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Northern Star (1837-1852), 7th July 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 8, Untitled Article

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      ¦ n onld be "justified in the vote which they would that niwlit coineto , in rejecting the proposition that Lid teen submitted to tnem . ( Hear , hear . ) He woiild only offer one remark more . It was that the sjiaeeh of the honourable member for the Tower Hamlets , and the vote which the honourable member for ] Montrose had announced his intention of giving on this occasion , had the effect of throwing a new light on the movement of the ota of June . Doubts had existed as to the extentto which the . hon member for Montrose intended to go in bringing forward his motion of the 5 th of June , but the honourable gentleman and the honourable member for the Tower Samlets had had the honesty to-nhjht fully to solve that problem . He trusted the House would pardon tii-m for Intruding -with these few brief remarks . / Bear , hear . )

      Mr . Shabjian Crawford said that the honourable and learned member for Nottingham having referred to him as one of those who had signed the documenton which the Charter was founded , he was desirous of not giving a silent vote on this occasion . lie was quite willing to avow having signed that document ; and he would also avow that all his experience . since then had confirmed him iu the opinion that the true principles of public liberty were defined in it . ( Hear , hear . ) His experience told him that ihe liberty of the people -was not regarded in that House ; that a farther reform of the legislature "was necessary , and that the principles set forth in the resolutions of the hon . and learned member "were the true principles on which that reform ought to oe established . ( Hear , hear . ) But while saying this , lie did not mean to say that he would bo un ~ williHir to accept of any qualification of those

      principles which it -would be possible to set public opinion to agree to . He ivas not one ofthose who wished to carry reform by force , or by any means except the influence of public opinion in its favour , and he was therefore willing to accept of even a portion of these measures in the first instance . But above all , he thought that the great principle of reform should be an extension of the suffrage . ( Hear . ) In advocating these principles he did not consider that he was advocating anj f invasion on the constitution . He believed that he was only going back to the original principles of the constitution , which they had departed from , and which it was most desirable to . restore . ( Hear , hear . ) The resolution stated other preliminary doctrines that had his entire concurrence . It declared that labour was the source of all wealth , and it must be admitted that there was no wealth' "which was not founded on

      labour . It also stated that the people were the source of all legitimate power ; and how , he would ask , could there be legitimate power that was not conferred by the people through their representatives ? The next proposition was also true , that the labourer was entitled to be the first partaker of the fruits of his own industry ; for what could be more just than that the labourer should get a fair return for his labour ? The next was , that taxation without representation was tyranny ; and he would ask if that also was not a fair proposition ? All these propositions met with his fullest concurrence ; and he also thought that the mode of

      reform to be founded on them recommended in the resolution of the honourable and learned member - was the true one to be adopted . He had presented a petition from the iBbabiiants of RoDhdale that day , and they had instructed him to say that the reason why the petition had been signed by the chairman alone , was that the people had determined to send no more petitions to that House , because they had learned by experience that their petitions were totally and systematically disregarded . If the Honse , by its vote to-night , confirmed the people in this impression , they could not be surprised if hereafter there was a return to those scenes which

      they , had before witnessed with so much regret . ( Heai ' , hear . ) Sir G . Strickland believed there was no member Of that House who was inclined to go further than himself with regard to the extension of the franchise . He had given his vote on a former occasion in favour of the motion submitted to the House by tile hon . member for jMontrose ( Mr- Hume ) , with whom lie then entirely coincided ; but he could not follow the course which that hon . gentleman declared he would adopt to-night , for , though he ( 3 fr . Hume ) had stated that he did not entirely concur in this motion , he had said that he would vote in its favour . The hon . member for the Tower Hamlets ( Mr . G . Thompson ) had also said that , though he

      did not coincide in all the points of the motion , he ¦ would give it his support . Sow , he ( Sir G . Strickland ) would not support the motion , though he "wished to see the franchise very considerably extended . Even the hon . member . for Nottingham ( Mr . O'Connor ) had abandoned some of those principles which he formerly advocated . The hon . and learned . gentleman was formerly a . supporter of the ballot , which he ( Sir G . Strickland ) believed would relieve many honourable and conscientious" "voters from great embarrassment , but that hon . gentleman stated that he was not now friendly to the ballot , unless it was accompanied by the widest possible

      extension of the franchise . Although , then , he ( Sir G . Strickland ) in many respects agreed with the motion , he felt it his duty to vote against it . Mr . W . J . Fox said , the ion . baronet who Jast spoke seemed to imagine that there was some extraordinary contrariety between the motion now before the House and that brought forward on a former occasion by the hon . member for Montrose . But both , motions were in harmony in one respect . IThey both aimed at one thing—the representation ; and it was for representation , real , whole , and fair , that he ( Mr . Fox ) intended to vote on this occasion , as he had done when he went out into the J » bby "vritb . the lionmember for ilontroso . It had been

      objected to tins motion that it was an abstract proposition , and also that it tied the House down by its adoption to a minuteness of detail which could not afterwards be altered . These two objections were certainly greatly in opposition the one to the other . The motion was an abstract proposition in the sense of all general propositions . Every great measure of reform must originate in an abstract proposition . It must be an assertion of some great and important principle . It did not consist with reason , or with the forms of the House , that by the adoption of this motion they would be precludc-d from taking any liberty wit ' s the details of the measure , which must , of course , be liable to particular amendments . To some of these details he ( Mr . Fox ) would

      assuredly object when they came under consideration in the regular course of business . But what he wished to support was representation , which he took to be that principle of self-government to which every nation was entitled . . Representation was a princinle of the British constitution ; but it was also a principle to the advantage of which every nation ^ was entitled whenever a nation had the opportunity of obtaining it . A great mistake had been made by an hon . gentleman in representing this motion as one for the adoption of extreme democracy . Nothing could be move distinct than extreme democracy and representation . Under a system of representation people generally looked out for something above themselves , —for a candidate above themsc-lves in

      station , in intelligence , and in those qualities of government which would best insure the objects they lad in view . Extreme democracy , the mere preponderance of a numerical majority acting directly , was as unlike this as possible . Representation was a result at which , after a long series of ages , mankind had arrived ; it "was that union of popular influence and popular satisfaction with the exercise of practical wisdom and far-sighted views which all friends of good government must greatly desire . The principles vf the British constitution , in their enunciation , in then-germs , in then * primitive forms , were to he found in the history of a very early period ; but all these principles were gradually developed . The responsibility which was so marked a

      feature of government in this country , the toleration which , distinguished this nation , had been gradual in their progress . They were principles of the constitution at the time that constitution began to take a defined form ; but the full dcvelopement ofthose principles-was not in the past , but in the future , and there , he apprehended , they must look for the full developemcnt of the principle of representation . It had been alleged against the motion boforo the House that this was a peculiarly unfit country for Its application , because they had an ancient monarchy , an ancient church , an ancient aristocracy , and a landed proprietary . These were the very reasons which necessitated representation in these realms , and which showed the intense want of

      popular principle to create some balance to these mighty interests . It was not only true that representation wasa principle of the British constitution , but it was also , unhappily , too plain that they had not yet arrived at the enjoyment of representation . The Souse iad alread y heard , even to weariness , calculations and statistics on this subject , but he asked their indulgence while he offered some further illustrations . A return had been presented on the motion of the hon . baronet the member for Marylebone , giving a list of ihe different boroughs and cities in England and Wales , with their population and the numbers of their constituencies . He ( Mr . Fox ) had taken two groups of hbronghs—the one at the commencement of the document and the other at its

      conclusion . The first group comprised fourteen boroughs , returning twenty members to Parliament ; and the second comprised nine boroughs , also returning twenty members . In the first fourteen boroughs the number of voters wa 3 3 , 449 ; in the lastmne boroughs it was 141 , 664 . The population Of the first fourteen boroughs was 67 , 329 ; of the other nine it was 2 , 156 , 493 . In the first group , therefore , each member represented 172 Tetera raid a populahc ; =:-: : j j 366 . uhjle , in tiie other group , oacii i" « . ^ er ^ eprosented 7 , 083 voters , and a popufebanafiO ., & »^^ -Ue alsofound that thirty-six of the ™ r ^ rfT" ^ " ^ house at the last election were returned ai . contested elections bvo 184 voters , or by an average of 144 electors each ' > Tkurn iority in all cases *» ^ J or 20 0 ; in sixteen caspf ir wis under 150 ; and in three casesit ^ Se ? 100 fcow , was not this an absoluieburle £ queon the verv notion of representation so far as the peopt SI concerned ? If these anomalies prgdncc « l % ^ ultB

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      in unison with the feelings and interests of the country , and if the country were persuaded of that , he did iiofc think it would be worthwhile incurring the difficulties which would attend their change and rectification . But , under existing circumstances , were the result of the . change only to be the return of the self-same members as were elected under the present system , still there would be this most important difference , that the millions now excluded would be satisfied instead of being dissatisfied . ( Hoar , hear . ) Our government was a government of opinion , and the continuance of a disaffected opinion arising from one cause , and prolonged from generation to generation , was of all things to be deprecated . On this very topic there had been discontent for a century and a half ; there had been

      discussions on it within that House , and agitation after agitation without its walls , and the discontent connected -with it spread to all othev topics . - Those who would bestow confidence , if they had a full share in the representation , withheld that confidence when they had not such share . The exclusion produced an antagonistic bias , and created an unfriendly disposition of criticising the proceedings of that House ; and a friendly disposition would be substituted by a general participation on the part of the people in the elective franchise . ( Hear , hear . ) "While every item of discontent flowed to this source , ? n agitation was kept up which gained strength and bitterness by the postponement of the required concession . Of all modes of government which ever existed he thought that the very worst which to a

      certain extent had prevailed in this country—ne meant the accomplishment of improvements only by means of agitation . It withdrew men ' s minds from the topics on which they might most wholesomely be employed , and created professional agitatorsmen who lived by that work , and were ready to stimulate the people for their own purposes . ( Hear , hear . ) From time to time it occasioned a danger of breaches of the peace , and caused bitterness between class and class , and utterly destroyed that unity of feeling which ought to exist between the representatives and the constituencies from which they emanated . He knew of nothing which could check this enormous evil except giving as widely as possible to the people a share in the nomination of the members of that House : and it was not on

      account of agreement with any points of the People s Charter in detail that he supported-the presentmotion , but he cordially gav © his vote for it , as another attempt in the series of attempts to realise a full and free representation of the people . ( Hear , hear . ) . Lord John Russell having had more than one opportunity of addressing the House on matters of a nature somewhat similar to the present one , both in the last and during the present session of parliament he did not know that he should have risen on the present occasion to trouble the House with the expression of sentiments with which it must be now familiar , had it not been for some assertions that had been made in the course of the debate to-night , which , if he were to allow to pass uncontradicted ,

      might leave a very false impression on the minds of all who had heard them , with regard to the government to which he belonged—to the majority of that House—and to his own political -conduct as a minister of the crown , or as a private member of parliament , on ihequestion of parliamentary reform . ( Hear , hear . ) And first he must advert to an assertion that had been made , that night ; by the hon . member for the Tower Hamlets , who seemed to think that he ( Lord J . Russell ) had pledged himself and the government to which he belonged , to resist any attempt to carry any further measure of parliamentary reform , or any proposition for the extension of the elective suffrage , whether brought forward by any member of her Majesty ' s government for the time being , or any other member of that

      House . The hon . gentleman , in support of this assertion , had especially adverted to a speech which he ( Lord J . Russell ) had made in the year 1837 . ( Hear , hear . ) Gentlemen would , doubtless , recollect that when the proposed measure for the reform of parliament was brought forward by him , as the organ of the government of the late Earl Grey in that House , its announcement had excited a great deal of enthusiasm among a great body of the people ; and , at the same time , had occasioned vevy considorablo alarm among- other classes ; who were , indeed , prepared to adopt measures having a reform of parliament for their object , but who considered the bill for that purpose thus submitted to the legislature so extreme , so very extreme or democratic in its tendencies , that they were prepared

      to withhold their support from it , sincerely as they would have espoused the principle , and to run all risks that might result from their putting themselves in opposition on that subject to the declared and unequivocally avowed wishes of a great majority of the people . On its success the same parties , still fearful of its results , seeing on the one hand the perils which they thought must attach to the principles that Earl Grey had sanctioned with his authority and support , and on the other the perils that might attend any further resistance to the clear manifestations which had been given of the popular will on such a subject , and in a free country like this , addressed a question to Earl Grey , as the head of the government in the other House , and to "Lord Althorp AS the ministerial leader m this , '' whether

      it was intended by the government that the bill should be the basis of a series of other measures , totally destroying the existing scheme of parliamentary representation ; or whether the government intended it as their measure of parliamentary reform , and upon which they meant to stand ?" ( Hear , hear . ) Earl Grey and Lord Althorp both replied to this question by a solemn declaration that their 1 ) 5 ) 1 was a measure by which they did mean to Stand . ( Hear , hear . ) But no pledge was given that in the event of the Reform Bill then before parliament being carried , no proposals for further alteration , that might be called for in the representation of the people , provided they should be founded on the basis established by that bill , would be enter-. tained by any member of the government . On this

      declaration so made by Earl Grey and Lord Altliorp , who , in their several capacities were of course entitled to be regarded as speaking the sentiments of the government they represented in both houses of the legislature , many persons of moderate opinions who 1 M not been , up to that time , parliamentary reformers , declared their adherence to the plan of Earl Grey , and gave such support to it as enabled Lord Grey's government to carry their bill , first through this , and finally through the other Hoii 3 e of parliament . It was some five years after this event that he ( Lord J . Russell ) was asked to give his consent to a totally new and different scheme of representation from that which had been established by the Reform Bill . He replied—as was surely natural that he should do , and as be was bound to do—that

      he had been a member of Earl Grey ' s government , and as such its organ in bringing forward the Reform Bill ; that he was , therefore , not prepared , after so short a period had elapsed since it had passed into law , to be the organ for the introduction of a new and different scheme of parliamentary representation . But he had said , at the same time , that it was very possible some such pleasure might be called for by some change in public opinion , but that he did not feel that he could properly be the party to propound ii to parliament . ( Hear . ) The hon . member for the Tower Hamlets has said that because of that answer so returned by him , he ( Lord J . Hussell ) stood pledged to resist every proposition for any , even the slightest alteration in the Reform Bill as it now stood . But this was surely no fair

      construction of his answer . It was possible that others might have adopted it ; but , at the same time , he ( Lord J . Russell ) was bound to state , that he did not think the Reform Bill quite perfect—it had many imperfections , and was therefore susceptible of amendment . ( Cheers . ) He thought it was a measure open to improvements hereafter at the time , and he adopted a course which he thought due to himself , both as a minister of the crown and a representative of the people , in a letter he wrote to his constituents , wherein he stated that , in course of time , certain * alterations might be advantageously , perhaps , introduced into the Reform Bill ; that some of the alterations which had been proposed were well worthy of consideration ; such as giving the working classes a greater share in the

      choice of the representatives , and investing many with the elective franchise who had hitherto not been able to exercise it . That to the proposal of such alterations duly brought forward , he should be disposed to give every consideration with a view to their adoption , if found expedient , under all the necessary precautions of careful inquiry and adaptation . After this statement he really must say that he thought he could scarcely have been fairly liable to such imputations as had been brought against him by the member for the Tower Hamlets , —and particularly after the letter to which he had just referred . ( Hear . ) Having stated thus much as to his own former conduct in reference to the Reform Bill , and as one who for a period of thirty years had been a good deal mixed up with all questions relating to parhamentrry reform , he would now proceed to state Yery shortl y his opinions with regard to the question at present before the House . He was not surprised that an hon . friend of his ( Sir G .

      Strickland ) should think the course which the hon . member for Montrose proposed to take on the question was an inconsistent one . The hon . gentleman ( Mr . Hume ) supported it as a step only , he said , to other measures , to the adoption of which many members on that side of the house were avowedly favourable . But lie ( Lord J . Russell ) conceived that although it might oo but a step , it v / ns one which would carry them all a long way to the affirmative of all those extreme principles that were comprised in what was called the " six points of the Charter . " His hon . friend could not he surprised that he ( Lord J . Russell ) should be unwilling , therefore , to vote for the motion of the hon . member for " Nottingham . That hon . member , not content with introducing a bill to carry into effect the objects proposed by the advocates of the six points , had thought proper to preface it with resolutions affirming certain principles , " That the people were the source of all wealth '—¦ " That the people were the source of all

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      flgBWBIWlMW ^^ ""'"' ——MAIA 1— . 1 —iwi m ^ nmmimtiMMMlLUM'Jl J >^* legitimate power , " he ( Lord J . Russell ) was not prepared to dispute ; but that :. " Labour should be permitted to take the fruits of its own industry before capital received its Olvn profits , " he did not understand . What was the meaning of such a proposition ? ( Hear , hear . ) * Generally . speaking , labour agreed to give its aid for certain wages ; when this was given , and the wages woro paid , then ( and he thought the hon . member for Montroso would agree with him in this ) the contract was fulfilled . The labourer usually did not work for anything beyond his wages . He knew , indeed , that a similar principle to that involved in the hon . member for Nottingham ' s resolution had been upheld for some time past in France ; and , for aught he knew , by somoof thosewho had been most instrumental in

      advocating these doctrines of the rights of labour , in recentperiods ofgreatpolitiealtrouble , butit was never known to be upheld in , this country . The noble lovd proceeded to ridicule the notion of charging the existing representative system with tyranny and injustice , on account of its withholding from very largo classes of the community the elective franchise . The time was when Englishmen were accustomed to call themselves free-born Englishmen , from their conviction , he presumed , that so loner as they continued to act and live within the limits of the law , they might net , and do , and say just what they pleased . lie nover heard before that Englishmen considered themselves to be slaves because some of them were debarred from the nrivilese of

      electing members of parliament . One hon . gentleman ( Mr . G . Thompson ) had talked ' about the 28 , 000 , 000 of the English people who were concerned in this electoral question ; did he propose that every male of a week old , who went inaddition to the adult males to compose this aggregate , should be invested with the right . of voting ? ( Alaugh . ) And what did he propose to do with the ladies—( laughter)—a part of the 28 , 000 , 000 ? Wore they to be excluded ? For his own part , he was convinced that there were very many indeed who , like Miss Martineau , were fully as well qualified to exercise this important privilege as a vast number of those adult males who would be most disposed strenuously to refuse it to them . The noble lovd proceeded to contest the

      propositions advanced by the hon . member for Montrose ( ill * . Hume ) with regard to the expediency of so large an extension of the elective franchise as ho advocated . It was true that in a democracy it had been found , practically that such an extension might be safely conceded ; but believing , as he did , that our constitution was an exceedingly good though complicated one , he thought that in the yarity of interests that under it were always in active and sometimes antagonistic motion , results might follow that would be found quite incompatible with its security . "With regard to the doctrines that had been advocated in France touching the right of the labourer to participate with the employer in the profits derived from his

      industry , he was quite sure that they would find , however plausible as abstract principles , no support in that House . He had seen them , indeed , advocated occasionally in some of the papers , even to the extent upheld in the letter which they had heard read by an hon . gentleman . In like manner , with the exception of some articles in the Daily News , he was not aware that there was any disposition among any great portion of the community to support the extreme principles upon which the arguments for , such an extension of the elective franchise as his hou . friend ( Mr . Hume ) advocated was based . As for universal suffrage , or anything approaching to ife , he did not say that it might not work well in a democracy , but it could not under such a constitution as ours . If its introduction

      were attempted that constitution must perish . ( Hear . ) In that event , he was not prepared to say that a very powerful democracy might not be established upon its ruins ; but this would soon pass into a dictatorship , which would prove also very powerful , vevy absolute , and vevy terrible . For these reasons , therefore , he did not concur in the proposal to establish universal suffrage . "With respect to the only other topic upon which he should touch , namely , equal electoral ^ districts , he at least thought that the proposition of the hon . member for Nottingham was more intelligible than that of the hon . member for Montrose . ( Hear , hear ) He could understand very well a proposal that they should divide the country according to its

      population , and each district should have one or two members . That was an intelligible proposition . That they would thus put an end to tlio influence of the aristocracy , which seemed to be the bugbear with some hon . members who had spoken , he did not at all believe ; because if there were representatives in the agricultural districts , as according to the plan of the hop . member , there would be—where there was considerable property inthepossessionseitherof one gentleman or several gentlemen living in the country , that influence would tell upon the election . ( Hear , hear . ) It would tell with universal suffrage almost as much as with the present mode of election , and there could be no doubt that it would greatly control tho return of members to that House . ( Hear ,

      lear . ) He did not himself think the system would be so good an one as that which now existed . The hon . gentleman who spoke last had , for the hundredth time , stated the discrepancy between the number of the constituencies , the population in some cases consisting of sixty or seventy thousand persons , and in others being comparatively small . He ( Lord J . Russell ) had never denied that such was the fact under the present system of representation ; what he said was , however , that although the existing representation was not a representation of numbers , it was more a representation of the whole community of . this country than would be a representation of districts divided exactl y according to population . ( Hear , hear . ) Under a division into

      districts they would have many members from the great towns and many members from the country districts , discussing the questions which came before them : and they would possibly find at the first that those who had expected a great democratic change were disappointed , and that there was a great majority belonging rather to tho Conservative party ihanto any other political body . ( Hear , hear . ) But then , supposing this great change to have been made , had they any guarantee that satisfaction would be given by the alteration ? ( Cheers . ) Did they believe that those persons * who were chiefly dissatisfied , those who were busy with petitions in some of the great towns , would be satisfied with such a representation ? ( Hear , hear . ) They ought

      not to keep altogether out of view what had been seen in a neighbouring country in the course of tho past year . ( Hear , hear . ) Experiments had been made to its cost by a neighbouring nation , That nation had established universal suffrage and equal electoral districts . A large majority had been returned holding what were called in this country Conservative opinions . But had that majority in-Spired universal satisfaction ? ( Hear , hear . ) Had the minority sat down contented , as the hon . gentleman who spoke last assumed that they must have dohe ? ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . gentleman said that if this country got nothing else by the proposed change , it would secure contentment ; that , complaints having been made for a long

      series of years , those complaints would cease if equal electoral districts were established Well , in a neighbouring country the plan ' had been tried , and what was the result ? ( Hear , hear . ) One party then said that the constitution had been violated ; the question was brought before the assembly , and the majority , chosen uy universal suffrage , declared that it had not been violated . Where was the contentment ? ( Hear , hear . ) Those persons , who , according to the hon . gentleman , ought to have been contented , immediately laid plots for carrying bloodshed through the streets of Paris , and asserting by force that wllich they could not obtain by legitimate means . ( Cheers . ) Such was the result of the experiment . Nor had such

      effects been witnessed in one country only . They were the natural fruits ,- let him tell , the House , of making great changes from which great results were expected immediately to follow . ; they were the fruits of proceeding on the doctrine of universal suffrage , and holding- out thus by means of certain changes in the laws of property , all men would obtain at once the advantages of perfect ease and prosperity . It was that that had been done in France . The doctrine had there been held that those who were engaged in manufactures need never have a period of adversity ; that to provide for a time when , from want of demand , the manufacturers could not supply work , and the workpeople would naturally be , with their families , in a state of

      suffering , the order of society ought to be so changed as to secure that no suffering should follow . By certain most artificial , most absurd , and impossible regulations , the manufacturing industry , not of France only , but of every country in the world , was to be so regulated , so restricted to the entire demands of the world , that a period would never come when the supply would exceed the demand , and artisans and workmen were never to be without the employment which was necessary to enable them to obtain a livelihood . ( Hear . ) The consequence of holding out such a , doctrine in France was that numbers of workmen had been disappointed as to the effect of the changes which had taken place hi that country . ( Hear , hear . ) Having got universal suffrage , when hey found that these impossible results did not follow , they went into the streets , to the number of

      twenty or thirty thousand , prepared to sacrifice their lives in defence of this impossible theory . ( Hear , hear . ) He might be told . that no such occurrence could take place in England , that the English people were better instructed than other nations , and would not entertain such an expectation . But however tho hon . gentleman might talk of the greater portion of the people of this country being slaves , he ( Lord J . ltussoll ) must own that he did not think the advantages which they had to part with were so trifling that they should run the immense risk they were asked to do . ( Loudcheering . ) He might ho quite mistaken in that respect ; it might be that this country would be much happier , more prosperous , and more free , if it adopted these propositions ; but what he- ' saw was , that this country was very free —( bear , hear )—» tliat it had the

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      cnioyment of great liberties . ( Hear , hear . ) If they ' were wrong with respect to any of the economical laws which had been adopted , still they had been adopted with the consent of the great body of the people , and not against their will . Feeling this , he was not disposed to adopt the change which the lion , gentleman recommended . He behevea it would be for their advantage if a greater number of tho workin t classes had the suffrage . ( Hear , hear . ) If any change of that kind could be made with no such risks ; with no such sacrifice of all the mam principles of their constitution as he had mentioned , no must , therefore , oppose the proposition of the hon . gentleman , conceiving that if adopted it would tend to produce the greatest evilsand that . theywere in

      , the enjoyments of benefits which , if they lightly parted with , they would be a most foolish and unwise nation . ( Cheers . ) ¦ , Mr Moniz said it was with great satisfaction tnat he had heard the noble lord declare that they were at liberty to make great alterations , notwithstanding the passing of the reform bill . ( Hear , hear . ) He remembered a declaration of the noble lord on that subject , which had the effect of giving him the sou&riguec of " Finality John . " ( Great laughter . ) Lord J . Russell , —Perhaps I should explain to tho hon . gentleman that the word "finality" was never usedby me . ( Hear , hear . ) It was , no doubt , a very good nickname —( laughter)—but I never used the word "finality" at all . ( Hear , hear . )

      Mr . Muntz was very glad to hear that declaration . ( Hear , hear . ) He also rejoiced to hear the noble lord declare , in the latter part of his speech , that he was in favour of an extension of the suffrage , provided it could be made with advantage and safety —( hear , hear)—and hoped he would not allow a very long period to elapse before he put his views in practical operation . He was satisfied that the great majority of tho people of this country felt that they wore at present under a great privation . Sincerely did he wish that he could make up his mind to vote for the motion , but in some of the propositions he could not concur . He agreed with the noble lord that the proposition that the labourer

      should be the first partaker of the fruits of his industry was very ambiguous . ( Hear , hear . ) He strongly objected to the proposal to have annual elections ; he could not conceive how , under such circumstances , the business ofrthe country could be properly carried on . He was suite prepared to vote for tho ballot , if accompanied by a large extension of the suffrage : without that he doubted whether it would produce any good results . ( Hear , hear . ) As to electoral districts , it certainly appeared a very great anomaly that one man should

      represent thousands and another only scores , and he would like to prevent an improper use of what were called the rights of property . Tho property qualification seemed to him nonsense . ( Hear , hear . ) It was a notorous fact that many gentlemen had sat in that House with a nominal qualification , who had not a shilling ' s worth of property in the world . ( Much laughter . ) He regretted that he could not record his vote in favour if the motion , feeling that there was a reat deal which ought to be given ' to the people , and which , if it were not given , they would take . ( Hear . )

      Mr , O'Connor then briefly replied . The noble lord said that the reform bill was passed in deference to the popular wish ; and five years afterwards lie said that more concessions ought to be made . Yet , from tnat time to this , none had been made ; and lie would ask the noble lord when he thought the proper time would come for making any further concessions to the people ? He would ask whether the Lord Grey and the Lord Althorp , pledging themselves for the mind of seventeen years ago , could stand sponsors for the miiid of this progressive age ? They yielded what the mind of their day demanded . He asked the noble

      lord to measure his changes by the mind of the present day . The noble lord said he did not understand what was meant by the labourer being the first to receive the fruits of his own industry ; and although it plainly had reference to the enormous and unjust taxation of the country , the noble lord had called it communism * or socialism , and attempted to ride off by an appeal to the case of Prance and other nations , where the people had not had the same training for liberty as the free mind of this country had imbibed . He believed the people of this country were so far from approving of communism , that if they saw that their

      own rights were respected , they would not attempt to' invade the rights of others ; while he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had that respect for public opinion—no matter whether true or erroneous —that he would neither persecute , prosecute , nor reproach any man for the fair and bold assertion of his principles , but , on the contrary , he had a respect for the man jwho would advocate opinions which he honestly entertained , however repugnant they may be to the large majority of tho nation , and hence he would allow to Socialists and Communists the right of freely expressing their opinions , and would leave to the people the free right of passing

      sentence upon them by adoption or rejection . Instead of spreading discontent and fostering rankliug animosities in the bosom of the community by allowing the exclusive rights of others to crush the rights of the labouring masses , all should be brought under the shadow of the constitution , and then all would have an interest in preserving it . He was aware , U 3 he stated in his speech » that the noble lord would use the present state of France as an argument for opposing his motion , but , as he contended before , the state of that country but tended to weakentlieargumentaoftlienobleiord , and to strengthenhis ( Mr . O'Connor ' s ) position . Nor did he think that the noble lord had

      established any , the slightest , grounds for opposing the motion , but , upon the contrary , he had effected what he ( Mr . O'Connor ) would not have attempted—he liad proved to the landlords in that House that , by the adoption of the proposition , they would speedily be in possession of the balance of power—but would one of them vote for him ? ( Hear , hear . ) He had attempted to cast , ridicule upon that portion of the speech of the hon . member for the Tower Hamlets , by attempting to deduce from his argument that the whole of the population of the Empire—twenty-eight millionsshould bo enfranchised , including babies and

      women ; whereas the noble lord must have been perfectly aware that the argument of the hon . gentleman went to show that those babies and women were the sufferers , in consequence of withholding the vote from their fathers and husbands . ( Hear , hear . ) But this was the description of ridicule with which the sound views of tho public mind were ever met by the government of the country . He did not think he wa& called upon to reply to the fanciful speech of the honourable member for Cambridge —the honourable gentleman reproached him ( Mr , O'Connor ) for not defining critically , and in detail , Iho measures and

      results to which the adoption of his proposition would lead . Why , it was his greatest difficulty , out of doors , to combat the wild results anticipated by wild theorists . Thenobla lord had spoken oi despots and dictators , and what could be greater despotism , or more consummate dictatorship , than for him ( Mr , O' Connor ) to venture even upon a guess at what the results produced by tlie enfranchisement of the mind of this country would be ? This had always been one of his greatest

      difficulties . One says he dreads this change—another that change—and another the other change , as the result of the People ' s Charter ; while he ( Mr . O'Connor ) based his attachment to the measure upon the firm conviction that every change produced by it would be the better for all parties ; and but for the facts he before stated , he would simply have answered the speech of the hon . gentleman who dreaded the enfranchisement of the ignorant people , in the words of the Yorkshire peasant . The late Earl Fitzwilliam offered himself for the

      representation of the "West Riding of Yorkshire . An ignorant peasant took the opportunity of catechising tho noble lord as to his political opinions . "Why , " said the noble lord , " what do you understand about making laws ? " " Nout , " replied the peasant , " and I know nout about making shoes , either ; but I know dom'd well that when * a , chap makes a pair that pinches my toes , he shall make no more for mo . " ( Hear , hear ; and laughter . ) Now those who make laws that pinch the people , the people , if they had the power to dismiss them , would take care that they made no more laws for them ; but the probability was , that fearful of dismissal they would make good laws . Af tw the declaration

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      of the iiobk lord , that when the propel time arrived he would mako these prudent aJid timely concessions , he hoped that this question would not be shelved and put aside in that House , for ho was sure , from the resolution he know the working classes to possess , they woro determined to persevere until they had achieved their rights , and he himself was individually determined , whatever opposition he mi g ht meet with from any government , to persevere to the last moment of his life , until he saw the People ' s Charter tlio established law of the land . The House then divided , when there appeared—For the motion . . 13 Against it . . . . 222 Majority against it . 209 The motion was therefore lost .

      [ Here follow the names of the thirteen who voted for ' ' Mr . O'Connor ' s motion , and we trust that whatever antagonism may heretofore have existed between those thirteen gentlemen and the people or their constituencies , will now be buried in oblivion ; and we cannot refrain from congratulating ourselves and the country upon the vote of the veteran Hume , now in his seventy-third year , and the people will learn by his vote , that , though opposed to them upon questions of detail , and although possessing the leadership of a party advocating some of the principles of the People's Charter , that , nevertheless , the veteran reformer is prepared to go with the times , and with the prevailing op inion of the day . The people will now find , that what is to be

      DONE FOR THEM MUST BE DONE BY THEM . ] . . MiNOiuir of 13 to 222 who voted in favour of Mr . O'Connor's motion . Fox , W . J . Scholefield , "W . Greene , J . Tancred , H . "VV . Heyworth , L . Thompson , Col . Hume , J . Thompson , G . . Lushington , C . Walmsley , Sir J . Nugent , Lord teileiis . O'Oonnell , J . O'C » nnor , Feargus Pearson , 0 . . Crawford , Sharman Sale of Bread . —Mr . Bankes then moved that the House go into committee to consider the manufacture and sale of bread , with the view of introducing a bill , stating , as the ground of his motion , that the poorer classes did not enjoy the protection in regard to the purchase of that article to which they were entitled ; and he proposed that each loaf should be stamped with the weight .

      Captain Pbchbll objected to the motion ; but Mr . Labouchere , guarding himself against being committed to the principle of Mr . Bankes ' s proposition , did not oppose the introduction of his bill . ¦ After a short discussion , in which Mr . Packe , Mr . Foley , Mr . Heathcotb , Sir U . Evans , ant Mr . Mangles participated , the motion was carried by 91 to 37 ; the House went into committee , and a bill was ordered to be brought in . The other business on the paper having been disposed of . the House adjourned—after having sat for eleven hours and a half—at half-past one o ' clock , until twelve o ' clock on Wednesday . WEDNESDAY , July 4 .

      HOUSE OF COMMONS . —The House met at twelve o ' clock , and went shortly afterwards into committee on the Marriages Bin , which ultimately passed through committee , a clause , moved by Mr . Fox Matjle , to prevent the extension of the bill to Scotland or'Ireland , having heen defeated on a division , the numbers being 119 to 60 . Several other bills were forwarded a stnge . Mixes and Coixieiues Bim ,. —Mr . T . Dukcombe rose to move the second reading of this bill . Two years sigo he had postponed this measure upon the understanding that the g 6 vernnienfc would take the subject into consideration and introduce some plan by which the evils complained of would be remedied . But nothing whatever liad been done , and tho

      consequence was , that some most appalling accidents had occurred , without any power whatever on the part of tho government to interfere , except by the present inefficient system of inspection . Tho measure which he now proposed was not of his own suggestion . It was entirely the work of the men themselves who laboured in our mines and collieries . It had heen discussed by them , and agreed to at a meeting of delegates from all parts oi the country , including Scotland , England , and Wales . Those men liau requested him to lay tho hill before the House , and ask its assent in the first instance to the principle of the measure . The princi p le of it was simply this , —that there should be legislative interference for the protection of the lives and property

      of those persons who were employed in the mines and collieries of this kingdom . It was not necessary thai he should now enter into a discussion of the details of the bill , or do move than state that its main object "was to empower her Majesty to appoint certain inspectors , who should be required four times a-yenr to visit mines and collieries , and to make reports thereon , and to suggest such improvements as they might think necessary for the protection of mines and collieries , and of the lives of persons employed therein , It also made provision that in future the workmen should work by weight instead of by measure , as they did now . The coalowners sold their coal to the public by weight , and no good reason could be assigned why the workmen

      should not be paid by weight . In Northumberland and Durhiim that system had already been adopted , but in some of the midland counties the coal was brought to tlie surface and there measured . There were several complaints urged by the men . Oftentimes they were not paid their monov for five or six weeks after tho coal had been brought to the surface ; and if any stone or foul matter should be found among the coal the men forfeited the whole of their money ; sotluvt it sometiuu& happened ttat at the end of a , month or six weeks , when the men went to receive the fruits of their industry , they found , instead of receiving any wages , certain penalties imposed upon them . Now . this bill was

      intended to remedy tho 9 e grievances . If the House would sauction the principle of the bill by recognising the interference of government on their behalf , they would , ' he had no doubt , readily submit to any qualification or amendment which the House might think it necessary to introduce . There were , he knew , certain accidents which it was not in the power of human foresight to avert ) but , so far as human skill and human experience could avail , power should be given to apply that skill and that experience in order to prevent tho' occurrence of those accidents , which , whenever they happened ¦ were attended with the most dreadful results . The hon . member then moved that the bill be read a second time .

      Mr . Hume seconded the motion . He considered the subject to be one of vast importance to the country . It was perfectly notorious that there were more lives lost iu coal mines in England alone than were lost in all the shipwrecks that had happened to our commercial navy . ( Hear , hear . ) But tho evil was not limited to the number of lives actually sacrificed , large as that loss really was—amounting , he believed , to no lvss than 5 , 000 in the course of the last two years . Sir G . Gkev had received many communications from persons interested in mines and collieries on the subject of this bill , and he had supposed that those persons would have wished their own representatives in Parliament to have stated the same objections

      which they had forwarded to him against the adoption of the measure . No hon . member having done so , he would shortly state what were his views on the subject . But , before he proceeded , he could net refrain expressing the satisfaction he felt at the circumstance of again seeing his hon . friend the member for Finabury iu liis place . ( Loud cheers from both aides of the House . ) He earnestly hopedthe hon . gentleman ' s health would be completely restored , and that he would be enabled to take the same active part in the debates of that House as he hail heretofore been accustomed to do . ( Renewed cheering . ) He fully agreed in what had been said as to the claim which that large and valuable body of persons , namely , the colliers and miners of this country , had upon tie consideration of the government and of parliament with a view to provide some remedy against the occurrence of accidents of so disastrous a nature as

      those which had recently so frequently occurred . He objected to mixing up the question of the inspection of collieries with the question of wages , on the ground of inexpediency . With respect to the education of miners , following the example of France , Belgium , and Germany , it was intended to found a mining school , such school to be in connexion with the Museum of Economic Geology . With regard to Mr . G . Gurney ' s experiments , for extinguishing fires in mines and for improving ventilation , if they proved successful , which he had strong reason to hope they would , he hoped the owners of coal mines would adopt them . The subject was one which required rather delicate treatment , and by proceeding slowly , he thought they would do more to effect the object they all had in view , than if they granted all ti . at was a-. ked for in certain quarters , but which it would be impossible to effect .

      Mr . Lacy and Mr . Macoregor opposed the Mil , and the Earl of 1 . i > coln urged Mr . Duncombe to withdraw it , as persons interested , but well-affected to legislation upon the subject , believed the measure to be impracticable , or , if practicable , mischievous . Mr . Duncombe wished to have his principle affirmed ; but finding the sense of the House against ths second reading of the bill , he Withdrew it , At six o clock the House adjourned until twelve o clock on Ihursday .

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      CORN . Mark-Laxe , Only 2 . —English wheat comes still very sparingly to our marker , but the foreign arrivals m the last week increased considerably , particularly from Odessa , having nearly 15 , 500 qrs . from that port alone , llns , wita the continuance of fine weather for the growing crops , made the wheat trade dull this morning , though we had no alteration in the prices of either English or foreign . There was likewise less inquiry for flour . Barley tor " rindin" was readier sale and rather dearer . Malt dull , unless very fine . Beans of our own growth are very scarce , and fine samples in demand at extra prices , but we had no improvement in foreign . "White peas were duller sale , bufr fine crev are very scarce , and wanted . There was a good supply of foreign oats , and 2 , 300 qrs of Scotch , but many of the former being out of condition , good fresh qualities were in request at rather higher prices . In foreign rye very little doing . Linseed CilkeS COUtiuilO dllll Sulo . Tll 9 current prices as under . t

      .., ____ , British . —Wheat . —Essex , Suffolk , and Kent , red , 40 s ta iSs ditto white , 42 s to 45 s , Lincoln , Norfolk , and i ork . shire , red , 39 s to 47 s , Northumberland and Scotch , white , 99 s to 44 s , ditto red , 37 s to 45 s , Devonshire and Somersetshire , red , —s to —s , ditto white — to —s , rye , 2 is to 24 s , harlev 21 s to 30 s , Scbteh , 24 s to 28 s , Malt ordinary , —s to _ s , pale 52 s to 5 ( is , peas . grey , new , 30 s to 32 s , maple ? 0 s to 34 s v-hite , 25 s to 27 s , boilers ( new ) , 29 s to 31 s , beans , large , new , 28 s to 30 s , tides 28 s to 31 s , harrow , 30 s to 33 s , pigeon , 30 s to 34 s , oats , Lincoln and Yorkshire , feed , lis to 19 s . ditto Poland and potato , 18 s to 22 s , Berwick and Scotch , 18 s to 23 s , Scotch feed , 18 s to 21 s , Irish feed , and black , lCs to 13 s , ditto potato , I 8 sto 21 s , Unseed ( sowing ) 50 s to 52 s , rapesced , Essex , new , JE 2 G to £ 2 Sr > er last , car . raway seed Essex , new , 25 s to 29 s per cwt , rape cake , £ £ £ 41 < & per ton , linseed , £ 9 10 s to £ 10 10 s . " per 1 , 000 , flour , oer sack of 2801 bs , ship , Sis to 32 s , town , 40 s to 42 s . nait

      FoREK » s .-Wheat ,-Dantzig , aUs to sus , An ana Marks , 40 s to 46 s . ditte white , 43 s to 50 s , Pomeranian red , 40 s to 46 s , Rostock 42 s to 50 s , Danish , Holstein , and Friesland , 3 Gsto 42 s , Petershurgh , Archangel , and Riga , 3 Gs to 44 s , Polish Odessa , 37 s to 42 s , Marianopoh , and Ber- . dianski , 35 s to 38 s , Taganrog , 34 s to 38 s , Brabant and French , 38 s to 42 s , ditto white , 40 s to 44 g , Salomon , 33 s to 3 Gs , Egyptian , 24 s to 2 Gs , rye , 21 s to 23 s , ' barley , AYisraac and Rostock , 19 s to 23 s , Danish , 20 s to 24 s , Saal , 22 s to 2 Gs , East Friesland , 17 s to 19 s , Egyptian , lGs to 17 s , Danube . Ifis to 17 s , peas , white , 26 s to i'Ss , new boilers , 2 Ss to 30 s beans , hovsc , 25 s to 2 ( is , pijjQon , 30 s to 'iis , E ? yp « tian , 21 s to 23 s , oats , Groningen , Danish , Bremen , ami Eviesland , feed and blacU , 13 s to l « s , ditto , thick and brew , 16 s to 20 s , Riga , retersburg , Archangel , and ( Swedish , Hi .. to 17 s , flour , United States , per lyulbs ., 23 s to 20 s , Ham . ; burg 22 s to 24 s , Dantzig and Stettin , 23 s to 23 s , French per 2801 bs ., 32 s to 3 « s .

      BREAD . The prices of wheaten bread in the metropolis , aro from 7 d to 7 id : of household ditto , 5 d to GUI per 41 bs louf .

      CATTLE . Smithfield , Monday . July 2 . — The supply of beasts on sale in to-day ' s market being considerably on the increase , and of excellent quality , the demand for all breeds was in a very inactive state , at a decline in the quotations realised on Monday last of quite 2 d per 8 H ) s . The top figure for tho best Scots was 3 s 8 d per 8 f t > s ., and at which a total clear . aiice was not effected , There was a decided falling oft ' in the number of sheep . Prime old downs ( which were scarce } sold at prices fully equal to those obtained on this day se ' nnight . Otherwise , the mutton trade was far from active at unaltered currencies . We had a full average supply o £ lambs on offer , the time of year considered . Only a moderate business was transacted in this description of stock , at last week ' s quotations . Calves were in a fair average supply , and limited request , at late rates . The pork trade was heavy . In prices , however , we have no change ) to notice .

      Head of Cattix at SJMrrHHELD . Beasts "" .. .. 3 , 5081 Calves .. .. SIS Sheep .. .. 27 , C 90 | Pigs : 'i-J Price per stone of Slbs . ( sinking tlie offul ) . Beef .. 2 s 4 d to 3 s Sd I Veal .. 3 s Od to 3 s lOd Mutton .. 3 s 2 d .. 4 s Od | Pork .. 8 t > .. 4 0 j Lamb .. .. 4 s Cd to as Sd , Per Slbs . by tlie carcase . Newgate and Leauenhall , Monday , July 2 . —Inferior beef , 2 s i ! d to 2 s 4 d ; middling ditto , !! s Gd to 2 s Sd ; prime large , 2 s lOd to 3 s Oil ; prime small , 3 s 2 d to 3 s 4 d ; large porlt , 3 s 2 d to 3 s Gil ; inferior mutton ,-3 s Oil tQ 3 s 2 d ; middling ditto , Ss 2 d to 3 s 4 d ; prime ditto , Ssjiil to 8 s 8 d ; veal , 0 s' Od to 3 s Sd ; small pork , 3 s 8 d to 4 s Od ; lamb , 4 s ( id to 5 s Gd .

      rROYISIOifS . London ' , July 2 . — The arrivals last week from Ireland were 9 , 090 firkins * butter , and l' 70 bales bacon , and from foreign ports , S , JSO casks butter , and 2 , 800 boxes and bales bacon . The butter market has ruled very quiet during the week , and business transacted to but a limited extent , at prices the turn in favour of the buyers . Dutch having declined from 74 s to 72 s , influenced the demand for Irish . Bacon continues ill request , and a further advance of 2 s per cwt . realised ; sales of best Waterford made at 72 a to 73 s on board , and 72 s to 74 s landed . American supports the late advance , Stocks and deliveries for the weet ending June 30 th . Engmsh Bitteb Market . —Trade with us is very dull indeed , and prices still present ft downward tendency—all being nominal , except for best qualities . The supply of fresh butter is abundant , and beyond the wants of tho market . Dorset , flue weekly , 7 Us to 80 s per cnt . ; do . middling , CGs to 70 s : Devon , do ., G 8 s to 72 s ; EroshUuukinghamslnre , 8 s to 10 s per dozen ; do . West Country , Gs to 9 s .

      - FRUIT AND VEGETABLES . Coyest Garden , Monday . July 2 . —Asparagus 2 s to 4 s per bundle ; strawberries 3 d to Is , and raspberries Gd to 8 d per pottle ; peaches , 80 s per dozen ; cucumbers , lid to 2 s ( id per brace ; green peas Sdto Is , green currants 4 s to us , gooseberries 2 s ( id to os Cd , and spinach 4 d to ( ill pev half sieve ; summer cabbages , Gd to 9 d , cauliflowers , Is to 3 s , " and horseradish Is to 2 s per dozen heads ; turnips L ' s to 83 , carrots 4 s to Gs Gd , onions Is to 3 s , turnip radishes Sd to Is , and greens 2 s to 2 s Gd per dozen bunches ; pine apples 5 s to 7 s , hothouse grapes Gs to Ss , cherries Ud to Is , anil ' new potatoes Id to Gd per 1 b : oranges Gs to 10 s , lemons 5 s to !) s , and French beans 9 d to Is 3 d per hundred ; ¦; mushrooms Gd to Is pev punnet ; cos lettuces lid to ltkl per score . <

      COLONIAL PRODUCE . , Lossok , July 3 . —TUc sugar mavket lias been uuusualty ? dull , as importers _ are unwilling to sell on the eve of a reduction in ' the duties , lpOhhtls , of BiU'lffliloes sold in pub- \ , He sale at very full prices , and about 120 hhds . of West Indi » i by private contract ; of othev descriptions 300 bags o £ Madras only were oft'ered , and did not alter general quo * ; tations . The refined market has been dull , prices un » * altered . ' _ COEPEE has been , inactive ; 000 bags and SO casks planta- ' tion Ceylon were offered , and nearly bought iu . Uo native Ceylon offered in public 6 ale , and but little demand by private contract . Prices remain unaltered . Cocoa , was held for high prices , and chiefly withdrawn , lticE without alteration ; the demand limited . Tea has been dull of sale to-day . The amount of business done to-day in the produce market has been below an average one , and the attendance in the lane has been thin , but the excitement of the city election will partly account for it .

      COAL . ( Price of coals per ton at the close of the market . ) London , July 2 . —Factors generally succeeded in getting 6 d advance on last day ' s prices . West Hartley , 13 s Od ; Caw ' s Hartley , 13 s Gd ; " Eden Main , 15 s 3 d ; Wall ' s End Adelaide Tees , 15 s Gd ; Wall ' s Eud Hetton , ltis 9 d ; Wall ' s 3 nd Lamhton , 16 s 3 d ; Wall ' s End Stewart ' s , 17 s : Wall ' * End Brown ' s , 13 s Gd ; Wall ' s End Hcdley , Us 9 d . Ships at market . 119 : sold . 81 .

      WOOL . Crrr Monday , July 2 , —The imports of wool into . Lon » don last tveek were very large , including about 2 , JU 0 balei rom Van Diemen ' s Land , 4 , 514 from l ' ort Philip , 5 , 348 rom Sydney , 517 from New Zealand , and smaller parcels " rom Germany , the Cape , ic . The market is quiet , as th « large public sales will be on again next weeV , Liverpool , June 30 . —Scotch There is nothing doing in aid Highland wool . The stocks ave not heavy , but prices of English fleece have fallen considerably in value , and our Scotch wool holders will not submit to : i t-ori-esjiondins fall , in consequence of which our prices must be consitofed nominal . To effect sales a reduction oi about ten percent , would have to be submitted to iu proportion to EugMi wool . ' The same remark will hold good as regards laid crossed and Cheviot .

      Foreign . — -There is . a better feeling iu our laarkct this week , but the trade is looking forward to the result of R large series of sales to commence , in London , O'a the &tli Jul y , which wUl give a tone to the market geuettdly .

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      in the parish , of St . Anne , Westminster , at- the _ i ' nutrogi office , 16 , Great Windmill-street , lTnyiunrket , in the City ofWestsnuster . fortlieri-oprietor . FEAKGnSO'CONXOB , Esq . M . P ., and published by the said Wiiuam Hider , at the Office , in the saw ? BUWt uad parisli . —Saturday { July 7 th . 1319 ,

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      asB * K »^ . . . ¦•• ¦ ¦ ¦^ SSSTT ^ i" 2 SST F ^ iliife- ^ °° ^ ^ W Jd il ^ JUra lS 38 »»<¦ 18 " X ^ rtK ^ rf ^ W ^ VSSi a ^ llffi'ff ^^ w The above docs not include the fines V aid by the two sonior attorneys at present practising 1 the * - ^^^ 1 . _ — - —~ - " p - AXJ MARSHALS !

      , said courts , they having heen admitted previous : to the year 1838 , and paid , the one a fee of 1 00 O guineas , tlie other one of £ 150 ; nor does the abOVfl rotiirn include the amount paid by counsel and attorneys for ' the purchase of their freehold office * The Secretary of the Lord Steward and the Secretary of tho Knight-Marshal of the Household receive a fine on each of the admissions often guinea * each . We now come to the emoluments 1 ot the omcers . In IS 4 S the Knight-Marshal and Judge of the Court , Sir C . Montolieu Lamb , received fee * amounting to £ fU ; he also receives perquisites 01 £ 30 and £ 270 annually , as compensation for tne loss of certain fees ; and in 1846 he received ± C 0 a *

      compensation for other losses of fees . Tlie few received by Mr . William Brent Brent , the Steward and Judge of the court , in 1818 , amounted to *< 4-. The fees received by Sir II . l \ Campbell , k . Uli ., as rrothonotary of the court , in 184 S , amounted ta £ 180 ; those received bj Mr . J . C . Ilewhtfc , as * Deputy-Prothonotary , &c , to £ 2 , 814 ; those received by Mr . 'William Ely , the Common Crier oi the Court , to £ 143 ; the fees received by the aforesaid Howlitt , as Clerk of the Court ,. to £ 31 . ; those received by Hicks , tho summoning officer , to £ 118 : those received by Joseph Holder Turner ( described as a " " entleman" ) . in attorney , and one of the omcers of the court , to £ 740 ; those received by Mr . B . E . "Willoughby ( same office ) , to £ 1 , 54 < ; those received by J . Dolman ( same office ) , to 2 , 3 TT ; thosa received bv Mr . Mark Miller ( same oflice ) , to

      £ 1 , 441 those received by Thomas UicKs ( samo office , to £ 1 , 349 ; and those received by Mark Shephard ( same office ) , to £ 3 , 537 . Tlie number of actions tried in the said courts , in the year ended July . 1348 , amounted to 1 , 154 .

      'Fftavmi, «»?

      ' fftavmi , «»?

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      ! It is found that , in Cardiganshire , only 3 OOG rwpto trot of 03 , 700 speak English , '

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      •! : .. . : " . : ! : V- 7 : ; : / i . LT , ; U /? ¦ : ¦¦ ¦ =. ^ .. . ; . . . l " July i ) . 1849 . a . ; " ' ¦ THE NORTHERN STIR ' . " " '¦¦ ¦ ; , „ :: , : ¦ , :: ; ^^^ -x O ... ¦ ¦ ¦¦ - . ^ ¦• _ iMtr-i—¦ - ¦ . 11 — y ^™—» J— •>«<•• . » m , mm , mmm ^» M ... ^^^^ ^ ^^

      Printed By William Kider, Of No. A, M.- .Oclcsfic Ld-Streer,

      Printed by WILLIAM KIDER , of No . a , M .- . oclcsfic ld-streer ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 7, 1849, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1529/page/8/