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    • T<> ™ ELECTORS ASD NONELECTORS OF NOTTINGHAM, j
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      Untitled Article

      My Fkiekds , Yonr re-election of me as your representative gives me great pleasure , not more in consequence of your declaration of confidence in me , than from the fact that it will prove to our opponents , that under the principles of the People ' s Charter , no honest

      representative need dread opposition , and thus , I thinlc , the town of Nottingham affords the most conclusive refutation of the absurd assertion , that Annual Parliaments-wouldlead to annual confusion . The chief value that I attach , then , to your renewal of confidence , is the sterling stamp that it puts upon your principles . My Friends , the " Times '' of Tuesday characterises the proceedings thus :

      " Us . Fearocs O'Coxxor , M . P ., is Xottojghaji —On Monday , at twelve o ' clock at noon , a knot of Chartists , accompanied with a small band , of music and half-a-dozen green flags , met Mr . O'Conner who arrived bvthe Iandon train , atthe Nottingham station , and in half-an-honr the whole took their station in and around a -waggon , which served as a temporary hustings . Mr . George Harrison took the chair as the returning officer , and Mr . O'Connor being nominated and seconded as a fit and moper person to represent the town of Nottin < fi i £ parliament , a show of hands was taken , wfech \ S 2 Lt && ° 2 » to Wwthe chaSman S

      . _ declare that to . O'Connor wasdu f eSirS newly returned member returned thank ? for the tgfsssss as a sterling patriot , a man of pure and irreproachable character , and , in shortf far surpassing for KS ? ? ° uraWe * otives every representative hitherto sent to parliament by the electors of the l ^ j , ° ^ = , - A Tote of ^ nks being Sr « . ° the ch : ar ™™> who was ludicrously styled the mayor on account nf fill ;™ + Ji » n-3 Z « & in

      re ^™' officer this contemptibfe farc eZtha msetiBS ^ t . - fl . -few bheew ^ rdfem The * W ceedings did not occupy more than forty minutes . " Let me now ask whether , when another general election takes place for Nottingham and if Mr . Walter should again offer himself as a candidate , the " Times" will then cast any imputation upon the non-electors whose hands are first appealed to . or whether it wriM designate Mr . Walter ' s appearance in * J ^™ ?_ % marie t Place a «

      CONTEMPTIBLE FAHOE

      He mortuis nil nisi bonum—of the dead nothing but what is good—and , therefore , if I was able to charge the late Mr . Walter , once yonr representative , even with inconsistency , I should not do so ; he was a good man , a humane man , just , honourable , and sincerely attached to the peor ; and the o rgan of his son should not have forgotten , that Parson Stephens , the representative of that son , in 1842

      , stood upon a waggon in the self-same market-place , to advocate the cause of the present manager of the " Times , " and that then thesweet voicesof the non-electors were sought to be enlisted as the pressure to operate upon the * electors , and then they were not designated as a " biot of Chartists ; " -while a very small knot of Chartists routed , put to flight the lambs and the black sheep , and took possession of their fortress .

      My Friends , perhaps there is no greater curiosity in representation than Nottingham now presents . It has two representatives ; the one the manager of the most corrupt and profligate paper in Europe — nay , in the world—and tho other , the proprietor of a paper , which neither reward nor punishment , slander nor persecution , could divert from the advocacy of your principles ; and should we agaiu appear upon , the hustings as candidates for your support , I will read the above paragraph , and ask my honourable colleague if it represents his opinion of tho people ° of Nottingham .

      My Friends , in every other city , town , or borough in the kingdom the representative has the support of a portion of the Press , and , in fact , it is that support which returns him ; while not a single Nottingham newspaper has done otherwise than abuse me . The " Times " tells you , that without putting the question both ways , the chairman declared me reelected ; while I tell you , and you know , that

      the resolution of confidence in me was read by the proposer , was read by the seconder , and Toad a third time by the chairman ; and that the chairman , in a loud tone , did put the question both ways , and not one single hand was held up against my re-election . And this is what the " Times " would shroud in the darkness of a presumed maj ority ; and this is what I develope as my greatest boast .

      I trust that the " Times" will never praise me , for then I shall begin to suspect mvself . Hakiiv Brougham has been the target for the paper pellets of that marksman for several years , while , on Thursday last , he is paraded in the columns of the " Times " as the Lord of Lords—as the great Law-lord , who has proposed more vital and important changes than any man that ever went before him ; while every ouc of those propositions was treated by the " Times" as ludicrous , ridiculous , and Utopian . So much for the " Times'" consistency ; and if slashing Harry casts bis eye over the article , he will consider it as the mo ' st

      censorious critique published by that journal ; as you may rely upon it that it is not in the habit of eulogising anything that is beneficial to the poor . Electors and non-electors of Nottingham , I thank you for the renewal of your confidence , and as I fairly represent you in the House of Commons , allow me now to represent to you what constitutes your greatest difficulty , and your direst enemy ; it is — DISUNION . And while I shall not attempt to cast the slightest censure or reflection upon any party that may be opposed to me in your town , let me implore of you , in the name of justice and common sense , to bury forever in oblivion those hair-breadth diftbreuccs that constitute

      your weakness and the strength of your enemies . Cast them aside for ever . Unite for one common object , and let those who have never thought before , think now , when they look on the pallid faces and emaciated frames of their own order , and reflect that both are the consequence of their own disunion , as they may rely upon it , that where the working class mind is united , the profit-mongering power must bend before it , and yield to it . And let me , above all tilings , implore of you not to make confidence in me , or want of confidence in me , the bone of contention ; throw

      personality overboard , and direct your mind solely to principle , and let that principle be the full , free , and fair representation of the whole people in the Commons House of Parliament ; and then my feelings will not be hurt by presenting myself before a weak , pallid , emaciated , industrious constituency ; and if you really with weli to your fellow men , and however both your political and social cause may be damaged by my advocacy , do you keep your minds sternly fixed upon those two great principles , by which alone the condition of your order can

      be improved , the whole people made happy , England at peace through contentment , and the arbitress of the world through the power of a united people—peaceful , because contented ; happy , because faithfully represented ; legal , because equally protected ; and brave , because equally interested in the preservation of property : and those two principles are—the equitable distribution of the LAND , and its equitable representation

      by the PEOPLE'S CHARTER . The Charter as the means , and the Lan «! as the end ; for , rely upon it , that artificial humbugs will always convert an artificial system to their own benefit ; while the fair developement of man ' s natural resources would result in national , instead of class profit , which can only be achieved throug h NATIONAL EEPIIESENTATION . Your faithful Friend and Representative , Feabgvs O'Cossqh .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE WORKING CLASSES . '" My Fmesds , — T 7 n If T G T > Sere Was an even <^ Period in 5 ^ « - Stt 5 re ; £ an ungenerous comment upon those whose acts may be a 3 faithlessl y represented and as Diackly painted as my own . I am not < min * TO TllTZ TTOULL j . TTZT vj . v « . aa > vx UJjA . bb . kS ,

      to otter any opinion as to the truth or falsehood oi fcrEORGEY , the Hungarian General , having surrendered himself andhis Hungarian soldiers to the "Northern Bear . " The Presstells you that he has done so unconditionally , and that his reward is to be the commission of General m the Russian army . No matter what the condition upon which he surrendered may be , it must result in a confederation between Russia , Austria , a great portion of the German States and France , for the overthrow of democratieandrepublicanprinciples , in thehope of once more establishing the leagaeof despots against the league of people . Both Austria and Russia dreaded the power of republican France , aid France not only rejoicedin but

      aided m , the overthrow of the Italian republic . The Special Constable is about to be wedded to the relative of a LEGITIMATE MONARCH , and the terms npon which that marriage ceremony will be performed will be , the restoration of monarchy in France , and the proclamation of Napoleon the Second , as Emperor . Every act of his , in connexion or in correspondence with forei gn potentates , as well as his violation of the Constitution which he was bound to maintain , establishes this belief in my mind , and must lead to the same

      conviction in yours . I did not wait for recent events to convince me of the result ; I published my opinions—perhaps presumptuousl y , when he was elected President . I published the Land Scheme , which he propounded when as a fugitive he was catering for the support of the agricultural mind of France , and I stated that if , as the head of a nation , he carried Uis principles into practice , he would be one of the first rulers in the world . But mark , that I have laid great stress upon the great truth that there is a difference between men

      seeking power , and men exercising power . Power is recruited under the " cry" of "PEACE RETRENCHMENT , AND REFORM : '' " CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY •" " HIGH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . " They are fascinating cries , but those on whose behalf the cry is raised , find themselves lamentably disappointed , wheu it has achieved power for those who promised to carry it out . Then the first object of the possessors of power is to crush tho voice of those who created it . They are aware of the strength it must have possessed to create it , and they dread lest they may destroy it . So it was during the Reform

      agitation with the Melbourne administration , when Toji Youxg , of the Home-office , was the recruiting sergeant of the Government , and the result was , the suppression of Trades' Unions , and the transportation of the Dorchester labourers , wheu power was transferred from Tory to Whig . And now , tho great opposition that you have to apprehend and to dread , is the disunion of your own party . Those continental—nay , Europeanrevolutions that have so lonsr convulsed the

      world , will now cause a change that you are little prepared for . As I have frequently told you , English rule and Government has for centuries been managed by foreign , rather than by domestic , policy . England , during the times of war—when she had a monopoly of the trade of the world , wheu she commanded the ports of the world , and when the shedding of human blood abroad constituted her MARKET NOTE—preserved domestic peace

      by domestic contentment , and levied taxes by the standard of domestic fear . The cry of " KEEP BONEY OUT , " frightened the squires out of their wits ; they cheerfully submitted to any amount of taxation to save their laud from the foreign iuvader ; while the poor who were employed—and most of them were so—received good wages , and those who were not employed by individual masters , were provided with materials at home , instead of being consigned to the tender mercies of a

      POORLAW BASTILE . Now the landlords are paying for their loyalty , and the people are paying for their ignorance . But , thank God , a change has come o ' er the spirit of the dream of both serf and lord ; the serf has gained wisdom from expevicucc , and the lord has discovered that he is now paying a perpetual and enormous tax for his then enthusiastic loyalty . Working men ! " To be forewarned is to be forearmed . " Thirty-four years ago , THE NAPOLEON—not the Special Constable —told you that in fifty years Europe would be a Republic or Cossack . Aud can a man ,

      with common understanding , doubt that the chains of Turkey and of Poland , will now be more closely rivetted ; and that the NORTHERN BEAST will seek vengeance for the English sympathy expressed for the Poles and Hungarians ? And can any man of common sense entertain the shadow of a doubt , that the sterling mind and action of John Bull is the only force that the English Government can oppose to that fraternisation of despotic monarchs which is now about to take place ? while tho attempt to uphold the present evil system of Government , would so paralyse the state as to make her an easy prey to her invaders .

      Well , then , as this country has ever been governed by foreign policy , let our rulers g lean wisdom from what is passing around them . Let them unite , and weld the Euglish labour-mind by doing justice to the labourer , and then they may defy the world in arms . I have shown you thatthe "Russian Bear" entertains strong feelings of prejudice and hostility against England , while you may rest assured that the French people never have forgottenand never will forget—Waterloo—the murder of Marshal Ney—and the cruel tyranny practised on their Emperor under the English jailor , Sir Hudson Lowe .

      Well , then , Englishmen , as the best way to preserve peace is to be prepared for war , let the English people develope their power aud their resolution , and show to the league of Kings thatthe English people are resolved to be no longer slaves . It is what the " Times " may call " a contemptible farce , " to read such an appeal from Lords and Members of Parliament to Lord John Russell , upon behalf of the Hungarians , which I extract from the " Times " of Thursday . Here it is : —

      HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA , The following memorial , drawn up by Lord Fitzwilliam , was in course of signature when the late disastrous intelligence arrived from Hungary ; it would , probably , otherwise—in addition to the names of those with whom it orig inated—have had appended to it the signatures of many other Peers and Members of Parliament : — " To the Lord John Russell , First Comm i ssioner of the Treasury ; and the Viscount Palmerston , Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs . " The undersigned ( being Peers or Members of the House of Commons ) desire to express to your lordships , and through your lordships to the rest of her Majesty ' s confidential servants , the deep inte-

      Untitled Article

      rest which they take in the contest which is now carried on between the Hungarian nation and the Emperor of Austria . It is their anxious wish to see this contest speedil y terminated , in the manner which they conceive most conducive to the interests of the Austrian empire , viz ., by the recognition of the just demands of Hungary , tho most important of the hereditary dominions of the house of Hapsburg . "The undersi gned are of opinion , that it is both the interest and the duty of England to contribute , by every legitimate means , to the tranquillity of Hungary . They are of opinion , however , that this object , so desirable , cannot be obtainedso as to enrest Which thfiv fakp in ttm nnntoot . wl . i » l . ; = ™~

      , sure its permanence , unless the terms upon which it is accomplished be consistent with the ancient laws and constitution of the country "While so many of the mftions of Europe have engaged in revolutionary movements , and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy , and of still more doubtful success , it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to assure your lordships , that the Hungarians demand nothing but the recognition of ancient rights , and the stability and integrity of their ancient constitution . Te vour lordships it cannot be unknown , that that constitution'bears a striking resemblance to that of our own country . King , Lords , and Commons areas vital narhs nf ttm

      Hungarian as of . the British Constitution . So far , therefore , from the . undersigned being animated hy $ revolutionary spirit , or being actuated by principles inconsistent with regular government , and with the established order of things , they beg to assure your lordships , that it ia with the view of maintaining regular government , and of perpetuating institutions which , though occasionall y modified , have had an unbroken series of existence since the foundation of the Hungarian monarch y , that they venture to invoke the interference of the British government . " They have witnessed with great alarm the application of the Austrian government fov the assistance of Russia . They conceive that this assistance

      will not be granted upon terms consistent with the integrity of the existing dominions of the house of Austria ; their alarm , however , is not confined to the apprehension that some encroachments may be made upon the present boundary between the two empires . They apprehend that a powerful intervention on the part of Russia , a state in which the existence of a constitution is not acknowledged , cannot be effected without danger to the free institutions of the country in which it is invited to interfere . They conceive that the military occupation of Hungary by Russia must be necessarily subversive ( for the time ) of all regular government , and they know not what terms

      affecting the internal condition of the country may be ultimately imposed by a power , whose intervention has been invited for the express purpose of controlling a people which is struggling for the preservation of long-established and undisputed rights . The undersi gned conceive that the essential character of Russian intervention must be to disregard rights which the spirit of the government of that empire does not recognise ; and that , if effectual , the intervention must lead to the subversion of the ancient constitution of Hungary , must destroy her prosperity , and endanger the security of states in whose welfare and independence England is deeply interested .

      _ " It is to avoid this fatal result that the undersigned feel impelled to intreat her Majesty ' s government to use such means as shall seem to them the most effectual for producing a reconciliation between the Emperor of Austria , and the people of Hungary , on the basis of those rights which the Hungarians have never ceased to demand , and the firmest attachment to which has hitherto been found not only to be compatible with , but to promote , the most fer - vent loyalty to the house of Hapsburg , and has enabled them to render such services in the hour of danger as could never have emanated from the spirit of a subdued or servile people . " ( Signed ) -FitzwLUiam , Xovthampton , Zetland , Beaumont , Iunnaird , Nugent , R . M . Milncs , F . Mowatt , J . A . Smith , II . Salwey , B . M . Willcox , W . Pinney , J . Townshend . "

      . Now , then , here is the recognition of tho memorialists of the right of the Hungarians to all the privileges of their Constitution , while , —with the exception of the brave and philanthropic Lord Nugent—every man who has attached his name to the above memorial , both in the Lords and Commons , nightly violates the English Constitution , and refuses to the English people those rights and privileges which tho English Constitution guarantees . Well , does not this prove to you tho difference between men seeking power and men exercising power ; and does it not prove to you that mock philanthropists can express their sympathy in cases wherein they have no possible interest , while they withhold that sympathy where they have an interest , and may exercise a powerful influence ?

      My fond aspiration was , that the brave Hungarians might erect a pyramid of Cossacks , aud cap it with the Czar ; while I felt somewhat nettled , as au Irishman , that not a single word of English sympathy was expressed in public meetings for nearly a million of Irishmen who were starved to death in a fertile land , within three years . The pious forget the difference between the soldier who falls in battle , and the man who is stricken down by famine ; they forget the Bible , which tells them that " They who die by the sword are better than they who perish from hunger , for their bodies pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the fiold . "

      You , Labourers , aro awaro that I caunot address you every day ; and therefore I urn obliged to make my appeals rather discursive , yet all bearing upon the question of Labour . You aro aware that 1 have , over aud over again , shown you Irish difficulties aud Ireland ' s capabilities . I have shown you that there is capability of soil , and ability to cultivate it , and that gratitude would be the repayment of those who developed the principle ; while I have shown you , also , that the want of such practice has been the cause of your Labour market being glutted ; while I have proved to tho English manufacturers that Ireland , if fairly governed , would constitute one of their best markets . Well , now read the following from the "Morning Chronicle" of Wednesday

      last;" There are in the midst of the wilderness of the West and its suffering and neglected population , several English settlers , some actuated by legitimate enterprise , others by the purest benevolence . Amongst the latter is an English merchant , Mr . Ellis , a member of tho Society of Friends I believe , who , after securing a competence in trade , determined to make his home in the west of Ireland , and assist the peasantry by his experience in agriculture and the benefits of his personal outlay

      and example as a farmer on a largo scale . Mr . Ellis has in cultivation a farm of fifteen hundred acres , ami tho result of his residence and intimate acquaintance with the peasantry , is the conviction on his mind that the people as well as the soil have been most sadly neglected , and that there is no better field for the exertions of the capitalist or tho philanthropist . Mr . Ellis has an extensive farm , and he requires no police for the protection of his property , even in the midst of severe privation amongst the peasantry . "

      Now , bear in mind that this is a picture of what may be done in the WESTERN WILDERNESS—the wilds of Connauglit—and see the result produced by this excellent gentleman ; aud never lose sight of the fulfilment of one of [ the DEVIL'S PROPHECIES , for how often have I told you that , under a well-regulated system , you would not require a siugle soldier or a single policeman in Ireland , or in Englaud either ; nor would that enmity , consequent upon Irish paupers reducing English wages , exist .

      I have told you , in the commencement , that you are your own greatest enemies ; and my strongest desire is to destroy that enmity , by proving to all that the working classes have the strongest interest in union , and that nothing but union can or will relieve their order from the oppression and injustice of the privileged classes . We have a great many lip-p hilanthropists—cowards who would sacrifice their lives for the cause ; aud , however

      Untitled Article

      distastofal it may be , I will illustrate the ErTs t . ° Labour ' as i 4 regards self-. ^"' P ^^^ ttliereavetwenty ofatrade , ofCharSr lllage 7 P ™ fcssingthe principles mtiTJ , A » PPo « e \ ha Ware AJ hig Tory and Chartist employers . Tho men on fT / 0 ^ CpftleS to the * wnty worklit ? even "& ** & says :- •< I will give you 100 / tocompfetesucHL order , and fWto *? * - ** *^ e relief ^ Chartist victims , and I will give you till Monday to decide . " The Whig empW comes on Saturday , and offers ! « same order . When he is gOne , the Tory em loyer com and offers tV v wl ju ... « .

      p es W vn ™ i" 7 ' . ™ "" u oners mi . Now I am not going to make an observation ; but an swer yourselves , which of the orders wOdd the twenty Chartists accept ? Well , if they accepted the Tory order , I should not blame them , but I should blame the system , and I would destroy tho vice by destroying the svstem-by giving to every man the full benefit and full value of his own labour , and ; not allowing differentprofit-mongersto be ' able to effer 10 Z . 0 ^ 120 / . —the Sue -lnQje than the other—whUethehighestbiddeVwoWM make a profit upon the highest price . Tho twenty Chartists , if they did accept the Tory bid , would say : "A man , or twenty men , cannot do a nation's work , and we have

      no right to be expected to do more than others professing our principles , " while , by the Chartists' principle , as regards the support of their cause , tho maxim is : "What ' s every one ' s work is uobody ' s work . " Now , working men , that is a definition not of your character or of your feelings , but of the system which establishes the character and developes the feelings . Have you thought of this one " GREAT FACT "—upon the fact thatthe Queen and the Royal family , noble placemen , aud pensioners , and a great portion of the aristocracy , live upon drunkenness , debauchery , prostitution , immorality , and dissipation of the most revolting nature ? and are you aware that if

      your order abandoned those vices for three months , that thepo-wer of Government and tho defiance of foreign despots would be placed in your hands . Here , again , wo have the maxim , that "What ' s every man ' s business is nobody ' s business ; " but when a large majority discovers the fact , that by their dissipation and immorality a small minorit y governs them , they will see the error of their ways . Working men , I have now given you my opinion as to the probable result of foreign revolutions , and I have told you , times out of mind , that the working classes have always been tho greatest sufl ' erers from physical revolution

      , which merel y transfers power fvom tho hands of one party to those of another ; the first object of the conquering party being to destroy the force that created its power : while tho effect of a mental revolution is a transfer of power from the weak , the idle , and the impotent , to tho strong-minded , the industrious , and the intellectual . You are now the best instructed people in Europe , as regards politics , and their application to the profitable developement of tho national resources to national instead of to class purposes ; aud if by apathy , by treachery , or folly , that opportunity should be snatched from you , blame yourselves , and not Your faithful and uncompromising Friend , Feabgus O'Connor .

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      « pm TO THE MEMBERS OF THE LAND COMPANY .

      I really receive so many letters from parties wishing to withdraw tho money that they have invested in the Land Company , and all requiring an immediate answer by return of post , that it would be impossible for me or any othev man to comply with the numerous applications , whilo I give the following as my general answer to all ; it is this : — - In November , when term commences , if the Queen ' s Bench refuses to legalise the Land Company , I will apply to Parliament for a

      specific Act of Parliament to legalise it according to the recommendation of the Committee , or for power to wind it up . Should that be refused , then tho dissatisfied members will receive their money from the Directors , not in the proportion that Mr . Gubbiss received his , which was £ 2 9 s . 9 d . for £ 5 6 s ., but will receive 20 s . for every posnn they have paid . Again I state , that if Mr . Roberts had not admitted my handwriting to Gubbixs ' s scrip at Northampton , ho would not have got a fraction ; whereas my writing is not upon one single certificate tliat has been issued .

      I rejoice to say that I have only been threatened with two other actions out of the vast number of poor people whoso money I would be most happy to repay out of my own funds , were they not already exhausted in the Land Company ; and , as I have often told the subscribers , if 1 could divide a house , or a fouracre allotment into £ 5 4 s ., £ 3 15 s ., or £ 2 10 s ., I would be most happy to pay all off : but I do trust that tho dissatisfied will no longer allow themselves to bo the dupes and the tools of my enemies . Feaugus O'Connor .

      Untitled Article

      PURCHASE OF THE MATHON ESTATE .

      Within tho present month , the purchase of the Mathon Estate must bo concluded . I have now received somewhat over 1 , 600 / ., representing 5 , 550 / . when paid in full ; and I do trust that this valley of England will not be allowed to pass out of the hands of the working classes . I , as you are aware , have not the slightest interest in it , beyond trouble and the welfare of the purchasers . I wish to show what may bo made by purchasing land in the wholesaleud

      , a soilin g it at tho wholesale price in the retail m arket ; the question of the Land when cultivated in small allotments , being the question which will shortl y occupy the miud of Europe ; while all should understand that I still continue to receive offers of 16 / . a year with a year ' s vent in . advance , for land at Mathon that will cost 120 / ., therefore , there is no such security to thoaavrUo require interest for their money , and no such impetus to industry .

      If a sufficient amount does not come into complete the purchase , every man who has deposited his money to purchase any portion , shall receive 20 s . for every pound ho haB paid , and the benefit that this new purchase would confer upon me , will be the loss of 500 / . that I paid as a deposit—the mode in which I juggle my dupes , or , rather , tho mode in winch I am juggled in my own confidence . Feakgus O'Connok .

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      TO TUB . llEMpRS OF THE LATE CHAR . TJST CONlpjHTrlON AND ASSEMBLY , WHO MJ 3 T AT THE HALL , -JOHN-STREET TOTTENHAM- COURT ROADf : ^ J ) , To ALL WHO DARE CALL THEMS ^ LfW CHARTISTS , AND WHO REALLY ARE SUCH . Brothers and Sisters , # Nothing but the most urgent necessity —nothing but that which drags our honour as a party , and our good intentions as humane beings , into question , would induce me to address you at this time ; but I , who was one

      among you , and who feel as strongly as ever the necessity to hold on , and to assist by every moang in our power the cause of struggling labour—the cause of right against mightam called upon to remind you , that the Printer who gave publicity to our cause should be , and I trust will be , paid ; and , considering that it would amount to but a trifle tor each locality , I feel that it is only necessary to apprise our friends of the fact , in order that arrangements may be made for the bill to be speedily paid .

      My Friends , let the enemies of the working millions say what they please , but we will not merit their censure ; no , my Brothers and Sisters , they have Bucccflded , by the vilest means , to cast odium on our cause ; but they never ought to have the power to say that tho Chartists—as a bod y—arc too dishonest to pay their just debts—to pay tho Printer for giving publicity to their proceedings . No no ; I cannot think that . Mr . M'Gowan has sent to me , as being one of your members , a bill for Printing ; it is as follows ' : —

      Amount duo from National Convention , £ 20 9 3 Ditto National Assembly , . 22 7 4 I hope my friends will do their best in their several localities , and then we shall soon wipe off this disgrace to our still good cause . I am , Brothers and Sisters , respectfull y yours , ,. _ . H . Child . lo , Prmces-street , Fitzroy- square .

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      m . TO THE CHARTIST BODY . FniE . VDs , —Itisour duty to call your attention to a matter deeply affecting the character of each of us , and to winch we are bound , by every sense of honourand justice to make an immediate and suitable acknowledgment . As you are all well aware , during the sittings of the National Convention , and National Assembly several addresses and other documents were prepared and ordered to bo printed bv these two bodies , and Mr . M'Gowan , the gentleman to whom they were sent , printed them all without hesitation or reserve , thereby rendering an important service to the cause , and also risking

      the legal responsibilities of his conduct . Mi \ M'Gowan , was in nowise connected with the movement , but as a printer , relying upon tho integrity of the Convention and Assembly , he executed their commands , and to their entire satisfaction . The exchequer of both these bodies was low , and , consequently , the debts contracted with Mr . M'Gowan amounting for the Convention , to £ 20 9 s . 3 d ., aii < tor the Assembly , to £ 22 7 s . id ., were undischarged , llicso debts were contracted by the representatives in the name of their several constituencies , and the constituencies are bound to provide the means for their discharge .

      After the most exemplary patience and forbearance , Mr . M'Gowan is now requiring the settlement of his accounts , and therefore we earnestly call upon all those concerned , to transmit to us , each one Ins shave of the above liabilities . To the members of the Convention and Assembly especially , we address ourselves upon the question as they are not only morally but legally responsible for the transactions of the bodies to which they belonged . We feel assured , however , that the ereuitor will not be put to the disagreeable trouble of law proceedings for tho recovery of his rwht . ful

      dues from the representatives of the Chartist body and that no suoh stain as that of defrauding an honourable creditor , by neglecting to satisfy his legitimate demand , will be allowed to rest upon tho hitherto unsullied escutcheon of the British democracy . We * have to request that these remarks will b read at the several meetings of the Chswtist body throughout the country , and thai ; where organisations do not exist , thatthe Chartists will individually send their subscriptions towards defraying the bill of their own printer .

      Persons may send any sum , however small , in postage sta mps to this office , and the whole of tho receipts will bo duly acknowledged in the Northern Star , Let no one be deterred from sending because his mite may be small . Tho honour of all is at stake , and nothing is more true than the good old Scottish maxim " Every little makes a mielde . " Thomas Clark , William Dixo . v , PniLir M'Gkath . 144 , High Ilolborn , August 30 th , 1819 .

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      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ ., M . P . Honoured and Respected Sm , —It was with no ordinary feeling that I latel y ouserved in tho papers your determination to quit the arena of public life . When I take a retrospect of your life for the last ten or twelve years , and considerthegre . it exertions and pecuniary sacrifices you havo made , and also the imprisonment you underwent , all to enlighten and meliorate the working classes , and what has been your recompense ? You have been calumniated and abused for all your pains . Really I wonder not at your resolution to leave them to their impotence . Surely such contrariety of action on the part of those you were trying to benefit must be capable of explanation . Such ingratitude must be the result of the grossest ignorance , or of a complete difference of opinion regarding the means you propose

      to better them . I have as good au opinion of the working classes in this country as you apparently have , and I cannot help thinking that " Truth " must be in tho majority of their minds ; " that no form of government whatever , in a competitive system of society , will ever meliorate the condition of those that produce . 'i This truth has lately been demonstrated in France , but , indeed , it can easily be demonstrated by tho history of all nations oi which we havo a record . Unfortunately for mankind " competition" has been the result of" civilisation , " with very few exceptions , and it is an undisputed fact , that in countries the most enlightened tho greatest disparity of classes is apparent ; our own country , for instance , shows to the world affluence the most gorgeous and poverty the most miserable .

      lour plan of small farms was admirable fov the nielioration of the producing millions of this country ; it was a step in tho ri ght direction . UuqwcsUonably , tho task was Herculean to wile the mind off the old beaten path of " Competency , " and sure I am , that no man in the British dominions is better or as well qualified as yourself to do this , if ordinary success had attended your great labours . But not only to bestow your valuable time and your money , but to sacrifice your great talents , for the one object of bettering those who could not better themselves , and got nothing but abuse , is rather more than human watuvc can bear , so it is not to he wondered at your resolving to leave them . However , you have the approval of your own mind , and , be assured , also of every enlightened mind that has observed your life for the last twelve years . Few , indeed , would have borne so much and so Ion" as you have done , yet all who wish well to humanity will deeply deplore the day your resolution is carried into effect .

      Your character has been eminently a " precursor , " and you have nobly done your duty , and it is sincerely hoped by the writer that you will not relinquish the field of politics till " you have seen of the travail of your mind and been satisfied . " Yours , with all respect , Glasgow , Aug . 27 . Uumaxicus .

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      THE CURRENCY QUESTION . TO T 1 IK EDITOn OF TIIK KORTIIBRS STAB . Sin , —As we may confidently rely upon a change in the government of this country in a much shorter space of time than present appearances would lead some to" expect , it is desirable that all Democrats should endeavour to bo prepared with ; just principles of social and political economy ' ,, 'UY " ofrtey to supply the place of that mass of fraud , of ( fev ' ico , of trickery , and of lies , which now , unhappily , passes for political wisdom . I havo observed with pain , that there are some professed Democrats who have a hankering for some wonderfully improved sort of paper ivoias . They , have seen bankers acquire wealth ami obtain large ' , possessions , and , as a matter of course , tiiey have seen the laws made to favour such men ; they are , therefore , desirous th . it the privilege of moneymaking should be extended to the imhutrious classes , in order that they also may have : i share in suoh a profitable business—may become bankers , and obtain wealth . Sow , Mr . Editor , either these men arc very much mistaken , or I am : that which they twiyh co be a \ good , I toeYievc to he an evil ; that wliicli they appear to think capable of being made into a blessing , is , in my opinion , a curse in every possible shape . I would therefore respectfully suggest , that a corner ot the Northern Star mightbe usofully appropriated in endeavouring-to come at the truth respectin g this important subject , and especially , as I xra fully certain that ills 1 © 'this system alone ' (\ vith its necessary concomitants , "loan-mongei'ing" and "funding" ) , that the " reactions now taking ^ l \ cc on the continent of Euroue are fairly to be ascribed .

      It is quite true that bankers make monoy , but how do they make it ? Where does it como from ? As we know that they produce nothing , either mentally or physically , calculated to benefit mankind , all their wealth must come from the labour ot others , > t 1 io are as completely robbed by the process as if the parties had broken into their houses and stolen tho victuals from the cupboard . If ever the laissez-faire principle was of any use it is with respect to the principle of currency—the best thing is to let it alone . The onl y thing desirable for all honest men is , that it should be as free as possible from fluctuation ; and whatever has a tendency to cause such fluctuations , either by tncrcating or decreasing tho quantity , is sure to

      pro-Uncc mischief . Mr . Goldhunter goes to California , and comc 3 home with a million of sovereigns ; he purchases esUtes , builds houses , sots uo gilt carriages , keeps hunters and hounds , and hire-fa whole regiment of flunkies , fidlers , iind toadies . Now some will be ready to exclaim , " What au advantage this is to to the country ! See what a number (> f hand 3 avo set to work , and what a quantity of money is put into circulation . How thankful we ought to be to Goldhunter for going to California , and bringing us home so much wealth . " Simpletons ! Every shilling of the money which Goldhunter expends , is just as completely taken from the pockets of the }) eople , as if , instead of going to California , he had ttopjied at home and laid a tax upon the rest of the community for the amount . There is nothing more curtain ,

      than that every increase in the quantity of money causes a corresponding decrease in the value . Xow supposing the quantity to have been twenty millions before , Goldhunter ' s additional million will have caused an increase of five per cent ., and the purchasing power of every sovereign will havo been reduced to nineteen shillings , and of course every holder of a sovereign will have been defrauded out of a shilling—will m fact , and indeed , have had to contribute for the whole of Goldhunter ' s additional wealth . How can it be otherwise ? How can an increase of that which is a mere conventional representation of wealth , give , or stand in tho place of , the thing represcntcu ? That it doa do so , in the case of bankers and gold-hunters , is unhappily too true , but all that is got in such a way is got at the expense of others .

      I will now conclude these introductory observations with the following three propositions , for the truth of which I am prepared to argue . First . —If all the other institutions of a community were as they ought to l ) e , the quantity of the circulating medium , or money , of the community is not of the slightest moment . Sccowd . —That fto gain can \ jo made by banknotemakers , money-mongers , gold-hunters , or swindlers , without producing an equal amount of loss to othev parties . Third . —That of all the evils inflicted upon the honest and industrious man , those evils inflicted by banknote-makers havo been , and now are , the greatest . Yours respectfully , Huddersfield . Richard Brook .

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      " Fiftv-iwo thousand Jews , " says the Jewteh Chronicle , " are now fighting in tue ranks of the brave Hungarian army fov liberty and civilisation , and not one Jew ia to he found serving under the Auatnans , though there are myriads of Jews in Austria Proyov , Ga \ icia , Bohemia , Moravia , an > A Transylvania , " ¦ . ¦

      T&Lt;&Gt; ™ Electors Asd Nonelectors Of Nottingham, J

      T <> ™ ELECTORS ASD NONELECTORS OF NOTTINGHAM , j

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      THE ROYAL ETCHINGS . TO TIIK EDITOn OF TIIK NORTHERS STAR . Sjb , —For your kindness in inserting my former communications relating to the unfortunate affair of the " Royal Etchings , " and to tho order obtained by the Prince Consort for me to pay , not only the costs of ray own case , but the whole of the costs ( since taxed , amounting to upwards of £ 180 , ) which his Royal Highness hud wlwlhj abandoned in the casi ; of Mr . Strange , and accruing before I was even made a }>« ri ; i to tho suit , 1 liog to return you . my most grateful acknowledgments . Notwithstanding 1 am a " pauper , " ( admitted by the Master of the Rolls , upwards of t « o months ago , to a , " p auper ' s privileges , " ) 1 was apprehended yesterday afternoon , " by virtue of the Queen ' s writ , " directed to tho Ilish [ Sheriff of

      Berks , for a " contempt which it is alleged I have " committed against her said Majesty , for not paying the sum of £ 181 Is . 8 d . costsj to his Royal Highness Prince Albert ; " and I am now incarcerated in " the common gaol of the county of Berks at Reading , " at the suit of His Royal ' Highness , and where I shall bo compelled to remain , away from my wife and young family , until I purge myself of the said " contempt . " This , however , is only to be effected by m \ paying to the Vrince Consort £ 181 Is . 8 d ., an ' utter impossibility for me to accomplish in my present most distressed state ; for since the ruinousl y severe , and , indeed , I may say oppvessivo proceedings , were commenced against me in the Court of Chancery , 1 have been compelled to pawn

      the very blankets from oil our beds , and the clothes from ouv backs ( as M \\ Radnor , the pawnbroker of Windsor , can testify ) in order to enable me to meet some only of tho enormons expenses to which I have been subjected by the advisers of her Majesty , and His Royal Highness Prince Albert , this is no "idle tale" to excite commiseration or pity . The privations my most excellent wife and family havo suffered for months past , would have been beyond endurance had we not "lived on in hope , " and thus fortified ourselves against despair . All , however , is now over . I am immured in a common gaol at the suit of the Consort of my sovereign ; and my

      poor wife and family ave thus deprived ot tho support and the protection of a husband and a parent . Yesterday afternoon , when I was diviggcd away to a prison , I could as easily have flown over the Round Tower at Windsor C : vstle , as have paid His Royal llighness ' s demand of £ 181 Is . Sd . for I left Windsor ( to travel twenty miles , to submit , patiently , to incarceration , ) with only 5 s . in ray pocket , leaving but 2 s . 4 d , for the support of my distressed wife and children at home , Uoiv then , Sir , Jet mo ask , could I be expected to pay so large a sum as nearly £ 200 , with only such means at my disposal ?

      1 feel assured that the Prince Consort cannot be aware of all that has been done in His Royal Highness ' s name : and it is therefore in the hope that the facts , to which I have referred , may be brought under tho notice of His Royal Hi ghness , that I most urgently , but very respectfully , pray you will do mo the gvent ¦ favour of finding space for this letter at your earliest convenience . ' Your kind compliance with my request will demand , and receive , my warmest gratitude . I remain , Sir , Your very faithful and obliged servant , JAbrEIt TOMSETT Jl'DQB , County Prison , Reading ,

      Wednesday , August 22 d , 1840 . [ The persecution to which , the writer of the above letter has been , and is still , subjected , savours very much of vindictiveness , and it persevered in will not tend to increase Prince Albert ' s popularity . The Prince should remember that , mercy " , Is twice blessed ; It blesaeth him that gives and him that takes . 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest * * # * * # It is an attribute of Cod himself , And earthly power doth then shew likest HeavenV , When mercy seasons justice . " ]

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      Tiie Public Libraries o p thk United States . — The aggregate number of volumes in the public libraries of the United States is about 1 , 294 , 000 , distributed among 182 libraries . Forty-three of these libraries contain over 10 , 000 volumes each ; nine over 20 , 000 each , and only two over 50 , 000 . The library of H arvard University , the largest on the other side of the Atlantic , contains , together with the libraries of the law and divinity schools , upwards of ( 0 , 000 volumes . '

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      thankful hemb -om of Mr . O'Connor ' s dupes . I _ visitedi Mr . Wilhs'i allotment , and found him an 4 ~< us wifei full of hope ; he has a fine crop of wheat ; Mr . Bathway s ns very promising ; he hag a good agricultural wl { e . I . should liko the Leeds Mercury - man to go there and seo the gravelly land that will not Produce seed and labour , and then , 1 think , he would blush for shame . I think if tho Director will give them ( the allottees ) time to get their crops out , and not compel them to sell at a sacvifico . it will be all right , as , I think , all wish to pay the demands of the Company . Go on , noblo Sire , and heed not the grumblers . I am glad to say there , arc not many in this locality—there arc a iW selfish slaves ... . ' I am , yours , itc ., A paid-up Shareholder of the first section , W . JBEXsm .

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      A VISIT TO C 1 IARTERVILLE . TO mnOES O ' COXXOB , ESQ ., M . P . On Saturday , the 10 th of August , I paid a second visit to my brother , and I was surprised with the improvement on the estate . I think great credit is due to the allottees for their perseverance ; tho crops are most promising , the wheat in particular ; the carrots are the best I saw in my journey from Wootton-undcr-Ed ge , a distance of forty-five miles ; tho mangels and potatoes are also looking well ; I found iny brother in the best of spirits , and very

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      >^^) V ' I / it .: - " ' / O ' , y ' % ^^/^>^ - ^^^ —JNDNATIONAL TRADES ' ' . TOTTRN A T * ¦ bia-

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      VIII III Nil £ 1 Q ^^^ LONDON , SATIIKDAY , SEPMBERU 849 ^^ " ^ S ^ r ^ £ l — Tm Wgg ^ and Shc ^ ce per Quarter ii h " *"'

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 1, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1537/page/1/