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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st December 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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    • ~ O CONNOR AND MACNAMARA. TO THE " CHARTISTS.
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      ^ My Fbibnds , — If , Meed , I can call yon my friends , I suppose youlearned from last week ' s "Star" that the-Qaeens Bench had refused to grant a new ; tad in the case of Macxajiaba , although I had fredi evidence to adduce , and had found S ^ tdfc ^^ *** * ' * Kncoln ' s InnPfelds , jS 5 Ej § 5 £ s « £ i 2 S f& wZXT * sssS ! shonidhaTemaaeme F . O'Connor . Es * . tt T ^ &S&xvuu . :

      Sow , I ftlak thai stronger evidence of my vulrogness to meet this " SERIOUS POOtt YOUNG MAN'S" necessities , could not be adduced ; moreover , I had Mr . Kydd ' s evidence , of which I was not previously awareand he would have proved that he wa 3 the person who engaged Mr . MacNAMARA , and ti ^ t ; in his presence I stated that I wonld not be responsible for more money than was sub-SOT ^ d by the men of London for the defence or the London prisoners . Hewever , the good © ldinanm , " Ruin him with expenses , " is erer acted upon in my case—as well by the Chartists as by the law .

      On Thursday evenm gweek , Ireturnedfrom Ireland , and on Friday morning I received a notsfrommy solicitor , stating thatthis " serious , poor young man , " had put an execution in the hands of the sheriffs officer to seize the "Northern Star , ' that evening as they were going to post , and he also stated that he -would bring an action for libel againstme , if 1 S ** eihna % ti $ j thatJ&didin a former letter , and G ^ nmyreason fotichaoging his title to tJ » : ?* . 8 enous , pooryoun ^ mMU " . ' /* , y : ' - ' - Now vthis genfleman ^ iia ^ 'i eoefv ^^ eaB y sEoOO for the defence of four Chartist

      pri--soners . He sued me for £ he ~ balance of his bill—about £ 101 . Chief Justice Denha ^ upota'tbBtrial aaid , that in his opinion , he had received qnite ample for his serrices if he re--ceived no more ; and Mr . Jnstice Coleridge , in refusing to grant a rule for a new trial , stated that Chief Justice Desman , in discussing the matter with his brother judges , said that if he had been upon the jury , he would have given a different verdict The jury , however , gave a verdict against me , and on Friday-last I had to pay £ 242 14 s . to save the "Northern Star from execution—that is £ 101 , the amount the action was brought far , - and £ 141 for h « costs—not

      counting my own . Add to this , I have now paid about £ 100 to lave prisoner ' s from oafcum-pielring . I was obliged to borrow this money from a friend ; and , now , let me ask you whether you think that such conduct to one who nas made so many sacrifices to serve your order , is honest , just , or honourable ; and whether it elevates you in your own estimation or in the estimation of any other party ? I look upon it as a perfect stigma upon your order , when you think of the quantity of money -expended in dissipation , and the amount of expense and hardship that you allow to fall upon one who expends every farthing of his money in the advocacy of your cause , and defence of your principles .

      How differently the Irish people acted to O'Comjell , and the English Free Traders to Cobdes ; they gave Mm £ 80 , 000 , while I hare . surrendered and spent a much larger amount 5 n the advocacy of your cause . What would the Free Traders have said if they saw threepences , sixpences , and eightpences , coming in to defend Free Trade agitators ? If I had the money , I would spend millions , rather than allow a single Chartist to go undefended ; but

      * ' Solomon was a wise man , and Sampson "was a strong man , yet neither of them could pay money , if they hadn't it . " And now , as a matter of justice , and not of favour , I ask the millions of men to do what one man cannot do . I have promised to return that money in three weeks , and I hope that my Trord will not be forfeited byyour negligence . Tour Friend , " Euined with Expenses , " Feakgos O'Connor .

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      ¦¦ ¦¦ ¦¦ ^ • What is to be done for the People most lie done br tht People . " TO THE WORKING CLASSES . AIy Friends , You are now within two months of the meeting of Parliament , and it is for you —and not for the Parliament—to decide what shall be done for your order ; and , depend upon it , that if you are apathetic , the Government will make just such changes as will satisfy the . ^ representatives of the middle classes ; . whereas , if yon are energetic , the middle class representatives will force greater changes from the Government .

      Now , my friends , believe my stereotyped opinion , and if if I am chargeable with repetition to surfeit , you are still more chargeable -with , indolence , indifference , and apathy—I tell yon , then , that the employer of labour lives upon the dependence of the labourer , and , that-however the employer may excite your hope by platform and hosting orations , he will , if possible , keep you in that state of depen < Ience -which will uphold his own independence ; and his power is solely based upon your apathy—nay , I will call it criminality . These observations only apply to men who make Tirofitofthe dependence of your order ; and

      now "let me plainly show you the difference l ) etween the movement of the presenf Parliamentary Reform Association , and "' all other movements established by the middle classes . lord Nugent , M . P .,- Lord Dudley Stuart , HP ., Sir Joshua Walmesley , M . P ., Mr . Geo . Thompson , M . P ., Mr . Lushington , M . P ., Colouel Thompson , ALP ., Mr . Charles Peabsos , M . P ., Mr . Wjxkissoh , Mr . Haix , Mr . TnfDAL Atkinson , have all—one and all —been the most prominent leaders in this movement , and not one of them is a trader in labour ; while , in the Reform movement , and the Free Trade movement , the people were

      urged to madness by the patriotic devotion of speculators in labour . Now read the following short but pithy speech delivered by Mr . Chakles Pearson , at the Southwark meeting , held on Tuesday night last , and say what you think of that speech , coming from one of the most influential men in the city of London , and from one who made the ablest , and most statesmanlike speech that I ever heard delivered in the House of Commons , upon Prison Discipline , and its effects ; and when you read it say , -whether he and his order are prepared to go the popnlarpace upon the SEXIPEDE : —

      Mr . C . BEAB » w , tt . R , complained that , ifMe ye had competition and fiw trade in the commercial , trading , and feboSring classes of the community , ityas excluded from ifetocracT and power . He was for free trade in talent . 333 s = » t *« £ S 8 £ ^ sassfffatj svss ^ ffiffBHSMSsssaswa 35 SafflSSA" 3 = K SKj coynow , and could declare himself quite ready to jSSSsaraSWft ^ saM - Q ^ rdially supported it

      The " Northern Star" is now in its thirteenth year , and this is the six hundred and thirty-second number , and 1 think you will do the proprietor the jnstice to say , that no t > > er in the world has maintained its position ao-ainst persecution , prosecution , slander , and the hostility of all classes , with thei single exception of the veritable labourer as that as ; and Sout boast or vanity , I say , that ftere are jTmenin the world that would have stood up and held their position , and maintained the

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      only principles that could serve the poor ' against such a host of enemies as I have Turn back to the file of that paper , and ask yourselves whether I have not faithfully predicted the result of every contemplated change to your order . I told you , some months ago , that the present state of the Irish constituency , and the present feeling of the English constituencies , wonld compel Lord Jonx Russell either to surrender his position , oras Admiral Dundas said in his letter to the Greenwich secretary—make such an extension of the suffrage as would astonish the people . I called your attention to the recent elections for Reading , and the Western Division of SnlfSH *^ . ^ . serTe .. the P <> or

      Surrey ; two places which for years had returned not Whigs , but Radicals , to the Houie of Commons , while both of those places within a few months have returned Protectionists by large majorities . Again ; ever since emancipation , the City of Cork has returned Radicals , and Radical Repealers , wh > le a high Tory and Protectionist , Colonel' Chatterton , has been returned for that city a few days sinee , ; by ? a majority of over two hundred . lUmff ^ those •; . three members . jnake _ j | Vdif as-the ^ formerrepresentatives for those places were supporters of the Government , and their preser . t representatives will be their most violent opponents .

      You complain , and justly , of the millions of full grown Englishmen who are excluded from the suffrage ; bit let me call your attention to the state of Ireland , and let me remind you , at the same time , that the rote of an Irish member in theEngllah Parliament , is equal to the vote of an English uwmber , and is much more easily seduced by the minister . The population of England and Wales is

      estimated at sixteen millions , and the voters at one million , being one in sixteen ; while the population of Ireland ; is estimated at eight millions ; and the voters at about forty-four thousand , or one in one hundred and eightyone of the population . Now , what do you think of that ? France , with a population of thirty-six millions , was urged on to revolution because little more than two hundred thousand

      had votes , while you will find that Ireland , according to population , has scarcely as large a constituency . But let me go further , and let me shew you the absurdity of the present system . The West Riding of Yorkshire , South Lancashire , and the county of Cork , have a population of about two million eight hundred thousand , and send six membere to Parliament , who must have six hundred a year each , to . qualify them ; while the Universities of Oxford , Cambridge , and Dublin , with a population—that is of scholars and masters of arts—amounting to scarcely nine thousand , send ^ six bloated bigots to Parliament , not requiring any qualification at all , except that qualification which they derive from a bigoted prejudiced education .

      Kow , let me ask you , if the enlightened mind of the present day will much longer tolerate , not such an anomaly , but such an iniquity ^ as that—that the votes of the representatives of nine thousand of the sons of the aristocracy—trained , educated , and confirmed from infancy , in the most horrid and repulsive doctrines as regards legislation—should counterbalance the votes of those representing two million eight hundred thousand of a population , the adults of whom are , for the most part , instructed and well educated ?

      In my " Letters to the Irish Landlords "written from York Castle , in 1841—I pointed out what the inevitable effect of Free Trade would be to their order , if the required timely and prudent concessions did not precede that measure ; and next week I will give you a few extracts from those Letters , which will convince you that I was right in every respect . Well , now , the difficultjragainst which both you and the Governmeat will have to contend is this that if timely and prudent concsssions are not now made—that is , if the House of Commons ig not so constituted as to insure a FULL ,

      FREE , AND FAIR REPRESENTATION of the whole people , and that very speedily—you will see a revolution in this country ; because , if a General Election was to take place without a sweeping alteration in the suffrage , you will see that not only Ireland , but England , would send an overwhelming majority of the most bloodthirst y Protectionists , Church and State Tories , and patronage hunters , to the House of Commons ; and , bad and atrocious as the conduct of the Whigs has been , you would consider it mild , inoffensive , and humane , as compared with the conduct of

      Stanley and his bull-frog Protectionists . And , my friends—persecuted , and prosecuted , and immured in a dungeon , as I have been , by the Whigs—and plundered as I hare been by Whig injustice and Whi g juries—yet so great is my horror of cruelty and bloodshed that , even yet , I would much rather see Russell and the Whigs , than Stanley and the Protectionists , in power ; and I believe , by a wise discretion upon our part—directed by a proper and solid movement—we can extract more , not from the justice , but from the selfishness of the Whigs , than from the bigoted and persecuting Tories .

      Can you picture to yourselves anything more absurd than any attempt now being made to return to Protection ? and can you imagine anything more ridiculous than a Ministry undertaking to govern this great country and its colonies—establishing Free Trade—without first making those timely and prudent concessions , which would have so modified the change as to have made it a blessing to all , instead of a curse , to ^ any party ?

      This , working men , has been the great error of every Goverament . Your rulers have always catered for the support of influential parties by pandering to their wishes and their interests , never bearing in mind that a change of circumstances may spur the apathetic into hostility and resistance . So it was as regarded Free Trade : the money-lords were energetic— - the landlords were apathetic , but , when roused , are the most influential in Parliament .

      Well , my friends , another "dodge" is now being made to excite your order with the hope that you can gain complete freedom by the purchase of 40 s . freeholds . But see the effect of such a course , as practically but unintentionally developed by Mr . Cobden , at the London Tavern Meeting , on Monday night last . He describes what the West Riding of Yorkshire was able to effect by the 40 s . freehold principle ; and what does he show ? Why , that by an augmentation of five thousand , from

      one election to another , who do you think was able to walk over the course ? Why , a Whig LORD M 0 RPETH . Now this is exactly what I always predicted as the VOTING result of the 40 s . freehold system , namely , that it would enable those called Liberals to use them in support of Whiggism , and in opposition to Toryism ; but would those five thousand—or one thousand of them—have voted for a CHARTIST CANDIDATE « So that you will learn that this system of land distribution merely brings land into the retail

      ELECTORAL MARKET , AND NOT INTO THE wholesale labour market : and much as my land Plan has been reviled , and enormous as the opposition offered to me has been , and

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      brutal as the conduct . of the most fortunate members has been , yet the nearly three hundred cottages and four schoolhouacs that I have built , will remain , and will and must constitute the landmark and foundation of that system which must ere . long be adopted , if this country is to be saved from revolution . T People are now beginning to believe , that if a clear title cannot be made to them for land purchased with their : hard earnings , that by a thorough union of their order they can establish as good a title to the land , and an older and more divine title , than any aristocrat -who holds it , and measures its value by the power it gives him to oppress the . Dratalastheconduotofthemost fortunate

      poor Working men , a Conference elected by your order , will shortly meetin London ; andfromthat Conference I trust such a programme of action will issue , as will enable you to take a fair , a prompt , and legitimate position in that great movement which is assuredl y near at hand , and from which " I shall as assuredly receive the lion ' s share . of persecution . But , working men , would it not be more balmy to a conscientious man , to crack stones on the rqad , wort in the hulk , or-ruinblein -ifie ^ ssing ^ iiisp ^ rC with a clear conscience , than to revel in luxury furnished by a starving people , as compensa-,

      tion for his treachery ? Could such ' a'in ah deep ? Could he enjoy his luxuries ? or could he die in peace ? I may be cattght by the quibble of law , by the prejudice of juries , or the perjury of Bpies , but I . never can be caught by the BAIT OF THE EXCHEQUER . No ! I am urged on by stronger and more honourable motives , and I have often told you , and now repeat it , that if all were to desert the banner of Chartismfrom fear or hope of gain—to-morrow , I would still hold the old flag unfurled , with its unsullied motto : —

      THE PEOPLE ' S CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER . And , believe me , that until you achieve tb at you neevr will have the land even at a rent , and until you have the land you never will have peace , plenty , or happiness ; and , therefore , however thwarted in my undertaking , and however artful and designing men may nibble at bog , rock , and mountain , to give you a dependent 40 s . freehold , mortgaged to some griping solicitor who will be the keeper of your conscience , I say that , however baffled'I may be , by the law , by the Government , by slander , or by the opposition—who dread your independence , and live upon your labour—I am resolved to persevere in my advocacy of the

      CHARTER AS THE MEANS , AND THE LAND AS THE END . Now , tothemoral , andmark it , as to be "forewarned is to be forearmed . " You remember how Reform was carried—you remember how Free Trade was carried—you remember how the Dorchester labourers and others were prosecuted—and how political societies were made illegal in the first Session of the Reform Parliament .

      You remember how Free Trade was carried by turning out the hands—you remember the plug drawing—you remember how Feargus O'Connor and fifty-nine others were tried for eight days at Lancaster , for aggressions committed by the leaders of Free Trade \ And now mark me , if the Protectionists should get the upper hand , those who command your labour and your lives , will again use you and me if they can , as their resisting power , and when they intimidate and overpower the Protectionists , they will then prosecute you and me again IF THEY CAN . Now , think well upon that , as if you are foolish and apathetic it is sure to be your fate .

      The Protectionists , if necessary , can muster the power of the whole of the agricultural population—they will persuade them that their dismissal , or reduction of their wages , is a consequence of Free Trade , and they will ensure their co-operation by a promise of higher wages , by a return to Protection . These men are as ignorant as the horses they drive , and in conclusion let me give you a striking instance .

      On Sunday last I was driving , with a friend , through East Surrey ; we stopped at an inn by the road-side to feed the horses , and sat down by the fire , where seven or eight labourers were drinking their ale . They all complained , some of being dismissed in consequence of the low price of corn , and others of a large reduction being made in their wages . You may be sure I got into conversation with those men . I asked one man—one of the shrewdest—who was employed threshing . He said " He was fifty years of age . " I asked him , " Who was the king of France now ? " He answered , " Why , the Prince of Orange , isn't it . " I said " Yes . " " Well , " said he , " what's become of the old chap that was there , is ' nt he

      king of some other place now ? " "Yes , " I replied , "he is king of Italy . " "Ah , so he is , " said he , " 1 forgot . " I asked them all , the landlord included , who said he paid 25 ? . a-year for his house , " Who was their member for that division of Surrey ? " and not one of them could tell . Now , what think you of that ? And do not you think that the landlords would find it very easy to recruit a large army of such men , by promising them anything ? I hope , my friends , you will reflect upon what I have written , and that you will remember , that " What is to be done for the people must be done by the people . " Your Faithful Friend and Representative , Feargus 0 'Coknoe .

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      It is now my intention that every man who will not pay his rent shall be instantly ejected . Mr . Roberts lias-received a complete list , and , I think they will find him a tough customer . ° At Lowbands , where they owed two-and-half years rcnt . m November , the redoubtable Mr . O jBbict , the schoolmaster , was the leader of the resisting force , and he shall very speedily walk about his business . The Magistrates in Oxfordshire—who , of course are opposed to the Land Plan-made Mr . J * EAxxiB pay costs in a complaint brought against him , or rather a complaint brought by S ! ?» B The Magistrates It is now mv w ^ - ^ - ...

      « _ * told them that the estate being mortgaged I Could not make a title to the occupants ; this however , was not onl y going out of their course , but was false ; as I can make a title , the . place being worth nearly 30 . 000 J ., and orf y mortgaged for 5 , 000 ? . $ but the course th | t I shall now pursue , as regards Minster LJrel and Snig ' s End , is , to hand them over to ^ e tender , mercy of the Mortgagees , te ? # ^^^^ y « ar ? 8 interest . isnow due , and then thoy - win- ^^^ g ^^^^ - ^ fifl ^ a or I have been most lenient .

      Ofllyjuaagine ' for a moment , men having two acres of Land cultivated , a cottage , 15 / . aid-money ; ' three acres cultivated , a cottage , 22 Z . 105 . aid-money ; four acres cultivated , a cottage , 30 / . aid-money ; and ^ in many cases , 10 ? ., 15 ? ., and 20 / ., loan-money ; all with two years' crops , and many with three years ' crops , endeavouring to cheat those by " whose subscriptions they were located , out of little more than 4 / ., 5 / ., and 6 / ., the amount of rent demanded .

      The several branches must state , in next week ' s " Star , " whether they are prepared to tolerate Buch a fraud as this . Of course there are some few exceptions , but the conduct of such felWs asBEATTiE constitutes the rule . You must bear in mind , that by the Report of the Parliamentary Committee the Company owed me 3 , 400 / ., up to the 1 st of July , 1848 and by the report of the Finance Committee in July , 1849 , they owed me an additional 1 , 200 / ., not including my expenses for four years , in visiting Estates , some weeki costing me 20 / , and other heavy expenses ,

      amountingto rathermore thanless than 1 , 200 / . When I left the last Conference , without any available funds belonging to the Company , I had in the same week to pay Mr . Roberts 100 ? . of my own money for legal expenses ; and yet , from the co mmencement , I have preferred pinching myself to oppressing the fortunate allottees . Now , however , I have as stated , determined to hand them over , without distinction , to the Solicitor for the Company , and , I think you will say that I have only acted with justice to you . Your faithful Friend , Feakgus O'Connor .

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      oppressivefeudal system . " It makes my blood run cpld to reflect upon the / sights I saw in Dublin ; fatted , well-fed , bloated soldiers , marching after a band playing merry tunes amongst starving men and half naked women , pressing their babes to their breasts to inspire them with a little heat , and scratching in the cindevs for bits swept from the rich man ' s table . M countrymen , would to God that you could all feel as I do , and Ireland would not ong present the anomal y of idle land , idle labour , and - idle money . No , every man should beiocated in his own senti-y-box , in the middle of his own land , no . man daring to make him afraid—no law capable of making him a pauper ; and then , my countrymen , vou would require neither gaols nor baatilM '»«

      places ot refuge , and the Government would not require you to pay soldiers , biudgeoumen , gaolers , and .. hangmen to make you starve in quiet , or hang yoo like dogs if you resisted . JNow let me , in conclusion , remind you of the picturei that I drew of Irish suffering , when ^^^ SSMa il i » ^ Duke of WsuMom ,. stating the Hofnble sight that he witnessed when he visited , a hovel with little children dead on the floor , and a . dymg mother pressing a dying , baby to her

      Ymlm hi * v y 0 Wn b ^ > M ? our-ft « i « comes in ; n-Tnt i ¦ i ! "WLSowlwart with jour pitiful ciy ; b £ * S ' m llfe l ' . « Wsuckcomes ^ iin , But , Macuslila , my baby , Macree , don't you die 1 d wtiAti lly ^ ^ thro " 8 h ^ rugged man . I w ™? M n 5 h 1 '" la w ( S * s * eet baby , with thea : I would ne w complam of thi longest of days , Or , though bitter the blast , or the cold wind may be . Your brothers and sisters lie dead on the floor , And your tender young limbs are as cold as the . gtona ; Oh , heavens , she is gone own baby asthore

      , my . And I ' m left in this bleak wicked world alone . I'm raging , I ' m frantic , ana long for the grave . wS . ^ * T ? n ( W t 0 cont « id with the foe : Sure my God wont refuse to accept what he care Or consign ni . to hell , if I strike the last blow . ' She hugged h . rcold bady , unwilling to part , Sh . kWT i a I ? , ? / ssw that huns by the wall . * JS ! ?* " eadbodies ' » nd P iarccd herf 0 U ( * heart , As the father came back to his desolate hall . ni ^\ lK 0 , L ? , A «*«» he «™ * - sH And he laid himself down the desolat ° '

      by e pile , Cold , famine and . few atjwwtdMm of might , Heh » aTed a deep sigh , and thus ended his toil . Yeprinces and nobles , tmd cold-blooded men You have murdered the poor of this ill-fated nation Y ^ vcr - t 0 God when y ° u meet £ "S ' For the famine is your * , and not GOD'S dispensation . Now , my countrymen , that is the descrip tion of Ireland and her sufferings , written by lour Faithful Friend and Countryman , Feargus O'Connor .

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      THE "IRISH ALLIANCE , " ITS PRINCIPLES AND POLICY . ( From the Irishman of Nor . 24 th , 1840 . ) The proceedings of the " Aggregate Meeting of J ™ * * ' J ! ' cozened by the so-called " Nationalist Conference , " will be found fully reported in our paper to-day . Our duty is now to examine the princi ples on which it is proposed to S ^ S ^ rT ^ n ^ O j ^ n ^ t'on , denominated the " The Irish Alliance , " and the policy it is avowedly designed to work out . Were this a voluntary , self-imposed duty , we should turn from it in disgust . So little is there in the movement to remove despondency , and inspire confidence-to dispel the gloom of the past , and reanimate our hopes of the future-that our heart sickens at the task . With painful reluctance we

      , are driven to the confession , that , when we contemplate the whole proceedings , from the inception of this Conference . 'to its miserable denouement on Tuesday evening last , a feeling of sorrow darkens our soul , and a sense of bitter shame humiliates us Ot sorrow— that the ennobling struggle for independence to which wo have so ardently laboured to inspirit our people should be thwarted by the higgling tricks of the Chaltatan , ov imperilled by tfc hypocritical devices and expedients of the knavo Of toe-that any number , however small , of Irishmen pretending to patriotism , could be found for one instant to tolerate a movement now admittedly based upon a despicable abandonment of all that is imperishabl y sacred and great , virtuous and self-sacrificing in our past .

      Well , indeed , may the vermin that creep in and out of that loathsome - nest of human debasement . Dublin Castlo , chuckle with deli ght at the proceed ^ ings of the promoters of this » Irish Alliance . " Clarendon may look with complacency on a movement based on a renunciation of those principles linn ™ e him tremble > evcn ™ the midst of his 40 , 000 mercenaries . The Whigs , every profligate , cowardly , and truculent , how they must hail with intense re joicing a demonstration whieh , in effect , applauds their iniquitous " Government" of this country , consummated in guilt by the expatriation of our mart yrs . It is difficult to dwell on these things with that

      dispassionate forbearance necessary to a candid and temperate elucidation of the principles and policy Of this " Irish Alliance . " Our blood does not yet run so thin in our veins that we can contemplate treachery and apostacy without being moved to bitter indignation . To think of such things , oven m the abstract , is bad enough—to be obliged to write about them is far worse ; hut human endurance and toleration is sorely taxed when forced to reflect upon the baneful influences such enormous profligacy is calculated to exerciso over the destinies of our country , should the Irish people by any insidious means , be induced to hearken to such teachers . This it is that at once pain 3 and alarms

      us . Of the Nationalists in Dublin we entertain no fears . They are in a manner behind the scene . They have seen the wires pulled , and the puppets dancing Tho veil of jivetence has been uplifted , and they have gazed with shame and indignation upon unblushing recreancy and hypocritical profession , where they expected to witness truth , honour , honesty , and fidelity . Not so with the Nationalists iu the provinces . They have not the same opportunities—they are forced to judge by hearsay . They read tho nowspapov report of speeches , and consider that what professes to be honest , manly , and patriotic , is so in reality . They estimate men and things too much by appearances . They look more to professions than to performances , and are too prone to give their confidence lightly , without minutely canvassing opinions , or closely scrutinising principles . This , however

      is Dut a temporary evil , as public opinion invariably rights itself . No man can now a-days long wear a mask—no movement can hope to be sustained by aping principles it secretly condemns—no organisation can look for success when it appeals to the country under false colours—when , in ostensibly seeking to combine the people in a struggle for independence , it is taking suve and fatal ' moans by which to corrupt the principles of tho people undermine then' strength , and perpetuate the slavish oppression Tinder which they groan . These are grave charges , and we now dclibevatelv and advisedly prefer them against the promoters of this " Irish Alliance . " Let us , at the outset , dispose of the cant about " dis-union "—for it is a mischievous and prevalent cant . Dissension , we are told , has always been a fatal error in Irish politics—we admit and lament tho fact—but the question is , how avoid it ?

      Surely , we must not abandon principles , and prove recreant to our holiest resp irations , for tho mere sake of patching up a hollow and hypocritical Alliance . Nay , from such compromising all ouv dissensions have sprung . If wo desire then , to found a useiul , permanent , and honourable union we must make no compromise of principle . A stern fidelity will command respect , and win support , when all hypocritical devices fail ; and in this way it ii that we hope to remove dissension , and utterly demolish all cliques and factions that would impede us in our onward march to National redemption . Hypocrites and knaves often aftect to bewail "disunion " for the purpose ol cloaking their own evil designs , but we trust that we are now about to turn over a new leaf in Irish politics , and that tho characteristic of our awakening Democracy will he a stern and fearless , and uncompromising devotion to Principle and Truth .

      From the first we regarded the promoters of tho "National Conference" with suspicion . However , wo guardedly refrained from committing ourselves to any opinion , until wo had something to justify our suspicions . Evidence soon crowded upon us , and vre forthwith uttered our warnings . Wo iound a clique , presided over by Mr . Charles Gavan Duffy , undertaking to speak in the name of the Irish people—professing to desire the union of all Nationa *

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      i I 3 ts at the very time they weve excluding from their secret meetings mnny tried and faithful men , whose noncsty , we presume , was feared—whose devotion to Nationality had been tested by the ordeal . At these clique meetings Mr . Duffy appeared with resolutions and programmes , ready cut and dry , and at onee it became apparent that the object was tq get up a movement , for the mere purpose of upholding the new Nation , in its erratic and reactionary course . Many who at first attended in the hope that some good would follow—that honestv would guide , and principle regulato the proceedings of tho promoters , soon obtained a galling sense of the insincerity ; . that was inaction , and turned from the movement '¦ , in , -disgust . Nothing more forcibly illustrates the deep designs of the promoters than the alarm that was . evinced when it became kuown that MrJTeargns O'Connor -would attend the " agregate ui tecrewtf io

      wimig ; ne was wnuen w nou come , and when that would not avail , Air . Duffy openly attacked him in his last Nation . They feared Mr . O ' Connor ' s plain dealing . They knew their own secret treachery , and dreadful detection , and exposure , and denunciation . But we rejoice that the Dublin Nationalists took our advice—that they listened patiently to what was said , and indulged in no unes « mly interruptions . The great body of the meeting was essentially Mitchehte . Every effort was mad * to pack . Tickets were only distributed to persons-presumed to be favourable to the new " policy" of the Nation . Yet , despite of alt such manoeuvring , the meeting was composed of thoroughgoing honcsS Nationalists , because in Dublin , we rejoice to say , it would be impossible now to compose a public meeting of any other . In tho boxes , and on the platform , the promoters and their friends found room enough , but the meeting was not with them .

      Perhaps it may be asked why amendments were not proposed to somo of tho resolutions , or others moved in their place . . The answer ia plain , It was resolved to hear all that was to be 3 aid , and to offer no opposition to anything . Had any opposition been offered , there would have been a pretext given to say that the promoters had not been permitted to declare themselves fully . This cannot novv be said . They had a clear stage . They had ^^ SS ^ feJ ^ fe ^ ^ ainpje ^ opportvinity to dis * olff s ^^ p&oipIfciXSM ^ dii ' cy tKoy" called" upoiv the country-to ad ^ pt ; nnd yet , so deserted were they by all presentable men , that they were forced to call in the aid of two clerks of the Nation office to second resolutions . Thus , the character of tho movement is made clearly apparent , even to those who were not on vtho spot to see and judge for themselves .

      We have said that this " Irish Alliance" is professedly based upon an abandonment of all that iy great , virtuous , and sacred , ia our past . \ V « prove it thus . Aresolutiou was proposed at one of the clique meetings , to commemorate the memories of our martyrs , yet this was opposed ! Good Heavens t opposed by the promoters of an "Irish Alliance , " appealing to the Irish people for support ; Yes , indeed , opposed it was , and successfully , too . But that IS tiot all . Mr . M . Loyno made tho humiliating confession that the opposition was grounded upontho desire that existed to carry out a compromising m ^!? . honest P ° y " ^ were met , " said he , by this remonstrance , that in this new combina" : men wn » had hitherto taken no part in

      publio-. " affairs , would be deterred by even the appearance of eomuexon iuith . the principles of our illustrious ' friends ! " And so the principles of our illustrious fnenda w eVe set aside—trampled upon-despised « Good God ! with what shame and bitterness we think of this ! What honest Nationalist can henceforth have aught in common with this " Irish Alliance , or its patron and founder , Mr . Duffy , who now , with unbashful countenance , avows tho expediency of avoiding " even the appearance of connexion with the principles of our illustrious friends " and martyrs ? Shame—eternal shame—upon the baso recreancy , and the black heart , that suggested and stimulated such a degrading and profligate sivowal . i o

      Inends , are you prepared to approve of this severance of your connexion with the ennobling recollections of your martyrs ? Are you solicitous to > forget their sacrifices and sufferings ?—to support ; v new " policy , " based upon an abandonment of their principles and a betrayal of the sacred trust their martyrdom has confided to you ? If so , then , indeed , may we despair of Ireland—then , indeed , may we exclaim in the language of tho Persian— " The lip ofimuience is closed on the tongue of indignation , and the dagger of scorn ii sheathed in the tilken shawl of security . " We may all become good Whigs , and rcrjoice once more that we have a country to sell ! Yes , friends , it comes to this . Had the "Irish Alliance' been concocted by Clarendon , it could not have done its work better . Had Mr . Duftey , in fulfilment of a secret-comnact with the Gast . li > .

      sought to debase the political faith of tho Irish people , he could not have taken his measures more effectually than by instructing them to foreswear "even the appearance 0 / connocion with the principles of our illustrious friends "—principles , mind you , which he counselled and affected to advocate and uphold—princi ples for which they have suffered nobly and without repining—while he , the secret intriguer , the originator , ' the plamev of a \ l tnat took place in 1848 , is now unmolested at home , to glory in his apostacy , to profit by their sufferings , to publish to the world his degrading recantation of their principles , and thus establish himself upon tho humiliation and demoralisation of the country ! We turn away in disgust from the contemplation of such horrible treason to truth and country . " JJut that it were so horrid and

      unnatural—A . thing at strife with all consistent thoughts , " Wo would believe that , in truth and reality , the programme of this " Irish Alliance" was concocted at the Castle , for the purpose of er . gcndcring fatal strifes and dissensions among the Nationalists . Bu » even so , the conspiracy will fail—must fail . Mr . Duffey is now too well known . Ho lias effectually severed his connexion with the Nationalists . He has gone over to the enemy . Ik is a Whu , in heart and soul , disposition and practice . What was long suspected , often predicted , and by many openly declared—what the wisdom of Mitchel foresaw , and his noble and virtuous soul at once rejected , is now patent to the world ; and Mr . Duffy , as ho was told to his teeth at the meeting in " ' Conference , " on Monday night , now stands branded as a false politician—a dishonest man .

      We call then upon all true Nationalists not to dissever their connexion with the principles of oar illustrious Martyrs , but to shun , as tliev would a pestilence , all contact with this " Irish Alliance . " Leave it to its fate—already it is doomed . The true Democracy of Dublin held a meeting on Wednesday evening last , and resolved to proceed vigorousl y with their organisation , to which wo have devoted a separate article . Lot them hold together . and cherish their strength , for this " Irish Alliance " cannot impede their progress nor their hopes . The Freeman , indeed , with considerable pungency and truth , asks why tho promoters of the "Alliance , " if at all sincere in their avowed devotion tollcpo . il , do not join Conciliation Hall ?

      \ U have carefully perused . " says the i-Yceinmi , " the pyoceeumgs of the Conference-or , us it is now called—the Irish Alliance . ' We mm see in them from bvinnhi" to end nothing new or ordinal . 'J'hc objects pronowd to bo . soufsht are old and familiar objects of desire to the Irish liaiion . The . achievement of national rights—the establishment of religious equality—the recognition of the rights of the tenimtrv—the extension of tlie franchise—the siist .-iiument of native muuuiUctuvis—ttiese are the profi'sseil olijects of the ' Irish Alliance . ' In what do they differ from the objects sought by the old Association , Hint a new body was called for ? Thty are so complete ';/ identical t / uit they wciildseem to he transcripts the one of the other . Why , then , split up the national strength by organising u si > coiiil botly . uhen there arc confessedly no new or . separate objects to besought ? Even the mode of obtaining redress , to whieh the new body fledges itself , is identical with the . » norf « proposed by the oM , Why , then , have division instead of co-onoratlon ! 'l

      Exactly ! the argument is unanswerable . All the grounds on which the founders of the Irish Confederation separated from Conciliation Hall arc removed by the "Irish Alliance . " Mr . Duffy ' s recantation is complete , lie is as ardent now for " moral means "—as zealous in opposition to " plwsical force " as the most strait-laced quakcr . lle ' is gentle as a sucking dove , and as harmless , too . Why not go , then , at once to Bvtrgli-qv . ay 1 Surelv , if any man has a right to " lead "—if the Irish people are to be kept in perpetual" leadins strings " —John O'ConneU has hereditary claims which even Mr . Duffy cannot question . With us the matter is different , for our difference with Kurgli-quav is onei of princi ple . The "Irish Alliance " has no such diftercncc . Why , then , exist as a rival when you can co-operate as an allv ?

      But that would not serve tho purposes for which this movement was originated—the purposes of treachery and selfishness ; yet , with God ' s blessing , we will thwart such purposes , and confound such counsels . We rely with confidence upon the sterling Democracy of Ireland , to uphold the ascendancy of principle and truth , and an organisation will thereby bo effected , neiv in this countru—txa organisation by which we yet shall conquer .

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      The Germax 1 'kess . —According to a catalogue of the German newspapers just published » t Leipsio , there are at present printed in Europe as many as 1 , 558 German journals . They are thus distributed viz .: —Anhalt , 10 journals ; Baden , 55 ; Bavaria 127 ; Brunswick , 0 ; Bremen , 18 ; Frankfovt-on-thei Main , 17 : France , 0 ; Great Britain , 1 ; Hamburgh 24 ; Hanover , 32 ; Hesse-Darmstadt , 31 ; Ucsse ' llomburgh , 4 ; llesse-Cassel , 22 ; UoucuzoUcrn < t Holstein , 17 ; Lippe , 4 ; Lubeck , < 1 ; Luxemburg , 4 ' . Mecklenburg , 22 ; Nassau , 13 ; Oldenburg , S ; Aus tna , 74 ; Pimii , C 32 ; Province of Brandenburg 110 ; Pomcrania , 5 G ; Poson , IS ; Prussia , 77 ' Silesia , 103 ; Saxony , 91 ; Rhine , 110 ; Wesphalia C 7 ; Keus , 11 : ttussia , 14 ; Kingdom of Saxony 183 ; Duchies of Saxony , 4 i ; Sulmumburg , 2 > Schleswi g , 5 ; Schwamburg , 12 ; Switzerland , 77 WRWcck . WwtenAuYg , 07 .

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      * ++ " + **¦ + ***^^^—* ********* TO THE UNLOCATED LAND MEMBERS . Mv Friends , " —You , and very justly , censured me for not demanding a half year ' s rent , due in November , 1848 , from the located members ; but I told you , rather than distress tliem , after the potato blight , I would not ask them to pay any rent till November , 1849 , ( this mouth , ) and then that it should only be a half year ' s rent—receiving the balance of arrears , each half year by instalments .

      Upon Snig ' s End and Minster Lovel alone , I have paid neai'ly 1 , 000 / . interest upon mortgage ; and , as I was determined that the unlocated members should not be openly plundered by the fortunate allottees , I directed that all who did not pay , should be distrained for the half year ' s rent . The allottees , ( those especially in the most favourable circumstances , ) determined to resist the payment of rent . At Minister Loyel , a fellow of the name of Beattie , who made such a poor mouth at the Birmingham Conference , was the leader . He is a pensioner , an old soldier , receiving , I

      think , 18 / . a year pension . He has four acres of prime land , upon which he was obliged to admit , at Birmingham , he had grown carrots as thick as his thigh , and crops that astonished the farmers in the neighbourhood . This fellow received 30 / . Aid money ; he has let three acres , without the house , to an agricultural labourer , for 13 / . a-year , making him pay each half year in advance ; tbus having his cottage , an acre of ground , 307 ., a quantity of fuel , and nearly 21 . profit rent for nothing . Now , let me ask you—whose money has gone to locate this fellow—whether I would he an honest Trustee of your funds if I allowed you to he thus plundered ?

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      'There never were hearts , if our rulers would let them , More formed to bs tranquil and blest than our » , ' TO THE IRISH EXILES . Fbiends and Countrymen , Again , I tell you , that I see brighter days in prospect for you , if you are only united amongst yourselves , and do not allow your strength to be shivered by the antagonism of leaders . What you should now do is , to propound a sterling principle upon which alone tho regeneration of our common country can

      be based , and as you are amongst the most eloquent people on the earth , you should establish an association of Irishmen , with whom the English people will cheerfull y co-operate , and in order to make it successful , you must appoint working men speakers , who will soon become orators , and will make the present leaders of your principles understand the difficulty , nay , the impossibility , of using yoH for any other purpose than Ireland ' s regeneration .

      Oh ! it is a melancholy reflection , to think of the many brave and valiant heroes that have been sacrificed at the shrine of deception , hypocrisy , and ambition . It is not my desire to throw any impediment in tho way of any movement calculated to serve your interests , while it is my duty to publish both for the English and the Irish people in England , the opinion of the really honest portion of the Irish press , and with that view , I reprint the article from last weeks "IRISHMAN , " a sterling representative of the Iriah democratic mind , but I do it without

      comment . My countrymen , you cannot have forgotten the many struggles and contentions that I have had with the " Natim" when it refused to bridge the gulf by which you were separated from ypur English fellow labourers ; you cannot have forgotten the direful and vindictive hostility that it has evinced against English Chartism and English principles ; and you never can forget its uncalled-for and unmanly denunciation of me , when I ventured once more

      to visit the land of my birth , to bridge that gulph by which you were so long separated . I do not thiuk that there is any such instance upon record as tho fact of a journalist , profesBing liberal principles , repudiating the appearance of one who had suffered more than any living man for the advocacy of those principles . Howbeit , as my patriotism is based upon honest , ambition to serve my country , rather than upon any speculative hope , I bury all in oblivion .

      I have now resolved upon addressing a letter to . you weekly in the " Irishman , 'ia the hope of illustrating what Ireland is , and what , by your co-operation , Ireland may be made . My first letter will appear in this week ' s " Irishman , ' * and next week , in order to prove that I stood high in the estimation of honest , zealous , aud devoted patrioti , I shall publish in the "Irishman" three letters that I received from the devoted martyr , young Meagher , from his dungeon .

      Irishmen , if ever there was a time when I anticipated happy results from agitation it is now and if ever there was a time when the Irish eye was keen , the Irish mind was resolute , and tho Irish people were united , I believe it is now . Aud let me , in the name of God , implore of you not again to allow the strife or contention of party leaders to wean you from hope , which byyour Zealand union maybe shortly realised .

      In this week ' s "Irishman" I have mapped out the course whic h should now be pursued ; and , as soon as I recover myself from the difficulties in which Chartism has placed me , it is my intention to make a tour of Great Britain and Ireland , for the purpose of creating such an union between the people of both countries as shall pull down tho temple of tyranny and erect the standard of freedom in its stead . 1 or rely upon it , Irishmen , that I have not forgotton ' 98 , ' 22 , ' 31 , when I was prosecuted in Ireland , nor the continuous and unmerited persecution that I have since endured , 'but all of which vanishes before that gleam of hope which now fills my heart with joy .

      Oh dear , oh dear , what that unhappy land has suffered . To think of millions of honest , intelli gent , and industriou 3 people being consigned to the cold grave by the damnable and

      ~ O Connor And Macnamara. To The " Chartists.

      ~ O CONNOR AND MACNAMARA . TO THE CHARTISTS .

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      ? : V ¦¦ .. ; - - . . . / fy&iU uC tf ' ^ . t ^^ i . JfrV ^ g AND NATIOIAT , TRADES' JOURNAT , *

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      : TOkiJjj . P . 632 . LONDON . SATDEDAY . DECEMBER \ Tm _ ^^^^^ = " V-J—~~~ Zl . Z 2 ¦ FlTe Sh « w »* S' » and SixpeHct ) per Quarter ! ~ ~ T- ' — ~~~

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 1, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1550/page/1/