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Co drovreapomiNUj*.
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THE 80RTHERH STAB, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, IS49-
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TO IBE FRIESDS OP POLITICAL PU 0 GBESS 10 N . THE XATIOXAL VICTIM COMMITTEE » 3 fpectfally announce that they have tAen that elegant istablishment , the QTA SDARD THEATRE , JS ?^* 116 ^ directorship of Mr . J . Douglass , ™ 1 i ™^ f te no * rae of the bes t conducted Theatres , and possesses ons of the best companies in London ! For WEDNESDAY EVEXEKi , Ociobee 21 th , 1 S » , cmwl !? * * ^ ^ ated ttat the Fnwl raised wfll be applied in support of the Wives and Children of those now suffering a long incarceration for mere so-called Political offences . It 1 S - V ? 1 *!? Qwt Pulil « c sympathy and support will not be withheld , but that BOXES and PH toU prove an overflow on the occasion .
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The Performances will consist of a A . DOMESTIC DRAMA , A FARCE , AND A BALLET Supported by the talents of Jfcsdames K . Honnor , R , Atlanson , Daly , Eliza Terry , Williams , Pearce , and-MademmstUe Pauline ; Messrs . T . Lyon , K . Honnor , J- Douglass , — Denvil , G . B . Gaston , J . Gates , H . Lewis , G . Herbert , Herr Schmidt , 3 L Ellar , and J . W . Doughty . Doors open , at Si o'clock . Boxes , Is ; Pi ^ Cd ; no Half-price .
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Tickets to Boxes and Pit only will benefit the CAUSE 5 Tobeobtainet at : _ Mr . J . Vatson , publisher , Queen' ? wead-passage , Paternoster-row ; Mr . Dyson , bookseller , Shoreditch ; Mrs . Colliver ' s Coffee House , Holvwell-street . Strand ; Mr . J . Shaw , nndertaker , 23 , Gloucester-street , Commenaal-road . Humphrey ' s Coffee-house , Clerkenwellgreen ; Mr . Park ' s , little Windmill-street , Haymarket ; Mr . It . Moore's , Hart-street , Bloomsbury ; Mr . E . Maes , CitatSuffolk-street ; Borough ; South London Hall , 115 Black&iarsroad ; Mr . W . Shute , Upper John-street £ ? i ? « 1 ? \^ - ? rassb * « Kegent-street , lamr& M £ ,, S lason ' > 3 e * e- *«* V Xew Cut ; Mr . Carter , 112 , Tyers-sti-eet , Lambeth ; air . Fowler ! 28 GoWen-lane , Barbican ; Mr . Xewley , 12 , White-street BeftnalGreen-roaa ; Perry's Coffee-house , 42 i , CUurcV street , Shoreflitch ; TOuttington and Cat , Church-row Bethnal-green ; Crown an ? Anchor . ( Lshire-sX Waterloo-town ; and of the Secretary , IU , High Holborn
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HALSE'S SCORBUTIC DROPS . A SUftE CUKE FOR SCURVY , BAD ¦ p- . LEGS , AND IMPURE BLOOD . Another surprising cure by means of Halse ' s Scorbutic Drops . ¦ - ' DECUKATIOS OF THE CDAEDUNS OF BBENT , DEVON . We , the undersigned , solemnly declare , that before aiiomas Rollins , ( one of . our parishioners ) commenced taking "Halse ' s Scorbutic Drops , " he was literally covered with lar ~ e running wounds , some of them so larea tliat a person might have laid Ms fist in them ; that before he had finished the first bottle he noticed an improvement and that , by continuing them-for some time , he got completly restored to health , after everything else had failed . He had tried various sorts of medicines before taking " Halse ' s Scorbutic Drops . " and had prescriptions from the most celebrated physicians in this country , wilhont deriving the least benefit "Halse ' s Scorbutic Drops" have completely cured him , and he is now enabled to attend to his labour as well as any man in our parish . From other cwres also made in this part , ire stroRgly recommend "Halse ' s Scorbutic Drops" to the notice of the public . Signed by Jons ElLlOTT , sen ., Lord of the Manor ; John M&SSISG , WlIiIAxP £ * ESS , ni » -BT GOODMAN , and AKDIDB LixcwoSTHT . —Jnae 21 st , 1813 .
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YOU MAY BE CURED YET HOLLOWArJToiXTMEXT . CCKE OF RBEU 3 IATIsi ~ AXD RHEUMATIC GOUT . Extract « f a Letterfrom Mr . Thomas Brunton , Landlord of the Waterloo Tavern , Coatham , Yorkshire , late of the Life Guards , dated September 2 Sth , 1848 . Sib , —For a long time I was a martyr to Rheumatism and Rheumatic Gout , and for ten weeks previous to tisuv * your Medicines I was so bad as not to be able to walk . I had tried doctoring and medicines of every kind , but all to no avail , indeed I daily got worse , and felt that I must shortly die . From seeing your remedies advertised in the paper I take in , I thought I would give them a trial I did so . I rubbed tlu : < jintjnent in as directed , and kept cabbage leaves to the parts thiekly spread with it , and took the Pills night and morning . In three weeksl was enabled to walk abuut for an hour or two in the day with a stick , andin seven weeks I could go anywhere without one . I am b
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LIST OF BOOKS AND SHEETS KOW PCBLISHISQ Bt
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In Two Volumes , price 10 s ., post-free . VOLTAIRE'S PHILOSOPHICAL DICTIONARY ; to which isprefixed a Critical and Biographical Memoir , and a if edaRion Portrait of the Author .
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Words of a Believer ; or Paroles d'Un Croyant , by l'Abbe de la Mennais . For having written which , he was excommunicated and damned for ever by the Pope . Price Is . stitched ; post-free , Is . 4 d . Common Sense . Cd .: by post , nine penny stamps . Watson's Apology for the Bible . Is . ; by post Is . Cd . Watson Refuted . Cd . ; bvpost , 9 d .
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AS ESSAY ON WAR ; Or , Tyranny , Ignorance , and Anarchy , versus Freedom , Intelligence , and Peace , being a Sketch of its Causes , Consequences , and Means of Removal . Price 3 d . ; b \ post , 5 d .
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ROBERT OWEN'S BEPLY TO" MONSIEUR THIER . S . This day , in one volume , 8 vb ., price 7 s ., in cloth . rfiHE REVOLUTION in the MIND and - « - PRACTICE of the HUMAN RACE . By ROBERT OWEN . London : Effiugham Wilson , Publisher , 11 , Royal
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SOUTH LONDON CHARTIST HALL , Corner of Webber-street , Blackfriars-road . THREE ORATIONS , L Will be delivered iu the above named Hall , 1 ST AID OF THE FDSDFOR THE SUPPORT OF THE WIVES AND FAMILIES OF THE CHARTIST Y 1 CTIMS , On Wednesday Evekkqs , in October , 1819 , BY THOJIAS COOPER , Author ofthe " PurgaUn-y of Suicides , " AND On Wednesday Evesinc , Novembee 7 th , 1849 , BY THOMAS CLARK , On the following subjects . Oct . 24 , Life , Patriotism , and Genius of Milton . — 81 , Lives , Patriotism , and Genius of Byron and Burns . Novenibert , Napoleon Buonaparte—did his career serve or injure the cause of France' and of . Europe ? To commence at eight o ' clock—Admission , Two Pence .
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TOE CHEAPEST EDITION EVER ' rCBMSOED . Price Is . Cd ., A new and elegant edition , with Steel Plate of the Author , of PAIHE'S POLITICAL WORKS .
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Now Ready , a . New Edition of MR . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS
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Sold by J . Watson , Queen's Head Passage , Vaternoster row , London ; A . Heywood , Oldham-street , Manchester , and Love and Co ., 5 , Jielson-street , Glasgow . And b ^ all Booksellers in Town and Country .
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Mr . O'Connor will visit Bradford , Todmorden , and other r towns to which he has been invited , on his tour . Victim Fund—J . Sweet begs to acknowledge tlio . receipt of the following sums : —Mr . Knott 3 d ; from . the Seven Stars , us—Debt Due to Piukteh—Mr . Chipinilytlp , 6 d . T . F . I ^ eilston , blames the working classes for'lhe deaths of Williams and Sharp , and says that the price of a pot of porter , from every Chartist would have placed their families in an independent position . W . i \ Ellis , Heading . —Tht i ' eterloo Massacre was committed by the Yeomanry cavalry , and not . by regular troops . We cannot advise our coiiwsnond&ntto tulie the steps lie is desirous of doing , J . Winter * . —Received . We would have published your letter but for its being marked private . Leicester . —The secretary of the Leicester Chartists is requested to send his address to James Sesllip . care of Air . 1 avrell
' , 02 , Richmond-row , Liverpool . English-Irishmen . — "Can any one learned in the law give a trustworthy solution to this question : 'If a married couple -, both being English , -go to Ireland ; and the have eldldreu born to them , are the children English or Irish ?' " - Isaac Wilson . —Mr . Walton ' s letter in this day ' s Star renders the publication of your letter unnecessary . Divid Catob . —Your letter is too lengthy for insertion . Indeed we see no utility in continuing the discussion concerning Mr . Ilolyoate ' s estimate of the Chavtists leaders . The Chartist leaders themselves evidently do not think the matter worth their notice . J . Tatlor , Jdsb . Birmingham . —Press of matter excludes your letter until next week . John Askell , Kingdown—No room . Union or tue Middle and Wouking Classes . —Ge oboe Webber , Halifax , writes , that although the advocates of the Charter appear to agree as to the union of both classes , still he thinks the subject should he discussed in everj Chartist locality , either for or against the proposed uuion .
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AGENTS Who have neglected to discharge their accounts , rendered on the 29 th ult ., will not recoive a further supply of this paper , unless they remit in full on , or before , Tuesday next .
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THE GREAT UNPAID , A new light has been thrown upon ourrepreBentatWe system by the publication of what are termed "Attendance Accounts , House of Commons , 1849 , ' ' in the " Spectator" of last week . The compiler of the list must have taken much pains with his elaborate and protracted task , and the explanation given as to
the course pursued in order to arrive at the result stated , must satisfy all as to its accuracy and impartiality . The list is , consequently , a correct test of the degree- ofattention which is paid by every individual member to the discharge of his duties as representative , and we imagine that the result of the investigation will bo equally annoying to "lion , mem bers , " and surprising to their constituents .
It is not expected that every unit of that large aggregate—the House of Commonsshall make a figure as an orator or a statesman . ^ If , indeed , each of the 656 members , of which that Assembly is composed , was to insist upon giving a verbal statement of his reasons for voting , business would come to a stand-still altogether . Heaven knows , little is done as it is ; but wo should then bo iu a " dead lock . " Our legislative machinery would grind out nothing but words , just as the labourers on the treadmill churn the wind
Lut though nobody either expects or desires that every Member of Parliament should be a speaker ; the very fact of candidates seeking , and of constituencies electing Members to seats iu the Legislature , implies that the members , when elected , are to be in their places , and give their attention to business with reasonable constancy and vigilance . If all cannot speak , all can vote . As the " Spectator" truly observes : —• " Voting is the tangible function of
the member—the great act of his Parliamentary life—the definite deed by which he is to be judged . " On the way in which they vote depends the continuance of Cabinets — the settlement of disputed questions—the weal of the community at large . The vote of the most silent and obscure member is as potential at the " decision" as that of the Premier or Sir Eobbrt Peel-to any other of the leaders and luminaries of political parties . The " attendance accounts , " which have now been posted up with eYerymem her for the
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last session , prove that this palpable evidence of attention to Parliamentary duty , is deplorably deficient among the members of all parties ; Conservative , "Whig , Liberal , and Radical , seem to be unanimous on one point ; namely , to absent themselves from the " New Palace at Westminster" as often as they possibly can . The only persons who make a tolerable show on the list , are the officials whose business compels their attendance , and the placemen and place-hunters , whose interests
bind them to balk the Government for the time being . There were altogether 219 divisions last session , and it is exceedingly curious to run through the list of names with the figures placed opposite to them , and to see the vast preponderance of figures in the " absent" column . It is seen that not half the members attendrhalf the divisions ; indeed , that for one division at which so many as half the members are present , there are ten from which more than one-half are absent .
As we have said , this non-attendance characterizes the members of all parties alike . It also , strange to say , may be charged against even those who occupy most of the time and the attention of Parliament . Mr . Chisholm Anstky , whose awful verbosity was the subject of so many jokes to " Punch , " and the theme of so many fiery leaders iu the Morning Journals , was absent from . 169 divisions out of 219 . His twin brother in " vast eloquence / ' Mr . Urquhart , only divided fifteen times out of the 219 ! Mr . Disbaeli was
absent from the division lobby in 157 divisions , and Mr . Cobden , the head of the opposite party— " the Manchester school "—129 times ; Mr . George Bankes , a great man among the Protectionists , waspresent eight times ; Mr . G-rantley Berkeley , whose electioneering ' contests and quarrels with "the Castle' ' set all Gloucestershire by the ears—and all the rest of the nation into a fit of laughter—at- * tended precisely seven times . He , again , is exceeded by B . B . Cabbell—a name of considerable celebrity for donations to charitable societies , but the owner of which seems to have
much more money than time for parliamentary duties . He was present four times ; and we find four or five others present exactly tlie same number of divisions—with a great many , five is the favourite number , others range from six to seven—a large body are content with less than a score of divisions ; whilst Viscount Alford , the member for Berkshire — Mr . Bell , South Northumberland—Sir B . Hall , Marylebone—Viscount Northland , Dungannon—Mr . T . Wakley , Finsbury— Mr . R . Walker , Bury—and Colonel Westenra , King ' s County , were absent from , the whole of the 219 divisions !
In fact , a careful inspection of the list will show that the power of legislation is virtually left to Ministers and their understrappers . The attendance of equerries from Buckingham Palace , and of subordinate officials from Government offices , at divisions , is quite edifying , when compared with this laches of the voluntary and unpaid members—many of whom seem to have spent a great deal of money , and involved their constituencies in the turmoil of a contested election , merely that they might have the pleasure of writing M . P . after their
names . It may be urged as an apology for this lax attendance , that mauy of the divisions were on trivial questions—" private" bills and routine business—but that does not affect the great point at issue , namely , the obligation of a member to attend in his place . If these trivial questions and private bills were as harmless as they are said to be , we hold it would be no excusefor neglect of duty , But , unreality , many of these so-called private Bills , affect the public more directly , more generally , and , in many
cases , moro mischievously , than any Government or public Act . At a time when the supply of water , gas , the means of locomotion , and the provision of sanitary arrangements , are in the hands either of monopolising companies , close corporations , or interested jobbers , it is imperatively required that the public interests should be carefully and constantly watched and protected . These " private" interests are powerful within the Legislature
, and the absence of independent members opens the way for the perpetration of every species of jobbery at the expense of the public health , comfort , and money . The importance attached to these private Bills by their promoters , is evidenced by the large " Houses" they can " whip , " when there is any danger of their being beaten , or when two "jobs" are pitted against each other . We have seen a "House " of upwards of four hundred members at
halfpast four in the afternoon , of a sweltering July day—we have seen , when a railway job was on the tapis , that the moment the division was over—the job perpetrated—there was a general rush to the door . The benches were left empty , and the "House" resumed its usual humdrum appearance , with the fifty or sixty old stagers thinly scattered here and there , "to make up a show ; " and this , too , when there were on the paper questions of vital interests , both to the Home Empire and the Colonies . Again , we have frequently observed on Government
nights , when by courtesy " counts out" are abstained from , the business of voting the taxes , and other important matters , carried on with less than forty members present . In fact , the national affairs are transacted by a moro moiety of the members . It is very showy , and gives a mighty idea of importance to my Lord This , or Squire That , to ride , attended by his groom , " down to the House , " on a fine afternoon , through the double file of gazers after notabilitieswho
, are usually congregated about the Palaceyard . It flatters the amour propre to drive "the ladies" down—step into the Housepresent a petition , or perform some other routine and formal business , and then ride or drive off again with the feeling of self-importance considerabl y elated . But we think such holiday-making is altogether out of place in so grave a matter as legislation for the lives , properties , and well-being of the people of a large and powerful empire .
One argument invariabl y used against the proposal to pay Members of Parliament is , that it would introduce into Parliament a number of persons too poor to be independent m their conduct—who would be open to temptation , or whose poverty would make the additional salary to be gained by the prolongation of the Session a matter of interest to
them . How far any of these allegations are founded in truth , and what are the precautions by which they might be guarded against in practice , is not now the question . We have very briefly given the results of the present system of sending "independent" gentlemen , without any pay ; and it is evident that these results are , in the highest degree , injurious to the best interests of the nation .
By paying the representative his attendance would at least be demanded . The relation between him and his constituents would be clear and defined-and it is in all cases far better to pay a liberal and a fixed salary , than to allow agents to help themselves by fees , or hy indirect means . If the services of any gentleman are desired by a constituency in the capacity of their representative , they are capable of having at least an approximate money value put upon them . It is too much to expect , that in an age where evervhodv of
eminent , talent or ability finds a market for his exertions , and apricefor his services , that such onerous continual , and important duties as those of a member of the House of Commons , will be performed without a quid pro quo . By withholding that at present , the consequenceisthat they are not performed at all by many-by none but office holders , and expectant office holders , with any degree of regulanty . The " Attendance AecoJL for 1849 prepared by our contemporary , are a valuable and a practical addition to toe fonnev
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m 1820 , when a Bill was intr oduccd ^ TTT "" gresa for the erection of MissouSo * s ^?' North and South arrayed themselves aSdS each other on this precise question of £ " S ave Labour . Mr . Clay then averted L dn-ect collision , by proposing what i 1 f \ the Missouri line , * h was adopt d , * Congress as a definite settlement ofA oo % . According to this arrange ^ ^ States formed in future of territory Sthtl the parallel of 36 deg 90 min ., i ft 0
^ rfv A ree DU 5 wmle those formed »„ ,, « of the line were to retain or abolish sW ° they pleased . The parallel thus drawTli 3 the Mississippi a little below ifo «*« ck with the Miluri , and dirtSiX ^ SS territory of the States , at that time S ed portions , of which the larger halfwit ^ to be cultivated exclusivel y by Sw ** For a quarter of a centurv thu ^ m . set the question at rest ft S ? f ° have raised it again by then : « 4 * * ?** and unprincipled conduct . With * S n ' ous time will show . They felt that the \ vtf ' outstripping them , and in order t n ^ l ? balance , as they imagined fhm- the the annexation of Texas , an 7 lT § gCStcd ritory lyine within their £ I ?"** - which ten" or twelve iwJLdSt < 5 > * might be constructed . ^ t »
^ is quite a favourite manajuvre with cousin Jo . natiian , and practice has given wonderful ex pertness and dexterity in its performance Whon they cast their eyes upon a toothsome island or territory , they quietly promote a con siderable immigration of true Yankees , regular "go a-head" sons of the Republic , vl m desire is to see the " Star spangled banner " float in every clime . Once settled the rest is easy . Their greater activity carries all before them ; the country is by " hook or crook " an . nexed . Thus it was in Texas—and could the
matter have stopped there , perhaps the Southerners . would have really gained by their move . But it did not do so . The annexation of Texas entailed the war with Mexico—that again ended in the defeat of the latter , and the seizure of California and New Mexico . The larger portion of these countries lies SOUth of the Missouri compromise line ; and thus it is that the question of Free Soil has sprung up into its present paramount position in the States . The North might have been content to see the Slave-holding interest augment its power by the seizure of Texas ; but the pros pect of the immense additional territories included
in the recent conquest , going to swell the peculiar power and influences of the Southern slave-holding States , was too much to endure . Even if no higher motive than jealousy as to the balance of power was called into action , it was not likely they would sit tamely by and witness such an immense increase in that of the rival interest . We believe that higher
motives , and an earnest desire to cleanse and pur ify the future of the Republic from the fearful and infamous pollution of slavery , actuate many of the Free Soil party . That they have reasons for active and general exertion , will be admitted by all who have watched the unbridled , unprincipled , and shameless covetouaness of territory by which the Slave-holding States seem to be devoured . Not content with
the possession of Texas , and the chance of a huge slice of the last addition to the enormous territories of the Federation , they have cast their eyes upon Cuba . There also the initiatory processes of annexation are in motion ; and so ripe did these appear , that an illegal expedition to take possession of it has lately been denounced by President Taylor , under the authority of the central Government ; several of the vessels engaged in it have been captured , and the expedition put down for the
present . How far the Government at Wash , ington has ^ the power to prevent the final consummation aimed at by thepro-slave interest remains to be seen . One thing is certain , momentous issues are contingent on the mighty question which now agitates the Transatlantic Republic , in comparison with which such trifles as diplomatic squabbles with French and English ministers shrink into utter insignificauce . ' Such questions as those raised by the disputes between the Government of
Washington and M . Poussin , or Mr . CRAitPiox , the British charge d ' affaires about Mosquito , may serve for a temporary gossip among quidnuncs always on the search for novelties ; but the important and universall y interesting points to which we have adverted , are enduring in their character , and time will only more strongly develope the real proportions and magnitude of the interests at stake . Wo need not say on which side we wiah the ultimate victory to rest .
Co Drovreapominuj*.
Co drovreapomiNUj * .
The 80rtherh Stab, Saturday, October 20, Is49-
THE 80 RTHERH STAB , SATURDAY , OCTOBER 20 , IS 49-
Untitled Article
AMERICAN POLITICS . Political parties in the United States have long been known to be divided into two-Whigs and Locofocos , or what are called at home Conservatives and Liberals . Of late , however , a third has arisen , which seems rapidly growing in power , numbers , and influence , which advocates a " Free Soil , " and represents a movement that , after daily gaining strengt hand purpose , promises , in the end , to absorb all minor ebbs and flows in the political ocean .
The recent , cession of New Mexico and California to the Government at Washington has , no doubt , contributed to bring the question at issue so prominentl y forward ; but it is an old one , and being likely to influence , in a very material manner , the future fortunes and internal policy-of the vast Republic of the West , it must possess great interest to all who look with hope towards that Republic , for the gradual and complete developement of Democracy in practice . There are , at present , thirty States in the great North American Federal Union . Of these fifteen are unpolluted by Slavery , and fifteen maintain that "domestic institution . "
They arethu 3 equally balanced in the Senate ; and the contested point is , in effect , whether the Free or the Slave States shall , in future , have the predominence in the Central Legislature and Executive , and , by consequence , whether Free Labour or Slavery shall prevail throughout the Union . According to the Constitution of the Republic , as soon as any part of a territory governed as a dependency by the Central Executive , acquires a certain number of inhabitants , it may forthwith claim to be
erected into a State , possessing full control over its internal affairs , and sending Representatives and Senators to Washington , to take part in the general Government of the Federation . Shall these dependencies—these enormous territories , as yet uninvested -with political power , but destined to be so rapidly and successively—shall they add to the weight and influence of Free Labour , or be suffered to augment the number of the Slave States , and perpetuate that blackest stain upon the escutcheon of the Republic ?
The advocates of " Free Soil" insist that , in every succeeding charter conferring absolute or qualified independence on portions of these vast outlying districts , as they become successively qualified for such privileges , there shall be inserted a clause , or proviso , directly prohibitive of involuntary servitude , or slavery . The Slave-holding , interests deny both the policy of such a prohibition , and the power of the Central Congress to make it , or to compel its obserrance . It will thus be seen , that the question is a vital and all-important one , and bids fair to be shortl y at issue between the whole of the Northern States on the one side , and the whole of the South on the other .
Such a clause as is contended for by the Free Soil Party , has been inserted in the Act of Congress , by which the Oregon Territory was lately constituted a Government . It is called the " Wilmot Proviso" throughout the States , in consequence of a somewhat similar proposition having been introduced into Congress by Dayid Wilmot , a Pensylvanian . The question at present specifically disputed between the Anti-Slavery and the Pro-Slavery party , is whether the immense tract of country ceded by Mexico is to be subject to the same proviso or not . The non-settlement of this question will account for the delay in establishing a definite and authorised government official in California .
The principle involved in the dispute is , however , as we have said , an old one , and has , at various periods , shown itself on tho surface of American politics . When England was finally and definitely deprived of the allegiance of her victorious colonies , and acknowledged their independence —there passed into the possession of the Confederated States , a vast , uncleared territory , of which the exact political position was as little ascertained as its value and extent . Forests and prairie lands , extending over thousands of thousands of square miles , were
surrendered to the emancipated colonists ; but whether they possessed them as an aggregate , or distributivel y as citizens of particular states , was unsettled , and , apparently , at that time little regarded . Some of the elder States , however , advanced claims to large , but vaguely defined portions of the unsettled territory . Amo ngthese—Virginia—aslave Stateasserted ri ghts of jurisdiction and possession over tho whole country lying between the Ohio river and the Lakes Erie , Huron , and Michigan , and out of which the States of Indiana , Ohio , Michigan , and Wisconsin , have since been created .
Matters remained in this position till shortly before the adoption of the Federal Constitution , when the old Provisional Congress—which fought the War of Independence—made formal application to the individual States to cede their unoccupied dependencies to the American people . The request was at once complied with—the separate claims of tho States were extinguished by voluntary cessionand in the erection of the United States into a Constitutional Federation , sovereign authority over the uucleared and ceded territory was vested in the Central Legislature .
The point now raised is , whether that sovereignty was absolute and complete or qualified and restricted , like its authority over the members of the union . Probably at the . time such a question never occurred ,, and therefore no definite terms were laid down . We can only judge , "however , of the sense in which the terms sovereign authority" were understood , by the actions of the contracting parties , whon the cession was made by the individual states of their various claims . The old provisional Congress , we believe , without remonstrance or
opposition , did assert a right to prohibit slavery in the dependencies of the Federation . The code framed by that Congressfortho government of the territory ceded by Virginia , known as tae ordinances of 1 * 787 , declared that after the year 1800 there should be no involuntary slavery in these districts , and these ordinances were afterwards adopted by the Constitutional Federated Legislature . In 1800 some hundreds of slaves were set free in Indiana , under their operation . As far then as fact and precedent are concerned , the # ireesoil' party have the question as much in their favour , as the objects they aim at are superior to those of their opponents .
The matter was , however , allowed to sleep for several years . The great stream of emigration and population flowed from the North-™ e ™ sea-boardtowards the ricn wilderness of the West . When it crossed the Mississippi the blavery Question was stirred a ^ ain - The geographical position and physicaf characteristics of the countries north-west of the- Ohio tZt ^^ JP ™* " * < the * re t > y free labourapart from the
, tact that the immigrants were Northerns , who were opposed to slave-holding on princi ple , and grain farmers ? who found i unprofitable in practice . The se tiers , on the other hand , who had been attracted by Napoleon ' s cession of Louisiana , and the territories flanking the embouchure of the Mississippi , came chiefly from the States where slavery already existed , and found in the warm and moist soil of their new
settlements a direct incentive to use slave labour , as the instruments for extracting from ifc exuberant crops of cotton , rice , and sugar . Midway on the western side of the river , however , there is a debated land , capable of raising either cotton or corn . There the two streams of . immigrants encountered , each , other ; and , as
Untitled Article
THB REGISTRATION REFORM OF THE REFORM ACT . The annual farce of the revision of tho Lists of Voters is now being performed in the usual manner , in various places in town and country . The Overseers , Collectors , and Revising Barristers have it all their own way in very many of the Courts . Not a claimant or an objector appears before them . As far as these great constitutional battle-fields aro concerned , it might almost be supposed that a political Millennium had arrived . That the Tory lion had now lin d
aown with the Whig lamb , and accepted Chartism as the " little child " to lead them . A few loungers who have nothing else to dowho arc sorely puzzled how to wile away the dreary hours—do by chance wander into such courts , but even they feel a deeper ennui settle down upon them , as they listen to the substitution of" John for Thomas , " " Barratt for Parratt , " " ' s for m ' s , " and "t ' s for IVmistakes of careless overseers , blundering compositors , or inattentive readers , which the Barrister is paid two hundred guineas for correcting .
In the very few courts where the political partitts are represented by agents , the performance is not much more livel y or interesting . The combatants , armed with " Lutwyche , " "Barron and Arnold , " and other reporters of the decisions of the court of Common Pleas , enter into laborious and puzzling arguments about Avhat constitutes a street-dooc —sufficient occupation—sufficient residencepublication of rates—dates of claims and objectioiis ~ and a score of other minutiae , that appeal' to have been expressly contrived for
tue purpose ot surrounding the franchise by as manjr difficulties and obstructions as possible . The Overseers and Vestry Clerks in the City ot London , where their lists are somewhat sharply looked aiter , and their hills closely pared , complain that the preparation of the lists should be thrown upon them , and that they should be liable to penalties , while they are refused remuneration . In tho country districts whore , from the inferiority of education , blunders may be expected to be more numerous the Barristers do not trouble themselves with examining the items , and acting as tax-masters , but sien the bills in a lump .
lhis has produced a remonstraucc from the Poor-Law Commissioners , against the expense of working the Act , which , it must be remembered , comes out of the poor-rates , with the exception of the salaries of the Barristers . It will therefore be seen that the machinery of Lord John Russell ' s boasted Reform Act has completely broken down , and is productive of dissatisfaction to all who have to work it with the single exception of the lucky gentlemen who are paid the two hundred guineas for their annual participation in the revision
. The knowled ge of this fact has , we understand , reached "high quarters , " and it is said that Lord John is h y no means averse to try his hand at cohhling the old shoe-but want * a httle pressing from without . That is tho motive power of all action on the part o £ Government , now-a-days , it seems . After paying very highly for having the national
Untitled Article
4 THE * NORTHERN STAR . , .. October 20 . i 84 o
Untitled Article
arguments in support ; of that point of the People ' s Charter which enacts the Payment of Members .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 20, 1849, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1544/page/4/
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