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    ftMiwCaJ fJartianwnt

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    SATURDAY , Jclt 21 . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —The Housa met at noon for receiving the report of the committee of War 3 ana Means , when Mr . Osbobse called attention to the ApTAIBS OF HCXGART . Thehon . gentleman rose to more , pursuant to notice , for any papers connected with the advance of the Russian troops into the kingdom of Hungary . It was generally supposed that Hungary was a province of the Austrian dominions , bpt the fact was that it was a free and independent kingdom , and had presented itself from the earliest times as an oasis of liberty amid a desert of despotism . The perfidy of the Austrian court had never been fairly put before

    the people of England . In 1 S 48 , Ferdinand II . gnaranteed the existence of Hungary as a separate kingdom ; but he broke that guarantee inl 8 l 9 . Female influence was at the bottom of this , and the Archduchess Sophia played just the same part which Henrietta Maria did in the time ot Charles , He would not allode further to the intrigues of this wretched camarilla ; bathe must say , he thoughtthat they had seen the last of the Holy Alliance . They hadi however , witnessed its embera smouldering in another place—not where unfortunate spirits werebut another place not very distant from that Hou-e . They had heard the moans of an ex-I' oreign Secretarv , and the melancholy drone of a Scotch bagpipe lamenting over the last glories vf " our ancient ally . ' Surely vre were bound to maintain our

    ancient alliance with Hungary , which fanned two-fifths of the Austrian empire in size —( hear , hear)—and TChkh was a much greater part of it , if considered in jfnlUnce to her commercial advantages and her great military power , as much as with Metternich or the camarilla of Austria . He contended that the imperor Francis Joseph was not King of Hungary , either dc jure or de facto . "What was the third article of her ancient constitution ? "The King of Hungary cannot be discharged from the duties of sovereignty without the consent of the nation . " Yet Ferdinand II . was draffled off like a bag of dirty clothes , and a boy not twenty was put on the throne , the mere puppet of Count Stadion and General Weldon . He might be Emperor of Austria ^ fcut King of Hun ^ nr he was not . Themovement in Hungary

    ^ -TO 3 in iio way connected with the movement which T < ras « oing on ' in France , for it had been going on for the last , thirty years , and was entirely a national movement to ' resUt the aggressions of Austria , The wide constitution of Hungary was eminently aristocratic , and the people there was as much' attached to their aristocracy as the middle classes here were to the institutions of this country It was nothing , therefore , but a love for their constitutional privileges and rights which had induced them to rise against Austrian tyranny . Hon . gentlemen might say that this was a purely "democratic movement . The fact was , the popular party in Hungary was the aristocratic body , in the present sense , and which iad always been celebrated for its attachment to liberal princip'es , to the-rindication of the lights , and interests of the le

    to the promotion of the best peop ¦ with whom they were connected . ( Hear , hear . ) In 3 7 / 2 who abolished serfdom in Hungary ? Whoid A this but the Hungarian aristocracy ? Who was it in 1 S 32 instigated the first great reforms in Hungary ? It was thearistocracy of that kingdom . Who was it who first established the liberty of the press in Huu-« arv ? It was that man who will leave behind him a same which will never be forsotten , Clarum ct vencmbilc nomai—he meant the President Kossuth . It should not be forgotten that that great man , for merely publishing the debates in the chamber , was Imprisoned by the Austrians for four years . They all knew that on his release , he was borne into power on the shoulders of the Austrian people . In ISIS , under his government , the last feudal privileges were

    abolished , and the tenure of all property was enfranchised from its former restrictions . The custom of the peasants having to give twelve days' labour in the Tear to the nobility was abolished , as well as nil distinction of classes . The man who did this had been held up to the people of Englandas a wild and desperate robber ; but he now stood in as proud a situation as that of any man in Europe , and he , like ¦ Washington , had been placed by the general voice at the head of a great , a free , and a noble people . He might be told that this was a war of ra * e 3 . Nothing of the kind . Hungary hada p-ipulationof 14 , 000 , 000 , uearl v the whole of which was engaged in this cause ;

    aad the Siovaekwa 3 taking common cause with the Magyar . No doubt a vortion of the inhabitants of a territory annexed to Hungary had taken part with the Anstrians . He allowed that the Croats , who ¦ were nothing more than aset of banditti and savages , iad done so . These robbers had been made use of to put down the liberties of the Hungarian people . ( Hear , hear . ) He was sorry that the first Minister of the Grown , and he ( Mr . Osborne ) was sare it was a mere inadvertency , bad a few nights ago mada use -of the word insurrection as applied to the people of Hungary , for it might be taken in an invidious sen ^ e . lie was sure the noble lord meant nothing of

    Ihetind . ., , , * Lonl Joh . v SussELLsaid , as he was then present Le perhaps might , at once ba allowed to state that when he used the word insarrection he thought he lad applied the proper term , H *; did not . however , mean to assert that by this term thatthh was an cnjnst and unprovoked insurrection . ( Hear , hear . ) He had used the term which he thought at the lame was most applicable to the case . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . B . Osbokse . —The noble lord was quite rHit in one respect , for this was the legitimate and Tight term in Hungary . If they looked into the recent message to the Diet ,- they would find the ¦ word " insurrection "had been used . In 1740 also , trhen the whole population rose in a mass in favour of Maria Theresa , the same word was used . The cauie for which Kossntli and the Hungarian nation were now contending was the same as that in defence

    of which Hampden died , and which cau ed the Tevoiu ' . ion in 1 GSS , and was one with which every iroe Englishman nrnst sympathise . ( Hear , bear . ) The government of Austria had been spoken of in another place as the patern = l government of our ancient ally . "Why , what had been the conduct of this paternal government ? Reed he refer to the atrocities perpetrated in Galicia , where the peasant Jiau been set against the coble , and the noble against the peasant ? Need he remind them that this pat . rnal wovernm ? nt had on the one hand bombarded "Venice and Milan , and on the other Presbnrg and Pesth Need he remind them that thia paternal government had invited the barbarian Co ? sack to ravage Europe , and had countenanced the order of the Russian General ( Paskiewitsch ) that all Hungarians wearin" the national colours should be publicly ¦ whipped' Or need he refer to the excesses of that modem Attila . General Haynau ? INieed he remind

    them of the villages which had been burnt down in Hungary by this paternal government ; or would they forcet the paternal kindness whi-h flogged ladies of rank ( hear , hear , ) aud shot prisoners of war ? ( Hear , Lear . ) This was the conduct of the paternal government of our ancient ally , which met wiih such strong sympathy in another place . He woaia pass over tha commercial advantages which this country might derive from a recognition of the free and independent kiu « dom of Hungary , —for our ancientiially had al-¦ ways imposed a duty of sixty per cent , npon English merchandise ; but there was another question which in his opinion was of mach greater importance . 1 ins was mt a mere straggle for Hungarian independence . He looked upon the Strugs ' * D 0 ; v S S » " » Europe as a conflict between the two principles of de-potism and constitutional government . ( Hear . ) It was a 3 tra >« -le -wlueh Had commenced m Hungary , bat bod Inewwherfi it would end . If this Cossack invasion ¦ was tolerated the last barrier between Russia and fWtantinonle would be swept away , and Hungary

    -would become a mere dependence of the Russian empire . He believed there were persons in another place who wlr-hed to see Hungary become a Russian Province , and those persons had endeavoured to throw obloquy upon a Foreign Minister ( Lord Palmerstonjofwliom he ( Mr . Osborne ) would say that he was the most independent and successful Foreign "Minister who had ever held office in tbis country . ( Hear , hear . ) They had passed an alien bill against unfortunate wretches who were going about the country spreading revolutionary doctrines , but there were now here other aliens , ex-Mimsters . who were intriguing in the upper circles , and who the other to

    iad their tools and agents in House malign one who tad always shown Oa strangest Lbewl tendencies . He believed that if the noble kri had pandered to Neapolitan tyranny and to Austrian despotism , those parties would haye * ° 7 eddo ™ before him ana licked the dnst at his feet . He considered that the liberal party in this country _ were greatly mistaken in not giving their support to the Present noble Secretary for Foreign Affaire ^ That noble lord deserved the support of the country , ar . d the remarks which had been applied to him in another place did not express the feelings of die people There was in that placeno hberalparty . andhe would take imnn Inmself to say that the people of to

    country reposed full confidenceinthenob . eloj ; d , and viewed with satisfaction the course hs had pursued He would only add , that he felt satisfied the noble lord would not say anything •*«* could tend to throw obloquv upon a noble nation . straggling for its rights . Thehon . member concluded by monngan address to the Crown for any papers connected with H . fe advance ofllussian troops into flic kingdom ot Hungary , and any communications which had passed between the British government and any foreign governments on the subject . Mr . II . SfctsEs , in Beconfling the resolution , said he conceived the question they had to consider was whether the British Minister for foreign Affairs had duly expressed the opinions of this country . with recard to the entrance of Russian armies into . thu imgdom of Hungary .: He would certainly be un ^ willin" to believe that that noble lord—who had of

    sWi tha * he entertained sum large ana expansive ^ WS WtthTegard to th e foreign affairs Europe-, tea ? Lm ) 4 * nld have seen wuhout . concern tins fSti wMchhe ( Mr . Mines ) considered was far

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    more important , and replete with far more fatal consequences , than any event which had occurred during the last two remarkable years ; for , notwithstanding the great confusion and tumults which had taken place in some states from attempts to change the territorial dispositions of the treaty of Vienna , nothing had occurred to lead to the expectation that any considerable change would be made in those territor iararrangements , except the single event to which the attention of the House was now called . That event would render the future independence of Austria absolutely impossible ; and if Lord Palmerston were the enemy of . Austria , as had been foolishly and vainly represented , it would be to him a matter of high gratification to see the independence of the Austrian empire utterly submei-fed in

    the waters of Russian absolutism . It was very easy to say that a province had revolted from Austria " ; that the troops of the Emperor were engaged elsewhere , and that it was therefore most convenient for him to seek the assistance of his neighbour the Emperor of Russia to enable him to put down this slight insurrection . This was the ' diplomatic form in which the matter was represented , but the House would see on consideration how delusive and superficial that representation was , and how it really evaded the whole question at issue . What was this insurrection of Hungary against Austria ? Was it not a civil war of the most frightful and desperate character ? Two-fifths of the empire of Austria were ranged against the remaining portion of the empire . So Ions as the question remained that of

    a civil war it core a complete analogy to the grew civil war in this country ; and the parliamentary paradox then so famous , "It is to serve His Majesty that we against him fight , " was perfectly carried out in Hungary . In the early part of the contest Hungary was considered the most loyal part of the emp ire ; and until the Emperor of Austria called in foreign aid not one word was uttered by the Hungarians against himtheir complaint was against his ministers . But the armies which the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue the kingdom of Hungary were so enormous , that it was almost impossible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the Hungarian people could prevent the destruction of their independence , and

    tho consequence would be , that Hungary would become essentially and practicallya Russian province . He might remind the llousethat before this Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to the Hungarians by the Austrian government , and no attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory arrangement without calling in an immense alien force . He would bo glad to hear that the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs had either pressed upon the Austrian government the policy of attempting to come to terms with the Hungarians , or that he had , since the Russian intervention , represented as strongly as he could the fatal consequences of that intervention to the independence of the Austrian empire . It had been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or a democratic question ; it was purely a national

    one . Many most eminent individuals—and , amonjjst others , a valued friend of his own , Count Adrian Bathyany , the foreign minister of the Hungarian nation , a man of the highest character , " possessing a princely fortune , and who had never been associated with political tumults and plots—had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the attempt to secure the independence of tlicir country . If Austria had acted with anything like justice and moderation—if she had been willing in the first instance to admit Hungary into a federal relation with her , the demands of the Hungarian people would have been satisfied , and Hungary would have been rendered one of the most attached and loyal portions of the Austrian empire . The House would learinmind that no republic had been proclaimed

    in Hungary , —that no pretence for a republican form of government had at any time been put forward . The present political state of Hungary was a re gency , at the head of which was that remarkable man Kossuth , which was acknowledged by the Diet , and which was simply an interregnum of a provisional character , that might be put an end to at any moment by a constitutional election to the crown of Hungary , lie did not believe it possible that the state of the continent could go back to wbat it had been , and he was satisfied there was no other permanent foundation for the peace and order of Europe than the establishment of the principles of constitutional liberty . ( Hear , hear . ) He recognised the statesmanlike spirit of the noble Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that noble lord ,

    looking somewhat beyond ordinary politicians , had years ago anticipated the awful changes which bad recently occurred . "When others supposed that the state of Europe would remain unchanged , the noble lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of nations , and called upon the governors of the world to be prepared for the changes that were coming ;—( hear , hear)—and the noble lord had been accused of having brought about existing evils , simply because lie had anticipated them . Ifcwasan absurdity to suppose that any English minister would foment foreign disturbances for the sake of producing tu-*«¦«•¦? in - ^ l * n ivrAVMTsm i I i / imi nniiit 1 A ^^\*» n ^* vn w \»« -m 111

    ^ JUUib IU LUU tvUXlUi ^ xivcll , LU . J il . ivitl ^ ll 1 IU 1 Iistev of-England knew that his popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Europe without one national or commercial object was a delusion that could only arise from passion and prejudice . He ( Mr . Milnes ) believed that this was one of many questions of a similar nature with which they would have to deal in future years , and he was convinced that to secure the peace and order of Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be generally established . The great principle of this country must be non-intervention in the affairs of foreign nations . Another eminent minister besides his noble

    friend had foreseen the evils which were approaching , for a Prussian diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work that Prince Metternich had onee remark-ed to him , * ' I win see the symptoms of disease in the state of Austria , and I know that they are fatal . " Mr . Roebuck said that the principle which his hon . friend wished the House to sanction was thisthat with respect to the internal regulation of a nation ' s affairs no external force ought to be employed to alter the will of the people . This principle was violated by the interference of Russia in the affairs of Hungary ; but , unfortunately , the despot , as he was called , of Russia , was not the onl y power in Europe guilty of infringing the great principles of international morality and policy ; and , while

    they directed their shaft against the great despot of the Korth , let them not forget that many-headed despot , the Republic of Franco , which , was just now adding ridicule to injury { the 4-idieule , however , attaching to itself ) by its attack upon the unfortunate people of Rome . ( Hear , hear . ) However strong their indignation might be at these proceedings , their indignation would go for nothing unless it was aided by some practical proceeding on the part of the government ; for , under the despotism which existed , the expression of opinion in that House would never be allowed to reach the ears of the Poles and Hungarians , and hardly of the French . Therefore , he wanted to know whether it ¦ was not possible io interfere in some way practically in this questionand to give our aid in support of

    , those great principles of international morality they were now endeavouring to enforce . ( Hear , hear . ) He did noi ; concur with the hon . member ( Mr . Milncs ) in thinking that the Minister for Foreign Affairs was necessarily unpopular under whose administration England went to war ; for the people of England liked the Minister , and held him ( Tear in their hearts , who maintained the honour and dignity of the country —( hear , hear)—and he would not believe in any school of politicians who brought them downtosueli a low level of morality as bound up all their interests and feelings in the mere interchange of commodities for profit . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed that there was something more in the souls of our people than that , and that they really had ( to use a phrase which was uttered the other night only

    to be disowned ) cosmopolitan feelings . They did desire to see good government spread over the world by the eftect of reason , thought , and moral force ; and they did wish to have the great name of England employed as a means to stop the advance of barbarian despotism , whether under the banner of Russia or of France , for those who trampled upon the . Roman people in their present unhappy weakness , using the mighty engine of an army to work out the purposes of a paltry intriguing spirit in Paris , were more despicable and more barbarous than the Russians . ( Hear-, hear . ) When the people of Belgium rose in insurrection against their _ king , to whom had been guaranteed the possession of Belgium and Holland as a united kingdom , England and France interfered and did what was wise and

    benevolent on the occasion . They separated Belgium from Holland , and let the former choose a Sing of its own . Greece afforded another instance of ° our interference . There the people rose up against their ruler , whom he believed to be about our oldest ally . ( "Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) England interfered / and now the people of Greece were indebted to England , if it were a subject of gratitude , for their present king . Those were two marked cases of insurrection against lawful acknowledged sovereigns , and our old allies . ( Hear . ' ) If , then , the Unglish government interfered in those cases , and with tbe consent of the people of ; tbi 3 countrv , why should not the government interfere now in " a much greater case , for he concurred in his

    hon . friend ' s statement as to the danger existing to the civilisation of Europe in consequence of ; the present uncalled-for interference on the part of Russia in the affairs of Hungary . ( Hear , hear . V Ho wanted to see whether they could not make this a practical question , by some appeal on the part of England to all the great nations of Europe to arrange and settle the disputes now going on . < He entreated the noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to reflect on what consequences might flow to civilised Europe from what was how'passing in Hungary . Let the noble lord consider , too , how this country might be affected by it .- Suppose that Russia ,, with her enormous army , were victorious , and crushed the Hungarian people , did she nofc thereby also such

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    • Austria , for- Austria was great only by the union Cher manifold populations ? If Russia , then , crushed Hungary and Austria , what should keep her from Constantinople ? and , when there , who could say how soon she might interfere with our Indian empire ? This was no fantastic idea , for Egjpt now connected England with her Indian dominions , our highway to tho latter lying through the Red Sea . If Russia were at Constantinople sue would soon be in Syria and Egypt ; and then we should have war on our hands under the most disadvantageous circumstances . Therefore , he thought the people of England were directly interested in this matter ; and it would . net do to shut one ' s eyes and say , " We are a peaceable people ; we do not want war ; we are afraid of war : we want cotton-spinning ,

    linen-spinning , and woollen-spinning , and the pronts thereof . " ( " Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) He knew they wanted all those things , but they should not have them unless they were a great and mighty people . ( Cheers . ) He was not to be deterred from expressing his views on this Hungarian question because he might be likened to those who advocated the repeal of the union between England and Ireland . He had been a repealer in the case of Greece , and in the case of Belgium , and he might be a repealer in the case of Sicily ; but he was not a repealer in tbe case of Ireland , simply because in the former cases there was great injustice , and lie denied the injustice in the case of England and Ireland . He contended that the English were directly interested in this question ; and he called upon the

    noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to apply his mind to the consideration of the means of employing the moral power of England in the settlement of these disputes . In his hon . friend ' s eulogium upon that noble lord he perfectly concurred , He did not wish it to be supposed that he was linked to the chariotwheels of the noble lord , for he stood there , in opposition rather than in support of the government with which the noble lord was connected ; but he must say that were he to point to one part of the transactions of the government which more than another he approved of , or rather to the only part which lie could perfectly approve of , it would be tbe proceedings of the noble lord . ( Hear , bear . ) It appeared to him that the noble lord had a purpose , and that lie had the courage to effect that purpose ;

    and if the noble lord ' s colleagues would act in the same way , they would receive the same meed of approbation , not only from him ( Mr . Roebuck ) but from the whole country . The principle upon which the noble lord had acted—and it was the duty of the Foreign Minister to act upon that principle—bad been to keep such a front to all foreign nations that , if disposed , they should fear to injure Great Britain . ( Hear , hear . ) As far as the noble lord was concerned , his administration of the functions belongto his ofiice deserved and received tho approbation of the country . ( Hear , hear . ) Let not the noble lord suppose that , because peace meetings were got up , the whole spirit of tbe country was with them ; and he deprecated tho use of any expression in that House which would lead foreign nations to fancy

    that England was afraid of war ; for there were calamities more dreadful than war;—the subjugation , tor instance , of a people to despotism , ' and tho extinction of all their high and noble aspirations . England , in the place which she occupied among nations , was so great , so mighty ,, and so secure from danger , that she of all otfiers should take on herself the character of arbitrator , and say : — " Listen to me and to my suggestions ; and he who militates against the / jrent principles of international morality and policy must not count on my support . " Ifthat were known and felt by every power in Europe , from . the Emperor of Russia to the smallest monarch in Italy , this country would obtain submission , not to her arms , but to the suggestions which humanity made through her

    means . ( Ilear , hear . ) Colonel Thompson represented a community composed of men of peace , and who abhorred the effusion of blood ; but they were not subject to the mean imputation of being insensible to the welfare of other nations , or to the interest this country had in the progress of constitutional principles throughout Europe . ( Hear . ) He believed that England had now the same interest in supporting liberal principles in Europe as our forefathers considered they had , in other times , in upholding what was called the Protestant interest in Europe . The spirit of the English people was with freedom everywhere . ( Hear , hear . ) First-born of liberty , she looked for nothing so earnestly as for the success of her younger sisters in every clime . ( Hear , hoar . )

    lie did not think that the English people would be satisfied when they found the ultima nab of European politicians consisting in the bayonet of tho barbarian . ( Hear , hear . ) The Russian empire was divided into two distinct populations , the northern and southern ; and it would bo a great blessing for * humanity if one set up against the other , both being thereby neutralised . ( Hear , hear , and laushter . ) '' Russia had interfered where she had no right to interfere , and he asked what our position would have been if an interference of the same kind had taken place in the duys of our struggles for constitutional freedom ? ( Hear , hear . ) lie believed that European liberty would and must progress ; and lie thought that by the present time iberal institutions would have been spread through

    Europe if it had not been for mad political economy . However , tbat would blow over , and he trusted that posterity would see Europe free , and this country glorious for having aided in eiiectiug so valuable an improvement . ( Hear . ) Mr . M'Ghegor disapproved of the interference of Russia in the affairs of Hungary . The government of Austria was called paternal ; bufcit certainly was not so with regard to Hungary , for Austria had for a long time prevented the Hungarians from exercising their constitutional rights . The hon . member expressed his approval of the conduct of our government in regard to the affairs of the continent . He was glad the subject had boon brought ' fovwiivu , but should be sorry that any expression should be used which might wound the national feeling of other countries .

    Lord C . Hamilton * protested against the assumption that in ttts cause the Hungarian people , as a people , were fighting for their privileges , Never were people more ground down to the earth by a privileged aristocracy than the unfortunate peasants of Hungary had been . All the descendants of those who had been nobles were privileged , free from arrest , from toll , from military service , and they had the power of inflicting corporal punishment upon the peasantry . They had also other privileges ; none but a magnate could sit in the lower'house , or vote for a member of it ; and the members' for boroughs , though they might speak , must not vote . He ( Lord C . Hamilton ) spoke now of tho old constitution , which it was said Kossuth and the Hungarian people were fighting for . There had been

    changes in tho last few years ; but it was astonishing that any reference to those changes could bo made without an allusion to a venerated Hungarian nobleman whose efforts to improve the condition of the people had been opposed by a party of magnates , of which Kossuth was now the head , and whose disappointment and despair , and the shock his mind received from the infamous conduct of ihis Kossntli , had deprived him of reason ; and now Kossuth was put forward as the author of all those improvements which his party had opposed . ( Hear , hear . ) Tho lower Magyar party liad all along been the stumbling-block which prevented those obnoxious distinctions being broken down . For years and years tho government of Austria , being bound to respect this machinery of the constitution of Hungary , had never been able to wring any concession for the country except by exchange ; and therefore it was

    that they were obliged to keep up the high frontier duties , in ovdor to liavo something wherewith to buy for the peasantry of Hungary that liberty , of which their clamorous , liberal-talking , but not liberal-acting countrymen , wished to keep them deprived . ( Hoar . ) * The people—not indeed these Magyars , but the real peasantry—were against this movement ; they had been forced into it , driven with cannon behind them . The privileged class constituted but a small minority of the population ; and the question was , whether that minority was to domineer over a large but scattered people and treat them as serfs . Croatia and the other countries were to be mere provinces urder the Diet . The great mass of tbe people , excluding these Magyars , did not desire the old and tyrannical constitution , and

    would be glad to come to any terms that would allow their magnificent country to develope its wealth . ( Ilear . ) Let hon . gentlemen look for some better indication of tbe popular feeling than the statements of agents , sent here to support a particular cause . ( Hear . ) Let there be some attempt to snow that the constitution that was talked of gave liberty and freedom to the Hungarians . The truth was that it was the grossest engine of tyranny towards the lower orders . let the House , before ltg « ave any decision upon this subject , ascertain whether it might lfot bo trying to fix on the Hungarians the remains of a feudal constitution , which was the greatest curse of tbe country . ( Hear . ) Lord Palmebstox said , —In the few observations which I shall feel it my duty to make upon the motion of my hon . friend , and upon what has passed in debate , I wish to guard myself in the first place

    against the possibility that anything which 1 may say may expose me to the imputation of entertain- , inc unfriendly feelings towards the government and empire of Austria . ( Hear , hear . ) I know well , that imputations have been cast upon her Majesty s government , and upon myself , as the organ of that jovernment in regard to our foreign relations—imputations of being guided and impelled in our intercourse with the powers of Europe by pcrsonal feelings of hatred to this powcrand to th . it . ( Hear , hear . ) Such imputations , let them come from where they may , and whether they be written or spoken —( near)—if they bo sincere , are tbe result of ignorance and folly—( hear)—if they are insincere , 1 leave others to qualify them as they may . ( Hear . ) It is the grossest ignorance to suppose that the government of this country—that the man who may tor the time be charged with the conduct of its foreign'relations , can , be influenced in the manage-

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    ment Of those affairs by any other feeling' than bis conception of what is his duty , according to his political opinions , and according to his views of the interests of his country and the general interests of the civilised world . ( Hear . ) Austria is a power towards which the government of this country ought upon many accounts to feel great consideration . ( Hear , hear . ) Wo have boon told tbat Austria is our ancient ally . We have bad tbe term " ally " and "allies" rung in our cars bv those who either must be ignorant of tho slip-slop expression they were using , or who , through what I must admit to hare been its general acceptation , forgot that they were using a totally unmeaning term . Why , what is an ally 1 An ally is a power allied by treaty engagements in carrying on snmo active onerations .

    political or otherwise . But to call a country an ally merely because it is in a state of friendship with you is to use an expression that has no meaning whatever —( hoar , hear )—because it is applicable to every other power in the world with whom you may happen not to bo in a state of war . ( Hoar , hear . ) But Austria has been our ally . We have been allied with Austria in most important European transactions ; and the remembrance of tho alliance ought , undoubtedly to create in the breast of every Enghshman who has a recollection of the history of his country feelings of respect towards a power with Whom we have boon in such alliance . ( Hear , hear . ) It is perfectly true , that in the course of those repeated alliances Austria , not from any fault of hers , but from the pressure of imsistibla neeewitv

    . was icpeatedly . compelled to depart from the a ' l-W K ?? i ! 0 if'i ol Wnionts by which she lm , vi ^ Hnff ^ t 0 us - Wo did not ^ i ' ™ ' hcl > with yielding to the necessity of the moment , and no generous mind would think that those circumstances ought m any degree to diminish or weaken the tie which former . transactions must create between the governments of the two countries . ( Hoar , hear . ) But there are higher and larger considerations , which ought to render the maintenance of the Austrian empire an object of * solicitude to every English statesman , Austria is a most important element in the balance of European power . ( Hear , lear . ) Austria stands in the centre of Europe , a barrier against enwoachment on the one side , and against invasion on the other . The political

    independence and liberties of Europe arc bound up , in my opinion , with the maintenance and integrity of Austria as a .-great European power ; and therefore anything which tends by direct , or even remote contingency , to weaken and to cripple Austria , but stiil more to reduce her from the position of a firstrate power to that of a secondary state , must bo a great calamity to Europe , and one which every Englishman ought to deprecate , and to try to prevent , ( near , hear . ) However , it is perfectly true , as has been stated , that for a long course oV time Austria has not been a favourite with the Liberal party in Europe . Austria , by the course of policy which she has pursued , has , in the opinion of a great part of the continent , been identified with obstruction to progress . ( Hear , hear . ) That

    circumstance unfortunately lias made her proportionately a favourite in the eyes of some ; and when wo hear such declamations in favour of Austria , I would warn the Austrian government not to trust too much to those protestations , ( Hear , hear . ) It is not as the ancient ally of England during war—it is not as the means of resistance in the centre ol Europe to any general disturbance of the balance of power—it is as the former ( though I trust it is no longer so)—the former symbol of resistance to improvement , political and social —( hear , hear)—it is in that capacity that Austria has won the affections of somo men in the conduct of public affairs . [ Ilear , hear . ) There are persons who see in the relations of countries nothing but the intercourse of cabinets , who value a country not for its political

    weight , but for its political opinions , and who eonsider that the relations between countries are sufficiently intimate when the personal intercourse of their governments is placed on a complimentary footing . ( Hear , hoar . ) Sir , theyo are men who , having passed their whole lives in adoring the government of 'Austria , because they deemed it the great symbol of the opinions which they entertained , at last became fickle in their attachment , and transferred tliciv allegiance to t \ v& government of France , because they thought that in that government they saw an-almost equal degree of leaning to tho arbitrary principle —( hear)—and because they , forsooth , suspected that government of designs hostile to the interests of freedom . ( Hear . ) Wo have hoard of persons of thai sort making use of the expression

    " oldwomen . ( Ilear , hear . ) Public men ought not to deal in egotism , and I will not apply to them the expression tbat has fallen from their own mouths . I will only say that the conduct of such men is an example of antiquated imbecility . ( Cheers ami laughter . ) With regard to the present question , I am sure that everybody who has heard what has passed , everybody in this country who has given attention to the most important events that have taken place in Hungary , must feel that my hon . and gallant friend need Tiave made no apology for drawing the attention of the parliament of England to transactions deeply affecting the political principles of Europe , and having a most important bearing upon the general balance of European power . ( Cheers . ) The House will not expect me to follow those who have spoken to-day by endeavouring to pass judgment either way between the Austrian government and the Hungarian nation . Hoar , hear . ) I say the Hungarian nation , because ,

    in . spite of what has fallen from the noble lord opposite ( Lord C . Hamilton ) , I do believe , from the information I have received—and I do not pretend I may not be mistaken—but I firmly believe that in this war between Austria and Hungary there is enlisted on ilio side of Hungary the hearts and spuls of the whole people of that country . ( Cheers . ) I believe that the other races , distinct from the Magyars , have forgotten tho former feuds that existed between thorn and the Jlagyav population , and that tiie greater portion of tho people have engaged in what they consider a great national contest . ( Cheers . ) It is true as my hon . and gallant friend has said , that Hungary lias for centuries been a state which , though united with Austria by the link of the Crown , hasT nevertheless been separate and distinct from Austria by its own complete constitution . ( Hoar , hear . ) That constitution has many defects , but somo of those defects were , I believe , remedied not long ago —( hear , hear)—and i 6 is not the onlv ancient constitution on the continent that

    was susceptible of great improvement . ( Hear . ) There were means probably within tho force and resources of tho constitution itself to reform it , and it might have been hoped that those improvements would have been carried into effect . ( Hear , hear . ) But , so far as I understand tho matter , I take the present state of the case to be this : —Without going into the details of mutual complaints as to circumstances which have taken place within the last year or year and a half , I take the question that is now to be fought for on the plains ot" Hungary to be this —whether Hungary shall contimie to maintain its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom , and with a constitution of its own , or whether it is to be incorporated more or loss in tho aggregate constitution that is to be given io the Austrian empire- ?

    ( Cheers . ) It is a most painful sight-to see such forces as arc now arrayed against Hungary proceeding to a war fraught with such tremendous consequences-on n question that it might have been hoped would be settled peacefully . ( Hear , hear . ) It is of the utmost importance to Europe that Austria should remain great and powerful ; but it is impossible to disguise from ourselves that , if-the war is to be fought out , Au-tria must thereby he . weakened —( hear , hear );—because , on the one hand , if the Hungarians-should bo successful , and their succgss should ond in the entire separation of Hungary from Austria , it will be impossible nofc . to see that this will bo such a dismemberment . of the Austrian empire as will prevent Austria from continuing to occupy the'great position she has hitherto held among

    European powers . ( Ucar . ) If , on the other hand , the war being fought out to tho uttermost , Hungary should by superior forces be entirely crushed , Austria in that battle will have crushed-her own right arm . ( Cheers . ) Every field that is laid waste is an Austrian resource destroyed—every man that perishes upon the field among the Hungarian ranks is an Austrian soldier deducted from the defensive forces of the empire . ( Choovs . ) Laying- aside those other most obvious considerations that have been touched upon as to the result of a successful war , the success of which is brought about-by foreign aid , —laying that wholly aside , it is obvious that even tho success of Austria , if it is" simply a success of force , will inflict a deep wound , on the fabric and frame of the Austrian empire . ( Cheers . )

    It is therefore much to bo desired , ' not simply on the principle of-general humanity , but on the principle of sound European policy , and from tho most friendly regard to the Austrian empire itself , —it is , I say , devoutedly to bo . wished that this great contest may be brought , to a termination by some amicable arrangement- 'between the- . contending-. .. parties , which . 'shall-on the . one- hand satisfy the national feelings Of the-Hungarians , . and on the other hand , not leave to Austria another and-a larger . Poland within her empire . ( Cheers . ) Her Majesty ' s government have not , in tho present state of the matter , thought tliat any opportunity lias , as yet , presented itself that could enable , them with any prospect of advantage to make any official cpmniUT nication of those entertain

    opinions which , they on thi 3 subject . I say official , , » 9 , contradisting uished from opinions expressed in a more private and confidcntialmanner ; but undoubtedly , if any occasion were to occur that should lead them to think the expression of such opinions , would , tend to a favourable result , It would : bo tho duty of tho government not to let such an opportunity pass by . ( Cheers . ) Upon the general . question , ana in regard to the conduct which ' -it . ought generally to be the duty , of this government to pursue in its relations to for-, eign powers , ; I have heard with great satisfaction much that has . fallen from tho gontlemen who havo taken a part in this debate . I think the record , o ' the sentiments that-have been expressed will bo of great utility , ( Hear . ) It is most desirable , that

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    foreign nations should know that on the one hand England is sincerely desirous to preserve and maintain peace —( hear );—that wo entertain no feelings of hostility towards , any nation in the world —( cheers );—that we wish to bo on the most friendly footing with all , —that wo have a deep interest in the preservation of peace , because we are desirous to carry on with advantage those innocent and peaceful relations of commerce that we know must be injured by the interruption of our friendly relations with other countries ; but , on the other hand , it is also essential for tlio attainment of that object , and even essential for tho protection of tbat commerce to which wo attach so much importance , thai it should be known and well understood by every nation on the face of tlie earth-that we are not

    disposed to submit to wrong —( cheers ) , —and that the maintenanc 6 of peace on our parfc is subject to the indispensable condition that all cou" ^ - * shall respect our honour and our dignity , ana shall not inflict any injury upon ouv interests . ( Cheers . ) Sir I do not think that the preservation of peace is in any degree endangered by the expression of opinion with regard to tho transactions in Hungary or other countries . ( Hear . ) I agree with those who think —and I know there are many in this , country who entertain the opinion—that there arc two objects which England ought peculiarly to aim at . One is to maintain poaco , —the other is to count for something in transactions of the world —( cheers );—that it is not fitting that a country occupying such a proud position as England—that a country having

    such various and extensive interests , should lock herself up in a simple regard to her own internal affairs , and should be . 1 passive and mute spectator of everything that is goiug on around . ( Hoar , hear . ) It'S quite true that it may be said , " Your opinions are but opinions , and you express thorn against our opinions , who have at Our command largo armies to hack thorn—what are opinions against armies ? " Sir , my answer is , opinions are stronger than armies .. ( Cheers . ) Opinions , if they are founded in truth and justice , will in ' the end prevail against the bayonets of infantry , the fire of artillery , and the charges of cavalry . ( Loud cheers ) Therefore I say , that , armed by opinion , it that opinion is pronounced with truth and justice , wo are indeed strong , and in the end likely to make

    OUV Opinions prevail ; and I think that what is happening on the whole surface of the continent of Europe is a proof that this expression of mine is a truth . ( Hear , hear . ) Why , for a great many years the governments of Europe imagined they eo ' uld keep down opinion by force of arms , and that by obstructing progressive improvement they would prevent that extremity of revolution' which was the object of their constant dread . ( Ilear , hoar . ) We gave an opinion to the contrary eftect , and we have been blamed for it . ( Hear , hear . ) We have been accused of meddling with matters that did not concern us , and of affronting nations and governments by giving our opinion as to what was likely to happen ; but the result has proved that if our opinions had been acted upon great calamities would havo been avoided .

    Uloav , hoar . ) Those very governments that used to say , " The man we hate , the man we have to fear , is tho moderate Reformer ; we care not for your violent Radical , who proposes such violent extremes that nobody ia likely to join with him—tho enemy we are most afraid of is the moderate Reformer , because he is such a plausible man that it is difficult to persuade people that his counsels would lead to extreme consequences—therefore let us keep off , cf all men , the moderate Reformer , and let us prevent the first step of improvement , because that improvement might lead to extremities and innovation "—( hoar , hear)—those governments , those po . vers of Europe , have at last learned the truth of the opinion expressed by Mr . Canning , " That those who have chocked improvement because it is

    innovation , will one day ov other be compelled to accept innovation when it has ceased to bo improvement . ' " ( Cheers . ) I say , then , that it is our duty not to remain passive spectators of events that in their immediate consequences affect other countries , but which in their remote and certain consequences are sure to comeback with disastrous effect upon us ; that , so far as the courtesies of international intercourse may permit us to do so , it is ouv duty , especially when ouv opinion is asked , as it lias been oi many occasions on which we havo boon blamed for giving it , to state our opinions , founded on the experience of this country , —an experience that might liave been , and ought to have boon , an example to loss fortunate countries . ( Hear , hear . ) At the same time I am quite ready to admit that interference

    ought not to bo carried to the extent of endangering our relations with other countries . There are cases like that which is now the subject of our discussion , of one power having in the exorcise of its own sovereign rights invited the assistance of another power ; and however wo may lament that circumstance , however we may be apprehensive that therefrom consequences of great danger aud evil may flow , still we are not entitled to interpose in any manner that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities . ( Hear , hear . ) All we can justly do is to take advantage of any opportunities that may present themselves in which the counsels of friendship and peace may bo ' offered to the contending parties . . Hear , hear . ) "Wo have on several occasions that have happened of late in Europe been invited to

    " intermeddle , " as it is called , in the aftairs of other countries , although it has boon said of this country , that it stands so low in public opinion in Europe that wo are treated with contempt both by governments and by nations ! . Certainly the way in which that want of respect has been shown is singular , when from the north to the south , in cases of difficulty , not only between nations but internally between governments and their own subjects , wo have been asked and Invited to interpose our friendly mediation in their aftairs . ( Cheers . ) Wo have oil those occasions done our best to accomplish the object which wo were called upon to fulfil ; and , in one ease at loast , we have now newly succeeded . ( Hear , hear . ) We havo heard a great ' deal , in the , course of tho session , of * " sham mediations" in tlio "

    contest between Denmark and Germany , but that " sham mediation" lias cmlcil in a real preliminary treaty —( hear , hear)—and I hope that preliminary treaty will soon be followed by a pcrmanaut pacification . ( Hear , hoar . ) Sir , to suppose that any government of England can wish to . excite ' revolutionary movements in any part of the world—to suppose that any government of England can have any other wish or ' dcsire than to confirm and maintain peace between nations and tranquillity and harmony between governments and subjects , shows really a degree of ignorance and folly winch I never supposed any public man could liavo boon guilty of —( hear , hear)—which may do very well for a jio ' wspapor article , but which it astonishes me to find is made the subject of a speech in parliament . ( Loud and continued cheering . )

    Lord D . Stuart looked upon the speech which had been delivered by the hon . member for Middlesex , followed as it had been by the hon . member for Sheffield , and by the noble lord tho Secretary for Foreign Affairs , as one of the most important events of the session . ( Ucar . ) It was impossible to overestimate tho importance of the struggle now going on in Europe . In Hungary transactions similar to those which dismembered Poland were now to be witnessed , but ho hoped that that gallant people would be able to resist all the efforts of their enemies . The noble lord opposite ( Lord C . Hamilton ) had spoken of tho constitution of Hungary in a speech full of the most violent epithets , but exceedingly weak in argument . Now , that constitution more resembled our own than any other to be found in history :. aud the man -who was called the "

    infainons Kossuth , and the other Hungarian patriots , li .-ul done much to improve it . They improved it just as wo did ouv constitution in 1 S 32 , and honoo the attempts now making to put them down . ( Hear , hoar . ) If William tho Fourth , when the Reform Bill was passed , ' had brought over Hanoverian troops to prevent that great change being carried into effect , it vrou \<) have been a case perfectly analogous to that now witnessed in Hungary , by the invasion of the Russian troops . ( Hear , hoar . ) Ho maintained , in opposition to the statement of tho noble lord ( Lord 0 . Hamilton ) , that the people of Hungary were in favour of the present movement , tic rejoiced at the speech of his imMc friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs . ( Cheers . ) It was a snoooli which did him great honour , and

    nothing would contribute so largely to confirm that popularity in the country which he was happy to sec his noble friend enjoy . ( Renewed cheers . ) His noblo Mend had spokon of the necessity of having Austria strong and potent , in order to maintain a balance of power , in Europe . That too had been his ( Lord D . Stuart ' s ) opinion so long as he saw the chance of Austria fulfilling that part ; but Austria as a power was now effete . Ilavhig called in Russia to her aid sho by that act , as his noble friend had well shown , had destroyed herself for ever as one of the groat European . powers . AYhatcver henceforth sho might acquire would serve only to aggrandise the power of llussia . This alone made- it move important than ever that the independence of Hungary should be maintained . The . real and true balance of power would have been to re-ostablish Poland , nor did He hovr think that Europe would ever be in a satisfactory state until they saw Poland

    and . Hungary , established as two great constitutional countries . Nothing would contribute ihove to tho peace of the . world or to the commercial advantage of this country than that those . two powerful and constitutional governments should be establisJbe-J in th ; it part of Europo ., ( Hear , hear . ) Ho was glad to hear bis nqblo friend declare that ho would lose no opportunity of remonstrating against any attempt to put down Hungary , in her righteous straggle fcr liberty , and independence , and . he felt the greatest satisfaction at-the ; occurrence of this debate ,, because he believed it would have tho effect of . onlightening the public mind upon tho real state of things , and / would at the . same time show to the workLtke ; great interest which the House of Commons , as well as the country at large , felt in the struggle which was . now . going . on to establish the cause of liberty in the east of Europe . ( Hear . ) . ., JIiwWyid said , after the almost unanimous- ex-

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    pression of opinion that Jmd been exhibited < Uiring this debate , he would only eay . i \ ery few words . He wished murcly to draw attention to the fact , that itUSSia was Stondil y advancing her power , and that according as her influence extended to territory after territory , the sale of British inamifactures re * - codod . ( Ilear , hear . ) This was the case with tho trade of ims country with-Moldavia and Wallaohia , and the present events in Hungary would , if llussian influence succeeded , shut out England from one of her most important markets . There was an opportunity of sending goods to the value of sixteen millions a year to the Hungarian market , and at a timo when British commerce- rocohed so many blows , he hoped the noble lord would sa protect the interests of this country that they would not suffer in any now arrangements that might bo entered into by Russia with regard to tlic Austrian territories . . *

    Mr . Osiionss said , that as tho noble lord had intimated that there wore no official papors to produce , he would , of course , not press his motion . ( Hear , hoar . ) The amendment was accordingly withdrawn , and the report on lvaya and means was brought up aud agreed to . Several bills were advanced a stage , and the House adjourned at a quarter past four o ' clock .

    MONDAY , July 23 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —State of IIuxoMx .-Lonl Brougham , after referring to tho debate in the Commons on Saturday last on the subject of Hungary , and to tho constitution of tbat country , repeated a similar question to that he had put a ' short time since , whether there had boon since that time any recognition of Kossuth and the Hungarian insurgents by her Majesty ' s government . ¦ The Marquis of Laxsdowxe had only to say that there had been no alteration in the circumstances in which England stood with regard to Hungary since he had answered his noblo and learned friend ' s former question , therefore there could bo no such recognition as that referred to . Earl Nelsos , on behalf of the Bishop of Oxford , presented tho report of the committee on the African Slave Trade . ¦?

    Tho Stock m Trade Bill , after a short discussion , in the course of which the Earl of Malmesbuuy urged , the adoption of a national rate for the relief of tho poor , was read a second time . A discussion ensued on the subject of army and navy medals , at the instance of the Duke of Kicu-MOSD , in Which Enrl Grey , the Duke of Wbllixo- " io . v , and Lord CoicnKSTsn took part , after which The Titles of Ueligious Congregations Scotland Bill passed through committee , and Lord Cami'ueil moved that it bo read a third timo on Tuesdav .

    Lord JIedksdaie submitted an amendment that tho bill be road a- third time that day three months , and , on a division , the amendment was carried by a majority of six—the numbers 2 ' 6 to 17 . Lord Gamfb > : ll having moved the second reading ofthe Small Debts Kill ^ Lord Stanley complained that , wlien parliament was within a week of being prorogued , important bills wore brought up from the other House , for the due consideration of which no time was allowed . There wore no loss a number- than twenty-three important orders on tho paper , and he must protest against such a system of legislation . Lord Campcku , agreed in the justice of the noble lord ' s complaints ; but the bill was read a second timo .

    On the reception of the report of the Poor ltolief ( Ireland ) Bill , on the motion of the Karl of "VVickiow , clause 8 , providing that rent charges by way of annuity and jointure should be made liable to poov rates , was' struck out . After which clauses proposed by Lord jUo . vteagle , the Earl of Luca . y , and the Marquis of Salisbury were added to the bill , and tho report was agreed to . Various other bills passed tlicir stages , and the House adjourned at half-past ton o ' clock . HOUSE OP COMMOSS .-Tho House mob at noon .

    A \ English " Razzia . "—Sir E . Buxtos put a question to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies respecting a sanguinary attack lately m . ido , under the orders of the Governor of the Gambia , upon the savage tribes in the neighbourhood of that colony . It appeared that the Governor , Sir . Macdonncll , received some real or supposed insult from a native king in the vicinity , and that he applied to tho authorities of Sierra Leone for troops , and to the naval authorities for ships , in order to ' punish the offender . It sooms that assistance from Sierra Leone was refused , but the Governor collected a . force , went up the Gambia , attacked a native town , and utterly destroyed it . The attack was ihus described : — " Tho town was burnt in all directions ,

    and our enemy had to bolt for it , when immense numbers were killed , both from the grape discharged from tho battery and the fire and bayonets of the skirmishers . "We reduced the town to a heap of ashes , destroying every portion of the stockade and houses . " The next day another towa was attacked , and as far as possible destroyed . Ho wished , to ask whether this proceeding , " which was ¦ apparently of a most cxtraowlinavy nature , lind been adopted with the sanction of the authorities at home ; aud also whether the government luul any objection to lay upon tho table any correspondence which Lad passed between Earl Grey and the Governor of tho Gambia respecting tho expedition .

    Sir . Hawxs answered that the government had received no other official information than that which was contained in a despatch from tho Governor , and whatever had been done had been done entirely upon his responsibility . He was not afc present prepared to lay the despatch on the table , but undoubtedly : it a future period , not only tliad despatch , but the correspondence consequent upon it , must be laid before parliament ; but he might add that the governor had undoubtedly entered upon tho expedition not altogether- without pw > vue . itio * h . The amendments of the Clergy Relief Bill were considered .

    On tho order of the day for the second reading of the Sunday Tradino ( Metropolis ) lhi . r ., Sir G . Ouky suggested to Mr . llindloy , who had chavge of the bill , whether , in the last week of the session , when there was so little chance of his passing tho bill , and so much business was before tiie llouso , ho wmilil not do better to withdraw it . He did not object to the principle of the measure , but the whole' difficulty of a bill of this kind consisted in its details . Mr . H 1 SD 1 . KY declined to adopt this suggestion , but , after some time lost in conversation , and a division upon a motion to adjourn tlio ilcuato , the hill was in effect withdrawn . Tlio Iiouso then wont into committee upon the Cruelty to Animals Bill , the enactments of which underwent great consideration , ; v new clause , proposed by Mr . IIexry , to put down steeple-chasing , being noKitivcd on a division by a small majority . "

    Tlio House then went into a committee ( in progress ) upon the Protection of 'Women Bill , which was likewise very fully considered , and in some parts amended . On the next order , the consideration of tho Marmgo Bill , &s amended . Mr . Gouuiun . v declared his determination to oppose the bill , if persevered in , at the next stage , whereupon Mi . S . Worti-ky said , it was impossible to hone-, under the circumstances , in tho face of sucli a declaration , that he could pass the bill this session ; but tlio subjeot could not by possibility sleep , and unless it was taken up in tlio other llouso , or by some other member 111 this , he should introduce another bill at the earliest possible period next ses-S 1 ° f lie bill was then ordered to he read a third time that dav three months ; so that it is lost .

    A "i'eat many bills wore advanced their respective stages , and it was notuntil half-past six o ' clock that that business was suspended until eight o ' clock . State of Irki . axd ;—Mr . Hoksmax moved an addross , praying her Majesty to take into consideration tho unhappy state of Ireland , representing that a wise legislation might lay tho foundation of prosperity in that country , accusing past legislation for IycVavuI , special svnd "permanent , of deficiency , and praying her Majesty to direct the attention of the government to tho evidence laid before parliament , which furnished ample materials for a solid , profound , and regenerative legislation . Commencing with a description of the state of Ireland ,, ho

    procecdedto investigate tho causes , llieliiminc , ho observed , was not tho cause of one-tenth of the ovil ; bad and careless and criminal legislation was the real causo of all , and especially the poor lawa rotten poor law from tho first—whicla was madeto ' bear a harden beyond the capability of such a law to sustain . He then came to the essential question , \ Yhat was to . be done ? Taking tho union of Uallina sis . 1 sample-, ho showed that the evils were of a permanent character , to be remedied gradually by tho invasion of fresh capital and proprietors ; that the general dcstiitiition was mainly Drom&ted bv hikd agriculture nad dependense upon

    the potato—tho saei . il curse of Ireland ; -and that the redundant population m ^ st be diminished l > y emigration—the one thing needful forlreland , sinco security of pyoperty could not co-exist with unlimited destitution , the effect of over-population . This measure must be accompanied by a well-regulated poor law , with a limited liability , and reduced area of taxation , and tho workhouse test . He had not framed his motion , < md he did not mcanic , as a consuvaupon ministers ; the measures--which had failed bad been introduced by tbe past as well as the present government , and for those which this session had been unequal to tho crisis parliament were responsible ., . '

    Sir "VV . boMERvn . LE expressed , his surprise that Mr . Horsman should have asserted that parliament during . the present session had manifested an indisposition ' to attend to Irish affairs ; whereas the House had listened with tho utmost patience to every proposition relating to Ireland ; He complained , too , of his superseding tho functions of Irish members , and , without knowing anything of

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    July 28 v 1849 . THE NORTHERN STAR . . __ ¦ . ;_ , __ : ?

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 28, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1532/page/7/