversions of those who are here to consult for the interest of our common cause . In the name of the council , therefore , I invite you to the exercise of the utmost freedom of speech . The opportunity has been afforded us of testing , with tolerable accuracy , the sentiments of our countrymen in the several parts of the kingdom ( with the exception of Ireland ) , and of taking to some extent the verdict of the agricultural , as well as of the mercantile , trading , and artisan classes of the community . The result , in all cases , has been one and the same . It has been a deliberate judgment of approval of our

    scheme , and a cordial offer of general support . We have found the industrial classes—and I speak it to their praise—disposed to concede , in favour of this movement , the urging of their more extreme views , convinced of the value of ours , as embodying a scheme of broad , practical , and peaceful reform . We have also found men of hitherto measured and cautious views on the subject of the extension of the suffrage , open to reason and conviction , and inclined to admit , after a candid development of the case , that we ask no more than is required to purge the system of those abuses which have entailed upon the country so many flagrant evils , and have made our elections anything rather than that which they should be , the

    expression of the popular mind and will . I need not say our efforts have been directed to the maintenance of the principle of free trade , in its most enlarged sense , and for our encouragement we have found where the resolute defence of those principles has been united to a fearless revelation of the abuses of our financial system , and an exhibition of the injustice to the millions , by the absence of all equity in the mode of distributing taxation , we have invariably found the farmers and labouring agriculturists ready to enlist under our banner , and to proceed from the point of free trade to the advanced post of cheap government , and an equal imposition of fiscal burdens . In respect to overt or ' active opposition , we have none . We have everywhere

    been permitted to walk over the course , yet I am bound to say , that we have found the supporters and dependents of the party in power inert , irresolute , or discontented with what they are pleased to describe as the unsettling tendency of our movement . The cause which principally operates to prevent the rapid and universal support , by vigorous efforts , of the objects we have in view , is one which we cannot contemplate without unmixed satisfaction , and one which , not even for I he sake of achieving our end , would we disturb , or desire to lessen . I refer to the now very general employment and comparatively comfortable circumstances of the producing classes . It is , indeed , enough to reconcile us to the somewhat slow progress of a

    cause universally admitted by those classes to be a . good one , that the reason we have them not at present , in the majesty of their millions , flocking to our standard is , that they are reaping , in tho shape of constant employment , cheap bread , and domestic comfort , the benefits of those great movements —the repeal of the Corn Laws , and the removal of the restrictions upon commerce—in which most of those whom I address had an honourable share ; and that , while in this condition , they find something more immediately profitable and more congenial to their feelings and habits than the work of political agitation . If for this cause our progress should be slower , it will at the same time be safer , and we must all join in the hope that

    the time is far distant when the chief stimulus to agitation will be idleness and the unsatisfied cravings of hunger . Notwithstanding the drawback to which I have referred , it may be said that there never was any public question , involving a corresponding measure of reionn , which had more univer * sally , or more unequivocally , the assent of the enlightened people of this country . We have only therefore to pursue a steady and a faithful course , to see our objects in due time attained . I have now , gentlemen , to approach a subject on which it is absolutely necessary I should be frank and explicit . Should you approve of the past proceedings of our

    body , and ' giye , us encouragement to proceed mta « work to which we have put our hands , I trust you will also aid us with your counsel as to the best means of giving to that body what is essential' to their existence , " The sinews of war . " The funds which have enabled ua thus far , with even more success than we ventured to . anticipate , have been contributed by a very limited number , and ; those inHcipauy connected with the metropolis .. Our treasurer , who is not only the conscientious trustee ofour fuads , but one of the most willing ^ and'liberal contributors to the fund , which he disburses , will tea you that our supplies from the ^ ovinaes have a » yet been comp ^ rati yelj- U , Tiifr ^ 9 do not

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    name in the Way of complaint , as we have always looked . forward to this conference as tho suitable tune for the consideration ofpecuniary aid from the provinces . I fed no delicacy in bringing this subeot before you , because as men of business you will have ioreseen its necessity as a matter of paramount practical importance . The measure of our exertions and 8 U 0 C 6 s 3 will be-in . some degree determined by the measure ofthe liberality of our friends throughput the country . I have every confidence that we shall not separate without a committee of the wliole house , devising the ways and means for W'osecuting the measures we have before us . I now leave the cause of national reform in your hands , and to

    beg you accept my assurances that I shall ever bo individually anxious in the humblest capacity tO 08 a Zealous co-worker with those who are honestly labouring to secure the people ' s rights , and the upright and just government of this great empire . s ¦ . Mr . Park proposed a resolution , " That a committee ot seven gentlemen be appointed to arrange the business of tho conference , to whom all papers and resolutions should be submitted at the close of each day s sitting . The committee to consist of the following gentlemen : —J , H . Tillett , Norwich ; R . Walters , Newcastle ; N . A . Wilkinson , treasurer to the association ; — VVatkinson ; C . Walker , Rochdale ; R . Heywood , Bolton ; William Biggs , Leicester . "

    Col . Thompson seconded the resolution . He congratulated thorn on tho fact that tho government seemed disposed to yield a little towards the principles of this association . Though not at present very earnest in their views respecting the cause of financial and parliamentary reform , they had Letrayod a willingness to follow in the rear when they felt that sufficient power and argument had ° one before them . They , were not the light troops which took the lead , but the heavy horse that W up the rear . ( Hear , and laughter . ) Many intelligent men who were formerly of opposite opinions were now going in the right direction to support the cause . Reform was now a fashionable saying . There was no peril m it . The very tories were reformers .

    They must be reformers for fashion ' s sake . ( Hear , hear . ) He had always been a staunch advocate for religious freedom to its utmost extent . lie should be sorry to hear , anybody say he had wounded the feelinga of persons opposed to him ; but ho must say there was at this moment a-schism of most awful import . ' One half of our national church appeared to be on the march back to papistry . Proofs of this were to be seen in all directions . He was glad , however , to think that , the largest and most powerful body , the evangelical sect were with them . Mr . Hume then rose to support the resolution , and was received with enthusiastic cheering , said , ho had always found fault with the manner in which our legislative body in the House of Commons was

    constituted . Its tendency was to support class interests and not to confer benefits upon the community at large . ( Hear , hear . ) It was the result of the power enjoyed by our aristocracy . They considered it their patrimony ; and their idea was , that they were born to be fed and supported by the community . ( Dear , hear . ) He highly approved of the principles on which this association was conducted . It was only by joining financial and parliamentary agitation that that great measure of reform in 1830 was effected . They must look to measures , not to men . ( Hear , hear . ) He had no hesitation in saying that he had generally acted with the Wbigs , but ho had always supported a constitutional government . He was perfectly satisfied

    with that form of government which comprehended Queen , Lords , and Commons ; but he protested against a system which enabled one body of the legislature to assume those honours which the other oujjlit to engross . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not wish to interfere with the Lords , but he objected to their assuming the powers which ought only to be exercised by tho Commons . Every man who contributed towards the taxation of the country ought to have , directly or indirectly , a voice in the election of members to servo in parliament . Ia order to prove to them how necessary it was to persevere in their present endeavours , he would mention to them that in the year 1821-22 there was great distress amongst the landed interest of the country : but incredible

    as it might nppear , after every effort was made to alleviate that distress , not a single motion was carried to reduce the expenses of public establishments . In that year corn fell to 35 s ., and at length an amendment was adopted , declaring that all the institutions in the country should be inquired into , and all expenses reduced which were found to press heavily upon the finances ofthe nation . Years had elapsed since that period , and they were now falling back into their then state , because the people had no power in the conduct of ther own affairs . ( Hear , hear . ) The exposure of the condition ofthe country , which was continued up to the year 1830 , had produced the Reform Bill , and the exertions of this association would in time lead to similar practical

    results . As regarded the present Prime Minister he must say that he had always respected him for the part ho took in respect to the Test and Corporation Acts , and also for the support he gave to the Lancasterian system of education . Tor his conduct upon those points , and also for the course pursued by his father , 6 he Duke of Bedford , he should always entertain a respect for him . As for the little contradictions which he occasionally indulged in , they were the result of the pressure of tho times . William Pitt declared that an angel from heaven could not govern the country under the state of things which existed during his time ; and the same might be said at the present , Lord John

    Russell ' s heart was honest , but he was compelled to keep his situation . ( Laughter and cheers . ) He congratulated them upon the' progress they were making . What ho desired to see effected was an extension of the suffrage to every man who had been registed to his domicile for a given period , so that all classes in the country should be able to carry out their opinions , whatever they might be . He also thought that the duration of parliament ought not to exceed three years . He might not live to see the day when the reforms they were now endeavouring to accomplish would be brought into action , but the younger men , . who were now commencing their career , would profit by the exertions they were now making . ( Cheers . ) ••¦

    Mr . Gobden came forward and said , that he was compelled to attend a committee in the House of Commons , but he had attended there to show his respect for tho gentlemen who were present , ne begged , however , to inform them , that he should have the pleasure of saying a few words to them

    tomorrow . Lord D . D . Stuart congratulated the association upon one of the most important meetings which had ever assembled , and one which every man must be proud to be present at . Their object was to reduce the burdens of the people , and to place the system upon a more just and equitable footing . In the year 1833 Mr . Cobbett demonstrated , by a series of resolutions , that the taxation of this country pressed upon the poor man forty times more than upon the rich man . ( Hear , hear . ) It was under such a state of laws as Mr . Cobbett pointed out that they were now living , and such laws the financial and Parliamentary Association were determined to get rid of . Their object was to have the public taxation

    reduced to moderate limits , and to cause it . to be placed upon a just footing . They would not carry their object until the people were fairly represented , as the only way of securing financial reform was by obtaining in the first instance parliamentary reform . ( Cheers : ) Mr . W . J . Fox expressed his entiro concurrence in the social revolution which was now going on in this country—a revolution ( he said ) sought to be carried out without bloodshed or plunder—a revolution which would raise to their proper position the intellectual and moral aristocracy of the empire . It was not birth or wealth , but ability to govern , and integrity to govern rightly , which were the true qualifications to 'fit a man for a seat in the House of Legislature . The constitution ought to

    be so modelled as to enable the working men to sit side by side with those cligues which had hitherto governed the country . As regarded the benefits conferred by the state upon persons who rendered services to the public , Mr . Fox observed that they were not bestowed upon those who were really entitled to them . Why should Lord Clanricarde become the master of ' Rowland Hill , who had propounded the . grand scheme for the reformof the postage ? It was because the system was to make the poorer men of this country subservient to the rich , and this was the system which the present association were endeavouring to alter , lie was delighted to have the opportunity of seeing such a meeting as was there gathered together , and

    he wished nothing better than that there should be a phrenologist present who could show that even in that room there were the materials and the germs of regeneration in the land . The hon . gentleman then set down amidst the loudest applause . Sir Joshua Walusiey then called upon the secretary , Mr . Beggs , to read the report of the business committee recommending the adoption of certain resolutions , appointing a president , a vice-president , and a secretary , proposing fifteen minutes as the limit to each speaker , and an adjournment of the meeting that day at four o ' clock until ten o ' clock this morning , when the business waa to be continued until nve o ' clock p . m . The meeting unanimously agreed to the report , and the resolutions contained therein .

    Sir Joshua . WiiMatBTt , vrho was appoiaied by the meeting to act as president , then returned thanks tor their expression of the confidence which they had in him . Mr . Kershaw , M . P ., for Stockport , then proposed the first resolution , to the effect : — " That this conference , convened for the purpose of concerting the best means of carrying out the principles and objects of the National Reloim Association , feels it incumbent at the commencement of the prooeedings to express its strong sense of the necessity of parliamentary and financial reform , its . satisfaction at the progress ateeady . made in extending be operations ofthe aaaowatiott , and ite 3 ppro . ba

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    tion ofthe measures adopted by tho council to that end . If further declares it conviction that as a properly instructed and well-directod public opinion is fully competent to effect any change that the circumstance of the country may require , the work of reform in all instances rests with the great body ofthe people ; and therefore the conference invites every class of reformers , and those connected with tho various political find financial reform associa ' tions , to become members of the National Reform Association , and in every suitable way aid its operations . " He felt no difficulty whatever in proposing such a resolution as that to a body of English reformers , and in congratulating them , on the

    present aspect of their affairs . The first word that Mr . Pox said to him on entering the meeting was that he liked their faces , and then he ( Mr . Kershaw ) stated that he felt the same impression . The resolution said that they were met for the purpose of adopting the beatmeana of carrying out the principles anil objects of the National Reform Association . These ' principles and objects had been explained to tViem by that veteran reformer , Mr . Hume , to whom the nation owed an extraordinary dobt of gratitude ; for he during a great number of years , and through good and evil report , had steadily , perseveringly , and constantly advanced the great principles which they were met to promote . ( Cheers ) All they asked for what was that tho people should be fairly represented , that-they

    should have what is called household suffrage , should be able to send to parliament men who were capable of conducting their public business , and should have a vote by ballot , a protection which was greatly needed in this country . His observations had led him to conclude that the ballot was essential to the liberties of this country . On all occasions he had voted for it , as he had done for all measures which he thought tended to tlie liberty of the country . Mr . Lawrence IlErwoitTn , M . P . for Derby , in seconding the resolution , said that of all the instances which marked the glorious times in which ho lived , there was nothing on which they congratulated themeelves with more reason than the fact

    that they were ablo to meet in such large numbers without arms , peaceably to work for the remedy of evils which they laboured under . They were not now , as formerly , compelled , when they had any great public burthen to relieve themselves of , to meet armed in large numbers to contest with violence for the attainment of their rights . Thank God they could now meet the cannon at its mouth without arms . The power of armies was impotent when matched against reason and determined intellect . ( Cheers . ) There meeting tliore to-day from all parts of England argued that they were in earnest . Their great end and object was not merely to procure changes in the government , but it was through that instrumentality to obtain a remission

    of taxation . Their intention was not merely to remove burthens which were disagreeable to them , but to extend their commorco , so that every labouring man in the country should find employment , and be well remunerated . They should look to their taxation and discover the mode in which it was to be lightened . Mr . Hume told them he did not wish to see property rendered insecure . He joined with Mr . Hume in that desire , for it was the security of property that gave stability to society ; but , at the same time he did not see why tho property of the poor man should not be considered of as much importance to him as the property of the rich man was to him . ( Cheers . ) By these laws they were putting their hands into the poor man ' s pocket , and

    robbing him of his hard-earned wages . It was said they must maintain a revenue for the purpose of supporting the army and navy , but he would answer that a change could be made in the system which would enable them to dispense with the army and navy altogether . Tho national debt afforded another strong ground of objection , and it was doubted whether the people would pay the interest on the national debt by means of direct taxation . He was of opinion that , if the people investigated the thing , and found that the debt was a just one , such was their honesty that they would be most willing to pay the interest on it by direct taxation . The hon . gentleman waa proceeding , when the chairman told him that he had cone beyond the time

    allotted to each ; speaker . He accordingly sat down , having given his cordial approval of the resolution which ho had the honour to second . - Mr . J . Wilhams , M . P . lor Macclesfield , then spoke to tho resolution , and congratulated the meeting on being able to call forth the opinion of the country in favour of one of the best measures that was ever proposed for the benefit of the people , in such a manner as to fill so large a room with delegates from all parts of England , for the promotion of the objects of the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association . He concluded by saying that he would do every thing in his power to forward the views of tho association , and he promised the people oi this country that they could command his services , and rely on him without distrust .

    The resolution was then put and unanimousl y carried . • Mr . G . Dawson , of Birmingham , then proposed the second resolution , to the effect : — " That in order to instruct , arouse , and concentrate public opinion upon practical measures , it is desirable that the" council should employ as many lecturers as the funds may enable them to command , to visit various districts with the view of bringing before the people the principles and objects of the association , of formin g local committees in connexion with the association , organising a machinery for enrolling members , and otherwise promoting the principles and objects ofthe association ; and , as special efforts already made in some of the farming districts have

    been attended with signal success , it will be well for the council to direct \ . &vt of its labours specially to the agricultural districts . " He had no choice in taking this resolution , as it savoured too much of the profession . Ho himself was a lecturer , and he could not join in the cant that was raised against that profession , whether it came from parsons or from prophets , who spoke against them either because they thought that they were interfering with thorn , 01 because they did not feel themselves capable of doing what the lecturers did . There were now several organisations in which the people did not believe , but he hoped that they could organise something in which the people did believe . There were religious organisations in which no man

    believed , there was a House of Commons which no man cured about . ( Cheers . ) There still existed a series of thing's in which the people once had faith , but which were now supported , though nobody believed in them . He wished to hear an end of the 10 th of April talk which was often heard about protection to property . His opinion was , that property would always take care of itself when it was well managed . He wanted an organisation-politico in which the people did believe—an outward form of inward faith ; what might be called an " outward rendering of real inward reality . " There existed many institutions in this country at which the people laughed privately , and which they pretend to reverence in public . In tho hope that the resolution which he had in his hand would tend to l > rin «

    their ways more near their thinking , he would give it his most hearty support . He particularly likod tho latter part of the resolution , because he believeJ that they had something to do for the farmers . He did not like , to hear tho talk that was generally used against them , because they were a very good sort of fellows when they came lo bo known . What they must do with the farmer was this , they must have them away from their clergy , and a set of men whom they considered , to be their hereditary property . They had their Stanhops , their Spooners , their Ashleys , and their Newdegates . These were the . men who were considered to bo the farmers friends . ' Tho men he wanted to go down to them to advise them , were men without antecedents , men who could not have it thrown in their teeth that they wore traitors like Peel , or a Manchester cotton lord like Cotden . ( Cheers and laughter . ) They should bring them to believe in their errors , and

    they should tell them that they would certainly be ruined under the present change , unless they contracted their expenses , extended their agricultural operations , had their rents diminished , and their taxes lowered . ( Hear and cheers . ) He would not have them deceived in any way . If they wished to do anything , their only plan was to join the Reformers in diminishing the expenses nn ' d increasing the powers ofthe people . He had been visiting the farmers lately . One of them said that he was brought to that state , that for the purpose of annoying tho people ofthe towns who liadmjured him he would lower the wages of his labourers to six shillings per week . To that he ( Mr . Dawson ) replied , that he hoped that if he did he would soon find himself burned in his bed , and showed him the absurdity of reveng ' ng himself on the inhabitants of the towns by causing conflagrations throughout the country , ( near . ) Mr . Tillett , from Norfolk , seconded the resoiition .

    Mr . Houohton , of Upton , near Aylesbury , spoke in favour of the resolution . Ho said that some of the faces around him brought to his recollection the time when he lent his assistance in carrying the repeal of the corn laws . He did not think that they had taken a retrograde step on that occasion . Everything that he had seen , and everything that had occurred since that time strengthened him in the opinion that it was the best policy that England could have taken . He would , however , beg to say , that he , as he believed himself to be , was one of the largest occupiers of land in the kingdom ,

    and he was not prepared to accept the repeal of the- corn laws , and to go * on with the present system of taxation . ( Cheers . ) He wanted not only free- trade in corn , but free trade in everything else . He meant not only that they and the country at large should go to the very best market that they could get , but they should go to it without the exciseman . ( Cheers . ) He was not only for free trade , but for free trade carried puMo its fullest extent , He would now repeat what he had often said before , that it was impossible for a man tegrow wheat a * low prjee , wi J » ve an mwr-

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    ordinary amount of taxation . While he Btated thi * he was prepared to stand for many of the institutions of his country , he was ready to support his sovcreignand the House of Lords , and it was to save them both that he now called on them to yield to the just demands of the people . ( Cheers . ) laving alluded to the present iimited state of . the franchise in England and Ireland , Mr . Houghtpn concluded by saying that their intelligence , industry , and perseverance would secure their success . The resolution was then put and carried . Miv Parry , who was delegated to attend by the inhabitants of Norwich , moved the next resolution ,

    to the effect : — " That in order more fully to awaken and direct the reform feeling , it is expedient that tho council should continue from timo to timo to issue such tracts and publications , embodying the principles of the association , or pointing out specific p lans of action , as may appear to them useful and necessary . " ne repudiated the attacks of those who called them Socialists and Rod Republican ? , and said that they were met there for the purpose of obtaining their just rights in a peaceable manner , and concluded by observing that it would go forth to the world that they had fulfilled their important mission , the result of which must be final success .

    Cheers . ) Mr . Walters , from Newcastle , then seconded tho resolution . „ , Mr . G . Thompson , M . P ., for the Tower Hamlets , said that he begged extremly hard to boexcused from addressing the meeting , on account of extreme indisposition , but ho could not refrain from offering a few observations on so important an occasion . He congratulated the meeting upon the encouraging nature of the circumstances under which they had met . It seemed to him that they had only to be steadfast in their cause , and to go on working wisely and temperately inculcating their principles on the public mind , and they would ultimately place themselves in a position . which would render it impossible for any power within the state to control

    them . lie recommended the people not to bo led astray at the hustings by the ambiguous generalities of the great majority of candidates , but to send in men to parliament who sympathised with them , lie repudiated the notion that the people should be taxed for the support of an idle aristocra cy . They were plundered to the extent of ten millions a year for the support of the church establishment . They had also to pay six or seven millions for the support of men who strutted on the quarter deck in vessels belonging to what they call her Majesty ' s navy , They also paid an immense sum for the support 01

    men who did nothing but exhibit the skill of tailors by walking about the streets like animated clothes pegs , and who protended to snorne their betters in the fustian jackets . And tho fact was that at the present moment , they had patrician pauperism and Bolgravian mendicancy supported by what was taken from the pecket of the poor but honest man . Having alluded to the corruption , subornation , dishonesty , and debauchery which take place at elections now-a-days , and the little good that was effected by the Reform Bill , the hon . gentleman closed his speech , it being announced that it . was four o'clock . The conference then adjourned to the morning .

    WEDNESDAY . Tho 8 econd sitting of the conference took place this day at Crosby Hall , at ten o ' clock , wherein in pursuance of the request of the chairman , the various delegates proceeded to address the meeting on the subject of the political feeling of their re « spective districts . Mr . William Biogs , of Leicester , who said that the feelings in favour of reform entertained in Leicester , were strong and perfectly healthy , the men for the most part concurring with all the views of the Reform Association . He suggested that the conferences should be held annually as a means of holding united the Democratic parties throughout England , and complained that the City of London had been less ready in taking up the great questions of political reform than many other cities of England . He did not wish to see it become to this country what Paris was to Prauce ; yet he hoped that , at least in the present movement , London

    would take up the position which belonged to it as the great metropolis of tho land and of the world . Mr . Adams , of Derby , declared that the people of the city to which he belonged , had warmly embraced the principles of National Reform , and would proceed whether or not they received the support of the Whig administration . The Chartiata there had not abandoned the principle of Universal Suffrage ; but as the means of attaining their ultimate designs , they gave the present movement their most hearty support . Mr . M'Grath , of Dublin , said that as a friend to reform , he had come to the meeting , but was delegated by no public body ; he was certain that under more favourable auspices they would find no warmer supporters than the Irish . But that country was then in a state of degradation , humiliation , and prostration , from no fault of its own , but owing to tho successive misfortunes under which it unhappily laboured .

    Mr . H . Lewis , and Mr . Addison of Stroud , Mr . Wjutwall of Peterborough , Mr . Thwaites of Southwark , Mr . Gilpin , and Mr . Wade , auureascd tho Conference . The Chairman called on Mr . Cobden , whom he introduced as the most useful and practical man of the age , " who had accomp lished greater measures of usefulness than any man of modern times , and had brought up to the working man the blessings of plenty and cheapness . Mr . Coupistf , who was enthusiastically received , said he believed he was not wrong in assuming that the gentlemen before him had come to London from their several localities because they were dissatisfied with , the proceedings of the House of Commons , ( Hear , hear . ) They thought a large majority ofthe house was not doing all the things it ought to do ,

    and that they did a great many things they ought not to do . ( Cheers and laughter . ) He believed they were of opinion that the house was not going as fast as it could in the right direction , and that in many cases it wa 8 not going there at all . ( Cheers . ) After the votes he had recorded and the motions ho had made , ho should be a very insincere representative of his constituents , and a very great hypocrite indeed , if : he did not agree with them in that opinion . The result ofthe divisions which had taken place in the house had given him precisely the same notion . ( Cheers and a laugh . ) He and they might be wrong in that opinion , and mig ht be in error in wishing certain things to be done , but he should be a very great hypocrite if he did not thank them for

    assembling to support the minority of the House of Commons , and to enable them to accomplish the object they had in view . ( Cheers . ) He assumed they were of op inion they could get a better House of Commons if the people had a larger control over the representation . The theory of the constitution was that the House of Commons represented the people . It was that which was peculiar to them among the nations of Europe . If , then , they found in many cases that it was a complete sham , delusion , and fraud , they would be traitors to the principles of the constitution if they did not endeavour to make the house represent the people . They were anxious for greater economy in the administration of tbe affairs of state . / Cheers . ) There the theory

    of the constitution was with them again , and they must be traitors to it if they did not believe the peop le were the best guardians of the peop le ^ purse . In opposition to all who denied that a fair representation of the people would give us a more economical government , he maintained that all experience showed such would be tho result in the administration -of the people ' s affairs . He would take the case of the three countries in which the people had the largest influence—the United States , Switzerland , and Norway—and he pointed to them as tho models of modern times for the wise , prudent , and economical administration of financial affairs . ( Hear hear . ) Agreeing in all these points , and there was scarcely a rational man could object to

    them , they had assembled thei'e to lay the foundations for effecting a chango in the representation that would give them a better government and a more economical administration of affairs . ( Cheers . ) There was no royal road to change in the affairs oi this country . Any one who dreamt that any great moral change could be effected by violent meansby a fight in the streets—by any means but by arduous continued labour , was not worthy of joining with them . ( Hear , hear . ) They thought to effect their change by moral means alone ; but he asked them to look around and see what means were at their command . No change had been made since 1833 , when Sir Robert Peel raised tho cry of " Register ! register ! " at a time when his party

    were in a most miserable condition . The whole source of political power in this country sprang from the registration court ; and , if they would effect any change , it must be made by means of those courts now , as in 1 S 33 . The first object to which they must direct their attention was to act on tho registration of electors by means of local bodies . Let them , when they returned home , form associations for the purposes of registration . If they did so , and paid somo attention to registration matters , it would give them a title to a voice in the election of a candidate to represent them m parliament . Ho kn <> of no other way in which they could obtain a title to th » same right . That object

    could not be effected by a centralized body ; it must be done by local meaus , while the central body could direct their efforts and encourage tho people to persevere in the registration effort . But it wa » not merely in the " boroughs they must set about this ; they must register in the counties also . They must infuse more- of the popular ' element into tho country constituencies by the increase of small freeholds . The country would bo iudebted to thnm for carrying 011 the work because they were pseiiarfcg to do so by means on which the people i > l England prided themselves , and whereby they avoided the concussions which were so apt to follow changes abroad—namely , moral means alone . They boasted themselvesas being able , ¦ whether from longpVa «« tice or coldness of temperamejat , to hold a great and exciting public ni « etu > g , s&i tike * g < t tome g&i

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• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 27, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1571/page/7/