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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th December 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO MR . CHARLES GAYAX DUFFY . n £ 1 *~?? VI oatr ? geonsly personal attack upon me necessitates a reply wtik extreme tekcUmce 1 proceed to give it I will , atyour desire , takeyour chargesseriatim ant « ' them ^^ J /™ sad every one and the only blotter I will use is Vie Utah . I will endeavour to aveid the grossly fc ^ 2 ^ * wbicL y ° " indulged ! I ^ neither distort facts nor misrepresent Sonversafaons understood to be confidential . Were I in your position , such » tricks of fence" might sagger themselves , but my conscience is clear , and I w J , t 0 rePeat a l ? lain statement in plain language to carry with me the verdict of aU honest - mm r \^ TL x » ujxi . c " . _ -c- i , _

      Sir , you have indeed preferred an artful array of Cbarges against me—some of them ridiculoussome absolutel y childish , as the offspring of a sillv and flatulent vanity—some notoriously unfoundedothers easil y dissipated with the slightest breath of explanation-all most carefull y elaborated and conveyed in vehementl y intemperate language - tut what is most remarkable , not one sin-le accusWi ™ ^ supported by , « nfflfit of evidence , dhSSS direct . In all this your policy is obvious Tou desire by a personal attack on me to w hdr ° w public observation from your own public coS ™ which now stands impeached before tn » ™ J ?

      ao the desperation of yowperilous position I attriertkt sympath y-to create a diversion . But your dSr ^ ° UtSt V PPed f , USUal C 001 and ^ culSS ™? r , £ an <^ S 0 ? alpaUe is a 11 this on «* f ^ of your angry and vituperative letter , that alreadv public opinion has condemned you . With this reply JOHi- eondemnation will be complete ^ J ° Ur , J ?*?* , ^ * *« & »» that " open , debauched , and shameless lying" hasbeenemploved against you in the Iridtman ; and towards the close of your letter , you deliberatel y declare that _ _ 6 mce Mr . Joseph Brenan went to Amm-i ™ ti .

      identical slanders have been written . " In this de-* r ! r «? ? ^ swwaabto a clue to your boasted "long forbearance " -to your courageous Outbreak . Mr . Brenan is gone . He is not here to give a personal reply to your charges—to justify every word he wrote concerning your policy and oonduct ; and knowing this , you wax suddenl y valiant , and fancy you will escape with impunity . You dare not , were he here , accuse him of open , ¦ debauched , and shameless lying" in his Editorship of the LisJanan . Even in his absence , you dare not < lo so directly , but you have done so indirectly , for until he recently left , to settle in America , he wrote , with one or two exceptions , every article in which reference

      was made to your conduct and policv . Of ins truthfulness , fidelity , and probity , his unselfish nature , honorable disposition , and chivalrous devotion to the cause , I need not speak . Enough to know he was the tried and trusted friend of John iutchel , and proved in every way worthy of his confidence . He was in Newgate with you , and thoroughly understood you . Ton feared him ; and "while ho remained in the country , you wisely remained silent , and never attempted to exclaim against any of tbo " slanders" you now make a merit of having so long patiently endured . But ¦ when this day ' s Irishman reaches Sew York , I promise you a reply from Mr . Brenan yon will regret in your soul having provoked .

      The first tangible charge you make is , that in the article in the Irishman on your "Irish Alliance , " you are represented " as having done the exact re-Terse of that which you did . " This I distinctly deny . Tou admit all that was alleged against you . You tell the public that you proposed a resolution < H sympathy with the State Prisoners in the " Committee , " and carried it—that you wed its adoption in the " Conference , " and it was resisted , until a secession was about to ensue , when you withdrew it , on the understanding that you and Mr . M . Leyne were at liberty to fatt-asmuch as you pleased at the Aggregate Meeting on the subject of your resoluiion . This is your own version of the affair ; and jour charge against the Irishman is , that the reproach of the failure of that resolution was thrown upon you . To this 1 plead guilty . What is your own explanation ?—That you

      withdrew the resolution to conciliate some parties , who , in an "Irish Alliance , " appealing to Irish Nationalists for support , were ashamed or afraid to express in a resolution of sympathy—even so small a thing as sympathy—with the State Prisoners ! You claim the honour of having proposed the resolution ; admitted—the disgrace of its withdrawal is also your Own . The charge against you , sir , is—that , having proposed the resolution , you shamefully withdrew it , to conciliate parties not worth conciliating—for , what man is worthy of being ranked as a labourer in the national cause , who is ashamed or afraid to express , even in a guarded resolution , sympathy ¦ wi th the State Prisoners ? Outupou such base ¦ " conciliation , " that abandons friends who suffered for their patriotism , and brings scandal on the cause , by appearing to make Irishmen unmindful of those wlie sacrificed all for their countiv .

      it was against this scandal the Irishman protested ; and you , Sir . Duffy , admit the grounds of protestyou , who should be the last man to desert the memories of the illustrious exiles you urged on to their fate , are yet foremost to found anew "Alliance , " based upon a denial to thorn of so poor a thing as ¦ " sympathy . " Shame , shame upon you—shame upon the policy that , within six months after their departure from our shores , would thus prove untrue to their memories—forgetful of their sufferings—and make so light of their great sacrifices , as to deny them even an expression of " sympathy . "

      Mr . M . Leyne s version of this affair is similar to your own ; but he tells more truth . It was necessary , said he , " to avoid even the ajqxxtrance of connexion with the principles of our illustrious friends ;"— " conciliation " rendered this necessary . The conciliation of whom ? Of the Nationalists ? Oh no , impossible . Of the honest Confederates -who were associated with O'Brien , and his illustrious fellow-sufferers ? It would be a libel to assume such a thing . On whom , then , was " conciliation" to do its work ? On Whigs and WhigJimrs - —on timid time-servers , and weather-cock politicians , whom you Mi * . Duffy , Live drawn around you in support of your policy ; these were the men to be conciliated .

      To save appearances , you proposed the resolution finding them to nothing , expressing only sympathy ; they resisted— -you yielded ; and , with these facts patent to the world , you claim the support of honest -Nationalists for your " Irish Alliance . " Artful as were your tactics , the gross inconsistency , the shameful abandonment of p rinciple , was too glaring to escape detection . The Irishman exposed it ; hence your revengeful ire . Now , sir , are you , as tiie prime mover in the course of events which terminated in the expatriation of our illustrious martyrs , not ashamed or your conduct in this matter ? Your policy has been de-Tiousand intensely selfish . Associated wi'h men of OBen , and generous and unsuspecting natures , you

      used them for your own purposes . John Juitchel early saw through you , and you made a party to ex pel him from the " Confederation . " The same test that drove the " Con ' edwates " from " Conciliation Hal \ , " you applied to dme John Mitchil from the " Confederation . " You succeeded . Smith O'Brien , Meagher , Dillon , < tc , were your dupes oe the occasion ; yet , but a brief period ejapsed when vou reversed your tactics . John jUitcnel was transported ; and / until that act ; was consummated , viu were all for " moral force "—the ; time had not eome ; " but no sooner were you imprisoned than an insurrection became necessary , lou urged O'Brien to take the field at a time when the country was unprepared ; without means , without organisationwithout concert or design—you excited to an

      , armed movement , and on its failure you now seeK to trade —Nay , you endeavour , within six months ot their transportation , lo organise a new Association on the basis of cinciliating men who deny even their " sympathies "to those illustrious martyrs you so lar ^ elv contributed to expatiate . Sin Duffy , do you suppose the Irish people are -such fools as not to see through your policy ? Do you thinkvoucan now establish an Association of Nationalists , based upon a repudiation of the gencroin sacrifices of our illustrious martyrs ? Do you think that an Association will ever merit or receive the confidence of the Iri > h people that starts into being , avoidiu" even an appearance of connexion with jww-^ S rendered sacrtd by offering , and hallowed by mar tyrdomJ canning and „ dex Jo £ tricked you will fail . The political educa-^ f the n eS is too far advanced to pernu t then . iou

      tnhPC'metbe dupesofa reactionary i-oncy . gjR £ Ss 3 SS 3 * HaYS ^ res oluti on you proposed bound the " Irish ^ ssrsasss

      SFA 5 S-MSF " " ffitai agfegSMBS « a new Ass 0 , ?^ r " ^» _ that shuns as an essen-SS 5 JB&-H «» *«• c

      Untitled Article

      ^ Ksxiaa ass * ' - * etf £ ^ *« W 5 thisV Tf ai « ^ -& ^ s £ »| o = ^ oS : ana ^ 2 * resolJo " ; i "' l 'T , '* * ° l ! * ° » Aimt •" Oltr leftthft Mii Indeed ' your whole contluct has nevprL P ^ T- ° ? ? raind 4 that 3 ™ were tSt ^ M brU ? m ' that "solution for ^ ard-SfpJ i SOmerelyas atrick t" save appearadopted ' heartfelt anxiety t 0 «* . ance of connexion ' with V • Dle 8 oFniu > iiinet .: —irr . principles—the Drinni-

      However , one thing is clear , the " Irish Alliance " stands unmasked before the country , and you , Mr . uuttywitn it . 1 can now understand the , studied care with which you excluded « r . Brenan and myselt Irora your secret coherences in which this 'Alliance was originated ; your object was not tore-organise the Nationalists , but to set on foot a movement to sustain you in the reckless reactionary policy y .. u have adopted , and which has already carried you within the precincts of Whigi ; ery . One thing , at . all events , is dear : in repudiating , in youv new Association , " even the appearance of connexion " with the principles of the illustrious martyrs , you have opened the eyes of the country to your own recreancy , and completely severed your " connexion " with the true Nationalists of Ireland , I now come , sir , to matters more personal to

      mvfcir . iou nave assailed me with a maligni ty and coarseness I would be ashamed to retaliate , llaving broken your discreet silence , your excuse is , that you would have remained " silent for ever , " but ibr the exposure of the "Irish Alliance '" in the MAnan , which you affirm led you no longer to forbear ' informing the people that these systematic slanders ^ ,. P ? or venseance of a disappointed servant , who , foiled in his servile efforts to recover the favour of his generou 3 master , turns in a single hoar from asterisk petitioner at his feet , to a rabid cur barking at his heels , flying to bite the hand that fed him . "

      Snch is your language , Mr . Duffy—such the terms which , in an unguarded moment , you permitted yourself to apply to me . Now , sir , I will deal with you briefly and explicitly . We are . both before thecountrp , and I challenge you to make good your charges . 1 st Of what systematic slanders have I been guilty ?—name one , I defy you . True , I have puulis » | e < i in the Irishman letters from Thomas Devin Redly and Michael Dohray , bitterly censuring your public conduct . Those gentlemen attached their names to what they wrote , and you never had the moral courage to hazard a reply . But your accusation is personal to me , and I now defy you to the proof . 2 . You call me a " disappointed servant . " " Disappointed , " in what ? 'Tis true that I was your

      cashier and publisher for five years , and you call yourself " a generous master . " Come , sir , before the country , speak up . Did I not serve you zealously and faithfully ? Dare you whisper or ' insinuate one word against my character ? One word against ihe integrity and fidelity of my services ? Fear no le ^ al proceedings on my part ; I give you ful l liberty to speak your mind freely . Say , then , dare you impeach my services in the slightest particular ? If you dare not , then you are branded as evincing awillinsness to wound , but yet afraid to strike . I will not follow your bad example , and obtrude on the public the nature and extent of my services , which , were you not all and more than you describe me to be , you never would have so ungenerously forgotten .

      But , I am tempted by the tone of arrogance in which you address me , to ask who you are Mr . Duff / ? JI 7 w are ^ you ? You parade yourself as '' generous master" — you assume an aristocratic hauteur , and talk of your " cashier and publisher" as your - servant . " Whence this silly vanity ? this childish impertinence ? this ridiculous assumption ? Is it that y . u wish to verify the eld adage about " setting a beggar on horseback ? " Surely , the very recent events of your life must have escaped from your memory with the same facility as you have discarded your principle . ' , else you never would have indulged in such an unseemly exhibition of folly aud of pride . It is not many years since you came to Dublin , a very poor , ill-educated and helpless

      , youth , well contented to accept even a few shillings a week , in the Horning lkgisttr office . What man of gentlemanly feeling -svou'd thenh-rve called you a " servant ? '" Who , with a proper self-respect , would have looked down on your poverty , or ridiculed your uncouthness ? By dint of plodding you get oil—a scanty education you improved by general , not deep reading—you became a surface politician—naturally jIow , by painful practice you came in time to write a passable article . Then followed your connexion with the Belfast Vindicator , which has left no agreeable reminiscences behind . Again , you came to Dublin , and , in conjunction with Thomas Davis , and J «> hu Dillon , you established the Nation . Brought thus

      into association with gentlemen , your superiors in every respect , you imperceptibly improved in manners and in mind . You had tact and cunning — you were a * are of your own deficiencies , and strove by sedulous study to supply them . The awakened intellect of the count ) y was gathered round the Nation , and you profited by the opportunity to make a character . In this you succeeded . The genius of others —of your associates—made your reputation . They have noir , one by one , departed , and how do you Sustain it ? Let the " new Nation" testify . Thrown on your own resources , you cut but a sorry figure . The literary excellence of the old Nation is gone . You arc now reduced to your naturally stunted proportions—a very " Triton among the ininuow ? . ' ,

      Such is briefly your personal career siuce you first engaged as a '"servant" in Michael Staunton ' s office . Are you entitled by it to assume aristocratic arrogance , and s := eer at me as a ' I servant" for having , in the capacity of " cashier and publisher , " served you faithfully for years ? Indeed , Mr . Duffy . I am sorry that your association with gentlemen did so little service in improving your taste—that your boasted Liberal opinions did not lead you to adopt justcr and more rational opinions . I now address myself to the charges tbat you have ventured to specifv .

      1 . You accuse me of having published the prospectus of the National newspaper , " with the unpenerous and dishonest design of attempting to pass off the paper as yours . " This I deny , and challenge you to prove . If I had such a "design , " it must have been manifested some way or other . I have only your base and reckless assertion to deal with , and surely you cannot think that will now pass current . With your usual dexterity , as a trickster you assert an " affirmative , " and call upon me to prove a " negative . " My reply is , your assertion is a falsehood aod a calumny , and as such I denounce it before the country .

      2 . My next crime was in publishing the Irishman , which you describe as " a servile and absurd imitation of * the Nation from the title page to the tailpiece . " Of tlii ? charse the country can judge . That I did publish the Irishman is true ; but that it was or is a " servile imitation" of the old Nation is totally untrue . The principles were and are far a-head of those you cherish , Mr . Duffy . God forbid there was any identity between them . The principles of the Ifkhman arc Democratic ; your princip les always had an Aristocratic colouring and tendency . You also complain that when I started the Irishman you were " untried , and competent to revive the-Yaf « M < ; or , in case of conviction , to transfer it to some suitable person on behalf of your family . "

      There is a wicked ingenuity in this accusation that startles me . Tou wish to insinuate that I interfered with your property ; yet , sir , what is the truth ? Months before I started the Irishman you had no promty : all your property was assigned over to trustees to pay your debts ; your f urniture had been sold : your printing materials had been in part disposed of ; the office in which the Nation was published had been aiven up to the prop rietor—nothing remained but the mere prettige o { your name ; and I defy you to adduce one single instance in which 1 sought * to use even that . . Nation

      You wish also to insinuate that the was a valuable property when it was suppressed , and thereby to stvansthen your calumnious imputations on me This obliges me to tell you the truth , and with my knowledge of the truth , I am astounded at the recklessness that dictated your foul accusations . When the Nation was suppressed , it was in a sinkin" condition . The first blow it received , was on the cessation of John Mitchel—from that fatal hour its prosperity began to fade , until , with your reckless extravagance in a style of living you had never been accustomed to , and against which I often expostulated , the establishment was becoming so exhausted , that , had not Clarendon suppressed it , you would have been driven into bankruptcy . Sir , with the knowledge of the services I rendered you in your emergency , were you not the most ungrateful of men , vou never would have calumniated me as you have done—but I will not retort , I seek only to defend mvseli " .

      3 . - You complain that a letter from your solicitor , denying you had any connexion with the Irishman , was suppressed . It was suppressed , and simply because it was deemed offensive . But a full and explicit contradiction was given in the most prominent part of the Irishman , to the effect conveyed in your letter , that you had no connexion with the Irishman . ,. 4 . This did not satisfy you . There was a paltry purpose to be served , by endeavouring to thrust on me snch a letter as mi g ht injure my property ; and this I determined to resist . Your solicitor appeared awain with another letter and a threat ; the threat was despised , but care was taken to do full justice to the Irishman as well as to you , and a secend paragraph was inserted , stating in plain , unequivocal language , that you had no connexion whatever vrith thepape r *

      Untitled Article

      ~ = — === ^^ =: ^ = ^^ = ^^ r := And now , sir , I challen ge you to produce one scintilla of proof that I ever , by word or deed , gave any one to imagine , or understand , that you were connected with the Irishman . Your elaborate accusations are a mere tissue of moonshine—yet I must dispose of them , " one by one , and every one , " else you would say I was unable to do so . This imposes a disgusting task on me , and obliges me to crave the good feeling and indulgence of my readers . 5 . Yournext chargeisthatthe Jm ^» jo » attributed to Thomas Davis the labours on behalf of literature and education which it pleased Mr . Butt , on your nrst trial , to ascribe to you . I remember the circumstance well-Mr . Joseph Brenan was then in Richmond Prison , and contributed as regularly as he ^^ " ™ "' ' And nnw «;» t _ i . _ u . _ . ... ¦

      convenientl y could to the Irishman . He wrote the article you allude to , and you knew he wrote it . When he was released , and I understood you felt annoyed at the article , I spoke to him , and ho apnned its truth . You met him afterwards and never renewed the subject ; no : r , however , when he is gone to America , youfabricate out of this simplo matter an accusation against me . 6 . On your release from prison , as vou say , 1 waited on you . Had I not done so , I am satisfied that the malignity of your disposition would have made my absence an additionnl ground of accusation and misrepresentation . As it is , you have noted down , it appears , the conversation that took place between us ! aud I have to thank God you can only charge me with havin « r " nrnnneoH tnim-mm

      the Irishman forthwith , if' as you allege , " you restored me to my place as publisher of the Nation . '' IMS IS the extent of the crime with which you accuse me ; for the sake of making this paltry accusation you violated the confidence of a private conversation . But , sir , you have misrepresented the tacts , for the truth would not serve your pur-P ° se Two months before you revived the Nation 1 had with you the conversation you misrepresent . In allusion to any seeming antagonism between the Irishman and the projected revival of the Nation , I ottered , if it would scrvt the cause , to sink the Irishman . I presumed you were honest , and intended to follow out an honest policy . On mentioning what I had done to some friends , I was cautioned to he caretul in my communications with you I was warned against abandoning the Irishman , as vou had

      even then given unmistakeable indications that you were not true at heart-that you would abandon the principles of the illustrious martyrs—that you abjured the principles and policy of John Mitchel ; and I was entreated not to imperil , by connexion with you , the only journal in Ireland , on the fidelity and honesty of which the democracy could rely , will confesa that my faith in you , notwithstanding all the heavy drawbacks it had sustained , led me to receivo these warnings with an unwilling ear—yet , how literally have they been verified Urns , sir , in the manner I have stated , I plead guilty to the charge of having proposed to give up the Irishman . Does it redound to my discredit ? I leave the country to judge .

      But how did it come to pass , Mr / Duffy , if I had been acting the treacherous part towards you for months before your release , which you assert I had been acting , that you renewed acquaintance , and held intercourse with me and Mr . Brenan ? Was my offer to give up the Irishman a proof of a desiro to injure or serve your interests 1 Your accusations cut their own throats ? 7 . A ridiculous charge is , that a paragraph appeared m the Irishman , stating that a partv in canvassing for the Nation , at the same time " canvassed against t / ic Irishman . Your " cashier and publisher" or , if you prefer the phrase , your servant , wrote to demand the name of the canvasser and of the person canvassed . Both wore forthwith given ; and from that day until vour letter appeared , I heard no more of the matter" If you now dare deny the fact , I will publish the names , and lcaveyou to justify your shameless audacity as best you can .

      8 . You revive in an accusation against me the charge made against Thomas D'Arcy M'Gee , that he took with him to America £ 200 of money subscribed for national purposes . Xovv , I convict you before the country of base . ingratitude to " your friend" in permitting this charge to lie so long unanswered , if you liad the means of refuting it . The charge was preferred publicly by Mr . Brenan ; and while he remained in this country you wisely remained silent . You had the Nation at your disposal , yet you did not do for M'Gce what until this hour he has failed to do fin- himself—deny it . The story about the profits of the New York Nation I don ' t believe one word of ; but , Mr . Duffy , if you desire to revive the discussion of this matter , I

      promise you Mr . Brenan will not bulk your fancy . You wrote a letter to the Irishman , denying your knowledge of the transaction , and giving M'Gee a character ; in reply you were informed that if you insisted on the publication of that letter it would be published , but a member of your family would be involved in justifying the statement made . A paragraph zvas inserted , giving your denial of all knowledge of the transaction ; and you remained quiescent till Mr . Breuau ' s departure , then you summon sufficient courage , to make the matter : v ground of attack against me . All this is very mean—very pitiful . 9 . Your next charge is , that the " conductors of the Irishman caused cither proofs of the leading article , or an early copy of the revived Nation , to he stolen out of the office , " and that the comments on that article " gave an utterly false and perverted account of its contents . " Sir , respect for myself and for my readers will not permit me to give this foul accusation the denial it merits . I will not

      adopt your phraseology , and say , " you lie in your throat and in your soul . " I will state thesiinplo truth . On the Friday evening preceding your publication a copy of the Nation was brought into this office by a gentleman utterly unconnected with me . Mr . Brenan read it , and forthwith wrote an article , warning the country against the course of policy you recommended ; if he gave an " utterly false and perverted account" of that policy , why hang back until he reached America before you had the courage to tell him so ? But Mr . Brcnau gave a true and accurate account of the policy that article indicated—a policy mischievous and wil y in its conception , growing holder and more dangerous as you proceeded , until its baseness was made manifest to all by the repudiation of " even the appearance o f a connection" with the principles of our illustrious martyrs , which signalised the establishment of its offspring and tool , the " Irish Alliance . "

      10 . You conclude by demanding who is the writer of the article in the Irishman on your " Irish Alliance V Sir , your demand i 3 simply impertinent . I might as well require to be informed who your partners in the new Nation are . I have shown that your assertion that all the articles you complain of were written since Mr . Brenan went to America , is untrue—that they were nearly all written b y Mr . Brenan , and submitted to by you until you thought his absence rendered it safe for you to break silence . Were 1 to name the gentleman who wrote that article I would gain credit by his association with me : but I will not willingly do what might ' iijurc a scholar and a gentleman in his prospects to gratify your malignant curiosity , This , sh , is

      my answer . And now , Mr . Duffy , I have gone through your long , verbose , vituperative tirade , and what does it all amount to ? I have dealt with your accusations , one by one and every one " and into what do they all resolve themselves ? Why , sir , that you leai' the Irishman ; that you find in its intrepid honesty an antidote to the poison you ave instilling into the mind of Ireland ; that the animadversions it has been my painful duty to publish on your "policy " have awakened the country to a knowledge of youv reactionary designs , and you know it—you feel it . This sir , has instigated your assaults on me personally , in the vain hopo of withdrawing attention from the manifold delinquencies that mark your public career .

      You boast that " for ten hours every day since you left your prison you have laboured in this work . " Laboured in wliut work ? To re-organise the Nationalists of Ireland on honest and sterling principles ? To teach the people that demoralisation and disappointment must be the necessary results of any return to the old ways of agitation ? To inspire them with hope in the future , by teaching them that not to English Parliaments or English '' Laws " they must look for a restoration or' their rights , but rely solely on their own trained , and educated , and organised strength ? Is this the work at which you laboured ? Would to God it were , but far otherwise have you been engaged .

      And now , sir , I must conclude . My path lies straight onward—say principles are plain—my policy is above disguise , and goes right forward to the goal to be won . Between us the country will judge . To mar tub cause I advocate by such grossly indecent attacks as you have indulged in , is a degradation to which I will never submit . I shall repel calumnies , but never deal in them—never uso them as my stock-in-trade . Your public conduct and " policy" shall be discussed in the Irishman when it is cousideved such , discussion may serve the cause , but personalities I will leave to you . Acting in this way , sir , with my motives pure , and my conscience clear , I will be enahled , in the language of a patriot whom I presume you now despise—Joseph Mazzini , " fearlessly to raise my eyes to meet those of other men without the dread of meeting any one who can say to me—' you have deliberately lied . I am , your obedient servant , i , D' Olier-str eet , Dublin . Bkrsabd Fuu . au .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE IRISH PEOPLE . ' ¦ Hereditary bondsmen , knotrye not , Who would be free himself must strike the blow ?"ttraotf . " We can't ait our own corn , though wo works nMit and morn—Though we digs , and we delves , and puts out the niiiuure , It all koos iu rack-nuts , and comos back in conlJ flints , To shoot the producers , and kill all the poor . " 1 ' . O'Connor . FBIEXDS AND CoUxYriiYMKN , — My last letter was confined to a mevo introduction of tlio matter that I proposed to discuss iu a . future series , as to the means , the only practical means of raising you from serfdom to independence .

      The groat value that I attach to the free publication of opinion is , that it enables men to judge for themselves , and bases knowled ge upon argument and reason , instead of upon brute force and legal persecution ; and for this reason I admit the right of every man to scan , and if he thinks proper , to repudiate the principles that I advocate- ; hut he must do so hy sound judgment , aud not by vituperation or slimy words . Every one of my letters shall bo written in the most simple language .

      Let me tell you , then , that he who would bo free must strike the blow himself , because if tlioy rely upon the gentle blow of others , the vigour will cease when the others avc blown into greatness . There arc only two blows that can be struck—the physical and the moral blow ; the physical blow you cunnot successfully strike—the moral blow you can ; and that moral blow is the vote—and the moral means of acquiring it is : i thorough union of the people , which will insure a thorough and an honest union of tliciv leaders ; and the result that I anticipate from such an union is the People ' s Chahtkk as the mkass , and social happiness as the end .

      My countrymen , I think 1 hear the exclamations of horror with which you receive snch an announcement ; but hold your wrath when I inform you that Daniel 0 'Council with his own hand , drew up the document entitled the People ' s Chanter , and which original document I produced in the Ilouse of Commons last session , when moving for its adoption , and upon which occasion Mr , John O'Connell and Mr . Greene wore the only two Irish members that voted for it . But let me go further back . In 1730 , Charles James Fox aim the Duke of Richmond advocated

      and pledged themselves to struggle for the Charter—that is , for every point that we now ailvocate . They did so to secure place and power for themsel ye 3 and their party ; but to show you the nift ' ercnee between men seeking power , and exercising power—as soon as the advocacy of the principle had placed that Government power in the hand of Fox , he kicked down the lander that elevated him , brought in a bill to prevent Government contractors from sitting in the House of Commons , and pompously exclaimed— " Be quiet , be thankful—TiIKUH ' s YOUR ClIAUTKI ! . " '

      My countrymen , let mo now separately analyse the six points of the IVople ' s Charter—namely , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Billot , E (\ ual Electoral Districts , iio Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; and if you are so fond of antiquity , and are still to be governed by the musty statutes enacted in barbarous ages , to gratify the lust , the ambition , the incest , and adultery of barbarous monarchs , let me remind you that every single point of the People ' s Charter , with the exception of Vote by Ballot , formerly constituted the basis of the English constitution ; and that one of the first acts of that parlia . ment , which abrogated sessional parliaments , and substituted septennial parliaments , was to give to the proclamation of the King equal force as law , or rather the power to supersede the law . With so much of an introduction , let mo now analyse the principles ; and firstly , as

      tomu / A PARU . \> IES 18 . If 1 had my choice as to which of the points of the People ' s Charter I would accept , I would take Annual Parliaments . I would prefer it to Universal Suffrage with Septennial Parliaments . If you had Annual Parliaments your votes would not be caught by a naming hustings oration ; whereas , with Septennial Parliaments , a vigorous and enthusiastic speech may secure a seven years' lease of offico for a juggler , who would sell you . ' , or may , perhaps , securo for him a renewal of his tenure , by contrite penitence for the last two years of his trust , while for the previous years ho might havo assisted in enacting laws hostile to your interests , and which would still remain upon tne Statute Book . If you had Annual Parliaments no such laws as

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      Coercion Bills and Gagging Bills would be passed at dead of night hy small and contemptible majorities , ashed to the vote by the government whi pper-m . Laws to govern a great nation would not theu be enacted in a House of Commons where not more than sevent y or eighty had mustered . If the representative of the people was the honourable servant of the people , the expositor of their sound mind , and the framer of just laws to govern that mind , he would not bo afraid to meet that mind aiuranlly , tmtl give such an account of his stewardship as would securo its renewed support . Again , take an instance of the present flagitious system from the present state of Ireland . In

      seven years voters may die from starvation , or emigrate to save life ; the property may change hands : and yet for seven years , according to tlio present system , the member remains the representative of dead men , of emigrants , or of property , the occupier of which does not rccognisohim . is a representative . The object of the House of Commons—nay , its duty , should be critically to understand the sound opinion of the day , and to make laws in unison with that opinion , instead of , as now , spreading its patchwork legislation over tlio face ot the country for seven years , and ripping , darning , and mending it in the next seven .

      If you had Annual Parliaments even the present coHStitucnces would take care that the representatives understood tlio mind of the day , andrrotcd in unison with that mind , well knowing that if they acted contrary to public opinion they wcAild receive their discharge at the close of the " Session . How many deceitful mon can now persuade sfn ignorant constituency that they have entirely altered their opinions upon this or that question , having betrayed their trust for seven years , and again return to the show-box as great tricksters as before . If you had Annual Parliaments the quiliiication of tvrepresentative would then he based upon knowledge , industry , and attention , and not upon temporal , spiritual , and educational tinkering .

      Ihe opponents of Annual Parliaments uvgc as an objection that it would lead to annual confusion . It docs not do so in America ; the people never would dismiss a good and faithful scrrant , nor would any lnixtering politician dare to oppose him , had ho faithfull y discharged his duties as an honest trustee . My countrymen , if your representatives pledged to Repeal in 1832 , had been compelled to appeal to you annually for a renewal of their trust , do you suppose that sixteen years would have passed with

      only two discussicns upen the question of the greatest importance to Ireland ; upon the contrary , had Annual Parliaments been the law of the land , the forty pledged repealers would have stood like a bundle of sticks instead of like a rope of sand , and would havo smashed up every Government that dared to resist the legitimate demand of a great nation . A y , I call you great still , for great , with God ' s blessing , you yet will be , and I pant for that day when the united mind of Ireland will overthrow , and for ever destroy , the temple of Saxon oppression . :

      Hut to my subject ; as , although in Saxon land I find my Irish blood too hot to discuss the question of Saxon tyranny and Irish oppression . I'have nowgiven you a urief outline of Annual Parliaments , and I have not space for a clear analysis of the principle of Universal Suffrago ; I will , however , make a few general observations , and in my next I will go into a critical comparison between the present suffrage and Universal Suffrage . If it is intended that the House of Commons

      should fairly and honestly represent the mind of the day , and if a majority of the people are considered too ignorant to exercise the franchise , surely the franchise should be measured by population rather than by patronage or caprice ; for although tlio majority of the population of any district may be whimsically considered too ignorant to exercise the franchise with discretion , yet the sound mind of the few representing the presumed ignorance of the many , should be relied upon as a national guarantee .

      Well , then , mark how I will group them for you . A population of less than one million one hundred and ten thousand sends two hundred and fifteen numbers to parliament ; whilo the county of M ' iddlesex , with a population of over a million and a half and feventii-s ' a thousand , sends two members to parliament ; the West Hiding of Yorkshire , with over a million and a half and fifty thousand , sends two members ; the county of Cork , with nearly eight hundred thousamd of a population , and nearly the eighth part of Ireland , sends but tivo members . This part of the subject rather applies to Equal Electoral Districts , but in my next 1 will show you how criticall y it applies to Universal Suffrage ; and let me now call your attention to such a picture of legislation as no country can show , and no people will long submit to .

      The population of the throe Universities of Cambridge , Oxford , and Dublin , does not amount to quite nine thousand , and sends six members to parliament . The population of Middlesex , the West Hiding of Yorkshire , and South Lancashire , amounts to three millions five hundred and eightyseven thousand one hundred and eighty-nightj" and sends six members to parliament . But ! lot us como to Ireland . The counties of Cork , Galway , and Mayo , have a population of one million five hundred ami eighty-five thousand two hundred and etiht , and send the same number of representatives as ' Oxford Cambridge , and Dublin ; and those three Irish counties have ; x hundred thousand more of a population than boroughs that send two hundred and toriy-six members to parliament .

      Now , Irishmen , don't you think that vou are fairly represented ? and don ' t you think that idle land , idle labour , and idle money , in a genial climate , with fertile soil , an industrious , brave , and generous people , is consequent upon tyrant landlords measuring the value of their estates by the standard of political patronage , and not by agricultural value ? I was returned in 1832 , nndasain in 1885 , by large majorities , for my native county . I was w . edoed to a Repeal of the Umos—I adhered to that pledge—but , even if you had a Repeal of the Union to-morrow , you would bo helpless beggars , if you had not tlie vote to enable you to make laws in unison with state requirement and national advantage , instead of measuring them b y class caprice , party pride , and individual profit .

      During each session that I havo boon in parliament , I have given notice to move for a Repeal of the Union ; last session I abandoned ifc at tlio earnest solicitation of the Irish members , lest it might obstruct the charitable intentions ef the WhV government ; and to prove to you , that I honestly advocate the question that I have discussed in this letter , let me inform you that , as an Irish and an English member , 1 ha vc in variably tendered my resignation in the markot-placo , to a full meeting bf electors and non-electors , at the close of each session , and that 1 havo never travelled a mile , eaten a meal , or accepted a farthing for my services ; but , on the contrary , I abandoned a lucrative profession , I havo estranged myself from family , from relatives and friends , and have spent thousands , yen , Ions of thousands , in the advocacy of your risrht ' s . Your faithful friend and countryman ' , ' London , Dec . 5 , 1849 . Fkakgus O'Connor .

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      The Coloured Emperor . —A money-changer of Paris received recently from Port-au-Prince a complete set of all the coins struck since Souloque has been declared Emperor . They are of the smo nominal value as the coin 3 of Prance . Each coin represents on one side the new Emperor , in the imperial costume , like that of Napoleon on the day of his coronation , and on the other side the inscription of "Faustinl ., Emperor of Hajti . " Round the edge are the words , " God protects my people . "Gulignani ,

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      GI' ° W 0 US LETTER OF DR . GRATTAK , JUSS ° LTUE PEACE < T 0 T 1 IE XINCOM . ™? P HRADY , LORD CHANCELLOR OF IftELAiD , UPO . V THE DISMISSAL OF AN HONEST MAGISTRATE BY A LICKSPITTLE JUDGE .

      Dnimmin House , county Kildarc Nov . 26 ' th , 1849 . My Lord ,- —I beg leave to address to you « it reply to the communication of youv secretary , dated the 23 rd instant . The communication is an important one , and as the topics to which it refers are , in the present state of Ireland , of great moment to us all , it will not admit of a hurried answer . I must , therefore , trespass more at length on your lordship '* attention than , under other circumstances , might be necessary . Since the anti-tithe agitation , a question upon which all Ireland was unanimous , and ot which the Whigs of that day availed themselves to drive their public opponents fromomce , I have taken no part iu public matters . -i hat question tho people carried in opposition to the Tory party , who afterwards , iu conjunction wth O'Council and the Whigs , so managed the affair , that between them all , onelourtu of the church property was transferred to the landlords , thus deceiving the people , who domed no advantage from their continued exertions and sacrifices . Then came an agitation for "Repeal of the Union then , the innumerable " one more

      experiment" —and the " instalments of justice for Ireland" brought forward , in succession , oy U Unnell , and connived at , or openly encouraged by the Whigs , who used O'Cornell as their instrument , either to harass a Tory administration , or to secure to themselves the possession of power and patronage . -The Whigs were displaced . To embarrass their successors , Ireland , as before , was made the battle ground for English faction . O'Counell got up tho monster meetings . Ho was encouraged by tho very men wlio are vow the Queen ' s Ministers . He gave expression to the

      language most defiant of England . He marshalled the peasantry . Ho passed them in review before him . They counted as many millions . The artificial /« mj « e , created and continued b y English misrule — pestilence , the consequence of famine—poor law extermination , to gratify tho political hostility , or the heartless cupidity of the landlords , has not as yet thinned their ranks . He asked them would they be read y at his call to start up and crush the enemies of Ireland . They understood him to mean insurrection , and they answered ^ 'ith . one voice , " we are ready . " All this tho

      Whigs witnessed—all this the Whigs encouraged — to all this the English " Whigs were parties . O'Conucll was arrested . He was prosecuted and imprisonsd by the Peel administration . Oh ! what expressions of sympathy—what addresses of condolence—what denunciations of English misrule — what visitings , when in prison , of Whig aspirants for placo , of magistrates and Whig lawyors — all approved of and sanctioned by the leaders of the Whig party , , Another change iu tho phases of Ireland ' s varied sufferings presents itself . Peel , Ireland superficially tranquilised , pledges himself to introduce measures for the

      amelioration of tho condition of the people , thereby consummating and consolidating his system of free trade . Ho proposed to regulate the franchises and to remove practical grievances . But , said he , I must be enabled to hold Ireland under control . I must have the Arms Registration Act renewed which you Whigs , when iu office , declared to bo absolutely necessary to preserve the peace of the country . And now comes tho most nefarious act ever perpetrated by any opposition in the long and dark catalogue of political party crimes .

      fto , reply the Whigs , headed by Lord John Russoll—no , you shall not treat the people of Ireland a 3 if they were slaves—they shall possess arms as well as tho people of England—every man and hoy of them shall be at liberty to purcliaso and keep a gun . There s \\ aU be no registration of arms . The English Tory landlords , to be revenged of Peel , turn on him—join tho Whigs—leave him in a minority—and shove him from offico . Playing , like gamblers , with the fortunes of the people ; death the stake and Ireland the victim .

      And the supporters and tho partisans of O'Connell shout for joy ; and places are created , and appointments made , mid lawyers are promoted , and judges arc elevated to tho bench . And hero , I may observe , that in most instances the legal iippointmets of O'Connell were judicious ; and that , in no case , did ho exercise a more sound judgment than in nominating you to tho place which you now fill—the duties of which you so ably discharge . This , at least , is something ; and being the tvuth , the enemies of O'Connell ought not to deny him this merit ; a great merit it was , and one for which tho . country owes him much .

      Meantime famine did its work—no remedial measure was introduced . Tho people died of starvation in tlio very ports from whence cargoes of oats were at tl : o moment exported , to feed the carriage and dray horses of London . O'Connell does nothing . In the English parliament ho supports tho Whigs—in Ireland he abuses them . The people lose confidence in him . Smith O'Rrien the intrepid and incorruptible , denounces in his place in parliament , Whig perfidy , and protests against place-seeking , making patriotism a mockery , using the credulous and confiding Irish people as a means to power , and then flinging them aside and trampling on them .

      1 ho people heard and cheered him . Thcyounsr and enthusiastic hailing him as their apostle , unci pledged themselves to the faith that . he preached . The young mon of tho Irish bar heard and applauded him . O'Gorman , Meagher , Leyne , Duffy , and others , identified themselves with him . Hatred of the truth—the fell spirit of malignant jealousy , where jealousy shotiltl havo found no place—for how often did 0 ' Council appeal to tl \ o ' young blood of Ireland '—this spirit of jealousy , looking askance , and do vising mischief , raised an unmeaning

      controversy about moral and physical force , A trap was laid , a deep pic was dug for tho honest and the true , the conscientious and tho brave . Like fools they played tho game of their open foes and pretended friends . Faeili * desaasus Avemi . They plunged from one error to another , and finally , most unquestionably throwing aside all prudence , losing sight , in my opinion , of all discretion and common sense , they outraged the laws of the country .

      I was not acquainted with , and , in fact , had never even seen a single one of those individuals . I was a mere observer of passing events—disapproving of their proceedings , which seemed to me inexplicable , but which no voice of mine could roach . In their hour of daring , I thus expressed myself . Now , in the time of their punishment and suffering , I grieve for them and I sympathise with them . And why ? I am not a lawyer . I know nothing of a lawyer ' s quibbles ; I despise them . But this I say—" That ho who , with malice prepense , furnishes another with the means of perpetrating a crime , is himself a party to the crime , and oueht to be indicted and

      punished as an accessary before tho fact . " 1 assume this to bo tiie law , and I thus reason upon it . Who was tho p arty who , next to 0 'Council , encoura ged the Irish people to hope for repeal , and to agitate for it ? Who was tho party who laid it down in his speeches in parliament , that if the great majority of the people of Ireland demanded a Repeal , Repeal should be granted ? Who was it , that in his writings ,- proclaimed the doctrine that armed resistance to authority was , in certain cases , in accordance with the spirit of the British Constitution ? Who was it that furnished to the Irish people the excitements , and the hopes , and the appliances most likely to lead thorn to break out into insurrection ?

      Was it not Lord John Bussell ? and if so was ho not the great offender—the chief criminal—a wrongdoer towards Ireland , and a dangerous and desperate serv ant of the crown ? Sympathising , then , with O'Brien and Meagher , though I knew them not , I should have considered it strange , and not creditable either to Mr . Leyne or to Mr . Duffy , if they had abstained from all allusion to them . Had they omitted to speak of them , others would have spoken with even greater warmth ,

      and with perhaps leis discretion . I did not interrupt them . 1 do not think it was my business to have done so . The attempt would have created confusion . My business was to preserve order . This I did ; and having approved of the several resolutions that were to be proposed my next duty was to ascertain and declare the sense of the meeting , which , you will observe , was an aggregate meting , and at which , of course , any peison present had a right to speak . It was no easy task to manage a meeting so con-

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      stituted . The least iudiscretion on the part of the cnaiiman , would have been fatal lo it—a resu ' t anticipated , and indeed I believe anxiouslv hoped for by the enemies of Ireland . * So much for the meeting itself . With respect to the ultimate object of the speakers , and of the members generally of the " Irish Alliance , " my conviction is , that such object is fully expressed in the rules and resohiitom adopted at the meeting , ana tliat no sane person now contemplates any other Man a strictl y legal and constitutional effort , throuah he medium of parliamentary Icnidation , to obtain for Ireland the restitution of thr-se righss of which she has been so foully defrauded bv England By -tlit i ea tlie M ? rat ! on , f Iler foVmcr nationality that i ., tie right to legislate for ourselves in all matters exclusively Irish , such as canals , railway s harbours , hsheries ; the employment of the people the security of property ; the protection of the tenant occupier ; . tho promotion of manufactures tl . n

      improv ement of the land ; taxing ourselves for these purposes , and demanding nothim ; from England . Are those matters of no consequence to us , tho ) oop le-to you , my lord , the Chancellor-to the judges-to our landowners-to our over-rented aud o % er-ta . tcd householders , whether they reside in ijishionablc squares or in tho streets of business ? avc these matters of no imporhnco to the lawyers nnd attorneys and to the medical practitioners of Dublin , and Cork , and Limerick , and Bolfnst-to our merchants and traders-to our artisans and labourers ? Is it no object worthy of the humane and truly pious of all sects to preach those common principles ot lovo nnd duty towards each other , which our S ! « r i 8 twni S ' incuIcates ? I * it not praiscuorthy that an eftort should at last bo made to frustrate tho policy ot Ensrland . bvbimlina tnimfW

      the scattered fragments of our country in tho bonus of peace and good will , by substituting kindly teeling in tho place of rancorous aad senseless enmity ; by teaching Irishmen of every class and creed that m union alone , amongst ourselves , will be found the means of renovating Ireland , and elevating her from her present prostrate condition . Ab a I ' rotestant , I long for this uniou . As a l'rotestant I rejoice that for the first time a right movement has been made in the right direction . I assisted at the inaiin-uratinn nf tWrm .,,, *„„„„„

      am proud of this . I behold in the formation of the Alliance the dawn of a bri ghter day for Ireland Ihe tune is not far distant , I predict , when the men of the north and of the south , avowin" those principles , will attend tho same meetings , salutin " each other as friends and brothers . Tho time IS not far distant when Irishmen , of every sect , thotHi distinct , will struggle , not for ascendancy , but for tho protection of the rights of all . But these are tho objects ' of tho "Alliance . " Who is there to say he disapproves of them ? I approve of them , and will give to thorn all tho aid in my power . Should you , my lord , consider that hy so doing I have forfeited my claim to hold the commission o « the peace , you best know what course it is your duty to pursue . I never solicited the commission . It was , to a certain extent , forced upon mo , By accepting it , I by no means considered that I was — - *^ w p - — — -w-- — - »— v » v *— V 4 * 14 V 4 T'CtU

      bound to support any political party , or to eschew any line of political action that might be displeasing or inconvenient to the party in power . I always judge for myself ,. and acted in accordance with what my conscience told mo it was ri ght that Ishould donot submitting to other men ' s dictation , and oaring little for their opinions , which experience has proved to mo are too often founded in error or prcjudics . I do not undervalue the commission of the peace , as it is a useful and constitutional offico , hut in any other point of view I care nothing for it . Its acceptance gave me no additional rank—the deprivation of it can impart to mo no degradation . I havo the honour to be , my lord , most respectfully , your lordshi p ' s obedient servant , "Richard Giuttas , M . D ., Senior Fellow of the College of Ph ysicians in Ireland . To the Lord ChancellorAcAc .

      , , P . S . —On referring to tho Freeman ' s Journal find the following passage in tho speech of Mr . Leyne , which I transcribe , " as it may have escaped your lordshi p ' s notice . It appeared to me , at the time , SO . to iiualify and explain his other observations as to render it unnecessary for mo to express any opinion of my own with regard to thorn !—" Lot no man misconceive mo . I camo not here to propose for my country ' s adoption the pledges that in July , ' 4 S , spoke tho resolve that then burned m the nation ' s heart . Prostrate as the laud now is —weakened b y direst want-bereft of her strength by plague and emigration—irresolute , because of senseless division—timid , cowering , and almost examinate—to speak in this assembly in language of violent menace , and invite the country " to rally in embattled array for the conquest of her liberties , would be braggart buffoonery to Yjlnch I shall not descend . "

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      Mr . Tuos . Doncombk . —We regret to learn tha there is no permanent improvement in tho health of Mr . T . Duncombe , the popular representative o Fmsbury . Death of the Earl or Carnarvon . —Henry Johu George Herbert , third Earl of Carnarvon , expired on Monday morning , at 1 o clock , at Ilighclere Castle , Hampshire . The disease which has thus fatally torminatod is supposed to have beea lome affection , of tho spine .

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      TO THE ¦ \ VO 11 K 1 SG MEN OF LONDON . Your sufferings and the sufferings of your order , arc a subject of universal consideration ; the condition of England question is the question of the daj ^ I have devoted 3 ome portion of my leisure hours to the study of that question : have travelled over England and Scotland , and have endeavoured to see an I know for myself what was the condition of the working classes generally . The recent disclosures on the condition of tho labouring poor of the metropolis , have again induced mo to reconsider and re-examine tho causes that have tended to bring about those ovils which we all deplore ; and a practical remed y for which must be found out and adopted , or increased guttering , anarchy , and confusion must follow .

      I now offer to devote from one to three nights each week , for two or three months , beginning- with tlio New Year , to a consideration of this question ; the following conditions to be binding : —That meetings of the workmen he called in the various districts of the metropolis—Admission free . Hours of meeting not earlier than seven , nor to be continued later than ten o ' clock in the evening . All expenses incurred to be defrayed h y voluntary subscription ; I to give my labour gratuitously , and to pay my own expenses . Subjects for discussion : —Causes of , and Remedies for , the distressed condition of tho "Working Classes .

      If my suggestion be generally adopted—which I hope it may—I will endeavour to induce as many of the prominent men of all parties as will co-operate for such an object , to aid us by their presence and counsel . In voluntary proffering my services for the aforo-mentioned purposes , I have no object to serve , beyond the acquisition and diffusion of ' knowledgc ; for I have long had a growing conviction that principles are of more importance than parties ; and without a full understanding of how national prosperity can be maintained , no government can be secure and no people happy . Yours truly , Samuel M ^ tcdd . P . S . AU letters to bo addressed to 144 , High Hoiborn . I shall feel favoured by the editors of other journals copying this letter , aud giving it as much publicity as possible . —S . K .

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      Decembeb 15 , 1849 . """ i iL ' _ THE NO RTHERN STAR . „ ^^ 1 ¦~~~~~———— - •/ ~ '"* " wim «¦ »¦ —¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 15, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1552/page/7/