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Northern Star (1837-1852), 23rd June 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 4, Untitled Ad

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    • THE PRTHEM STAB SATSJKDAY.JSJiVaS 23,IS49.
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      BKITiSH JiMriKE i- 'KEEHOLD LAND AND BUILDING SOCIETY . On an Advance your Kent is Saved , —you become your own Land and Householder .

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      LOXDO 2 J LIFE . Abw FubliiasmS i Price Id- weekJy , snd Is . q : iarterh ,- parts , T ONBON UFE ; OR , MIEKOli OF -Ll Jib-in . Humour , and Faceria . conuir . fnig all the racy moToir «« 5 * « f the present day : iu short , embracing life in all iu varied phases and variety . "London Life" will be SpleiHiiifi * -Hustratcd with original engravings , designed and esetBieu ! r die most eminent artists . Sent ( post free } , 2 s . 2 < 1 . j » t Quarter . Piinu-il :. ~ U published by "Wins : Holywell-strcct , Strand , and all Booksellers .

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      TO TAILOlt * . By si . yro ' oatioii of Ifer Majesty Quern Victoria and nis lScyal Highness Prince Alheit . Now Hea < 3 » , THU LONDON and PARIS SUMMER i-ASUIOXS&r ISiO , by Mesas . BEXJAJHX HEAD aud C « "I-, Hart-street , J'loomsuury-square , London ; ana by ' Y-SOliGH BERGKU , lloly ^ vell-sUvt-t , StKmd ; a-Sj&rVtt-S WUXT , elaborately finished , and superbly cuVjsvii . the LASDSCAPS , a correct view in the Qut « i " t L " -. tanks ! Gardens . London , ( by spedtA pcroiisaon . } tl = v Must magnificent place in Europe . Tnis beautifiil ; 4- ' -,:-- will be amamauied with tlie most nuvel , good fittfe-i .--3 i- ' -sliionaWe Dress , KiOJug , I'rwk . and limiting Coa . ' i •; . ? -- - - .-¦ » , botli duubleanJ siKgle-breasU-d : Hussar ' s T «;«" - round Jackets , plain awl vTtth skirts ; angle and fiou 'V---: !« vistedDress , Morning and Evening Waistcoats ; also !»• ¦ i .:-st fashionable and newest » tyle Habit Pattern ; evei- - * &rr-eu ! sir jiart of eaidi pattern fullv explained , and an 5 " ^ u-Hioa ufuvenilungreuveting Style and Fashion ; prit- ~ ~ r ? aia bv Head and Co ., J- ' , ilart-street , JJloomsfcarv .-. iv-rt , London : G . IJagcr , UciIyiveH-strcct , Strand ; anaVsi ' irt . iksellersia Town and Country .

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      TKY £ P . E YOU DESPAIR . H OLLOWAY'S PILLS CURE OF ASTHMA . JExt-- « i- «" i : Tv < dtPrfi-nraMr . Benjamin Mackie , a respect aifc Ql » ker , dated Creeuagh , near Louslurtl , Ireland , d ; .-. Ci 5 ^ t-jiteiub cr Jitli . irflS . 1 I > 3 s ~ ctj 3 > fiuEsa . —Tbv excellent Pills have effectually cur . a -.= ?¦• ' .. fan asthma , which afllicted me for three years tos :: ; -r- - * n extent t 2 i . it 1 was obliged to walk my room at ni » L- ^ Urair , afcud of beiu ^ sufioKited if I went to bed by cough ::-.: ii phlegm . Besides taking the Pills , I rubbed lileiis v of : l ! v Ointment Into mv chest mght and morning . — ( Sigifed ; -SiSMMK iLicKiE . —To Professor noLLOWAT . CUKE uF TYPHUS FEVER AVUES SUPPOSED TO BE

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      " REGISTER ! REGISTER ! REGISTER ! Now Published , and ready for circulation , by the Xatiosal EtEcnoJJ asd Hecistkatio ?? Committee , a COMPLETE HAND BOOK AND A . GUIDE TO REGISTRATION , compiled from the lleform Act and other Parliamentary Papers , making the subject of Registration so plain and simple , as to bring it within the capacity of all classes . Published by James Watson , 3 , Queen's Headpassage . Paternoster-row , London , and sold by all booksellers in the United Kingdom . Price , only Three Pence . 3 Iayalsohehad of the Secretary , James Giussur , 90 , Regent-street , Lambeth .

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      CUARTERVILLE . TO BE SOLD , a FOUR-ACRE ALLOTMENT , situate in the liiir . p Norton-road , in consequence of tlie present holder havhuj an . _ engagement in America . The Land is well ; cropped with wheat , barley , potatoes , polts , vetches , carrots , swedes , mangel-wurtzel , cabbages , ic , ic , and is equal to nnv in tlie counfv . Apply , for terms , to Tnos . Lurcr , Brize Norton-road , CharterriUe , near ^\ itney , Oxon .

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      GItAXD DEMOXSTRATIO-Y JS EAR 1511 O-MSGROYE , ON THE DODFORD ESTATE , Otf THE DAY OF LOCATION , MONDAY , JULT 2 kd , lSi 9 . "Homes for the sons of toiL " PARTIES ARE RESPECTFULLY INi FOIOIED that a RAILWAY TRIP will leave tho Camphill Station . Birmingham , at Eight o'Clock in the morning , affording all persons desirous of visiting the Estate an opportunity of so doing . Fabes—First Class , 4 s . ; Second do ., 3 s . ; Third do ., Is . Oil . Vans will be in attendance to convey parties from the Bromssi-ove Railway Station to the Estate and back . Por Tickets apply to Mr . limTEiiwicK , News agent , 73 , Staflbrd-street ; Mr . C . Goodwin ' , Darwin-street , and Jlr . Aoxs . Smethwick .

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      GREAT DODFORD . ( ITR , 1 STBLETT , PUBLICAN , Legs to I'J announce to those persons who may visit the Great Dodford Estate , on ionday . the 2 nd of July , ( tho day upon which the Occupants will take possession of their allotments ) , that he mil have in readiness Refreshments upon the most MODERATE TERMS , and that every attention will be paid upon his part to ensure their comfort and convenience . N . B . —HisTIouse is within twenty yards of tlie Estate , on Bellbroughton-road .

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      TO BE SOLD A BARGAIN , FOR £ 12 10 s . THE RIGHT TO LOCATION ON A FOUR-ACRE ALLOTMENT , drawn in the November ballot , 1847 . Any person purchasing the same will be en . titled to location , or £ 20 compensation money . The reason the present proprietor is parting with it is a sudden change of circumstances . Application to be made to the Directors of the National Land Company , 144 , High Ilolborn , London .

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      TO HE SOLD , A PAID-UP FOUR-ACRE SHARE in -A . the National Land Company . Cheap . Inquire of Joseph Furday , 15 , Margaret-street , " Limeliouse . Also , A TWO-ACRE PAID-UP SHARE . Inquire- at tlie Land Office .

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      TO BE SOLD , T WO FOUR-ACRE PAID-UP SHARES in the National Land Company . Price , £ 4 each . It is very desirable that all applications be made as early as possible to Mr . James MvFarlane , National Land Office , as the advertiser is going abroad iu a few days .

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      ON SALE , A FOUR-ACRE SCRIP , DRAWN IN il Ballot of August , 1 S 47 . Applications to be made to the Directors , at their office , 144 , nijjh Ilolborn . London .

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      INSTANT EASE-LASTING CURE . Price Is . per Packet DRANDE'S ENAMEL , FOR FILLING JJ DECAYING TEETII , and RENDERING THEM SOUND AND PAINLESS has , from its unquestionaWe ex cellence , obtained great popularity at home and abroad Its curative a » ency is based upon a TltOE THEORY of the cause of Tooth-Acbc , and hence its great success . 13 ] most other remedies it is sought to kill the nerve , and so stop the pain . But to destroy the nerve is itself a very painful operation , and often leads to very sad consequences , for tlie tooth then becomes a dead substance in the living Jaw , and produces tlie same amount of inflammation and « , ;„ « = wnniii rMiiUfmm nnv ntiiBrforeimbotlv embedded

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      THE CHEAPEST EDITlOS £ rVBUSUXD . Price Is . 6 d ., A new and elegant edition , with Steel Plate of the Author , of PAINE'S POLITICAL WORKS . Now Ready , a New Edition of IP . O'CONNOR'S WORK OH SMALL FARMS

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      THE LABOURER MAGAZINE . Vols . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , may still be had ,, neatly bound , price 2 s . 6 'd . each So . 1 , the Number containing Mb . O'Connor ' s Treatise on the National Land Company ;" Xo . 10 , the one containing Mb . O'Connor ' s Trcatiso " On the National Land and Labour Bank connection with tho Land Company ;"Have lately been reprinted , and may be had . on application , Trice ( id . each . Imperfections of the ' Labourer Magazine' may still bs had at tlie l ' ublishcrs . .

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      In a neat Volume , Price Is . Cd . " The Evidence taken by the Select Committee of the House of Commons appointed to enquire into the National Land Company . " This Volume ought to be in the bauds » f every Member of tlie Company , as it strikingly illustrates thg care and economy that have been practised in the management of the Funds of the Company , and proves , beyond contradiction , the practicability of the l'lan which the Company was established to carry out . ¦

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      Just published , Nos . I ., II ., and III ,, price Sixpence Each , or THE COMMONWEALTH . SoTdbyJ . Watson , Queen ' s Head Passage , Paternostii' - row , London ; A . Heyivood , Oldham-street , Manchester ? and Love and Co ., 5 , Nelson-street , Glasgow . ' . ' ¦ . ; And by all Booksellers in Town and Country . , .

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      THE DEMOCRATIC REVIEW . NOTICE . As printing the Review on thin paper , and without a wrappsr , would injure the appearance ot the work , copies will not . in future , be printed to pass through the post . As perfect copies wsuld cost in postage alone 4 d . each , all subscribers are requested to give their orders to their nearest bookseller or newsagent . To ensure punctual delivery orders should be given by subscribers ( to their booksellers , &c . ) a week in advance . ¦ fti ? No . 1 will include in its contents the Manifesto of the Gmnan lied Republicans , the speech of Armaitd Barbes , the Principles and PtojeoU of Louis Blanc , an important Letter from Paris , and a faithful review of public events now in progress in France , Germany , Italy . < to On the 1 st of June was published , Ko . 1 . of THE DEMOCRATIC BEYIEW X Of BRITISH and FOREIGN POLITICS , HISTORY , and LITERATURE . Edited by G . JULIAN HARNEY . CONTENTS : 1 . The Editor ' s Address to the Working Classes . 2 . Letter to the Trades . 3 . Our Inheritance : The Land , Common Property . 4 . The i'rench Elections . 5 . Political and Historical Review—Domestic and Foreign . G . Louis Blanc and Armand Barbes . 7 . Literature : —Prentice ' s America ; Louis Blanc ' s Appeal to So -. cst People . 8 . Correspondence : —The Sheffield Election , &c , &c . FORTY PAGES—PRICE THREEPENCE ! London : 5 , Wine Office-court , Fleet-street . To be had of allUooksellers and News Agents in Town and Country . "The Destocjutic Review" is a new Threepenny Monthly , edited by G . Julian Harney . It is better in all typographical respects , ami has more of life , and variety than its higher-priced predecessors . —The Reasoner . "The - Democratic Review" fully bears out the intimation on its title , and may be said to be the only pure monthly organ of Democracy existing in this country . The Editor is Mr . Harney , a gentleman well-known as an uncompromising champion of popular rights . He has peculiar facilities for tlie performance of his duties , having been long on terras of intimacy with the leading Democrats abroad , those true patriots who strive to destroy tlie baneful prejudice of race and country in the Christian belief 'that all men are brethren . " The articles are varied , bold , and to the purpose—tlie pure outpourings of truththe stern enunciations of principle , The Editor ' s " Address to the Worldtig Classes" is a perfect master-piece of political composition , and boldly shows up the infamous vemiity of the greater portion of the British press . —lieynolds's Miscellany .

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      ® Q ( StttW-gpOitiKnttf * J . Sweet acknowledges the receipt of the following sums for the Victim Fund ( sent herewith ) , viz . —Mr . Lee , * Cd . : Mr . Dalton , 2 d . Mr . J . v . itciiell , Jarrow . —They were posted on Friday evening . Mr . &IAJJCEH . OR , Yarmouth . —Twopence each , also for carriage . Mr . Bullock , Biggar . —We did not receive the letter you allude to . Mi \ Clayton , Huddersfield . —Tlie address of Mrs . M'Souall is 71 , 1 ' ront-streut . Portland-street , Liverpool . Peteubokough . —E . Scholey begs to acknowledge the receipt of the following sums for the Victim Fund ( sent here , with ) , viz - . — . Mrs . Wavd , Cd . ; Mr .. Walker , « d . John West's Family . —Owing to an item in tho Manchester Committee ' s balance-sheet , published in a recent number of the Star , which might cause some inisaj ) i > rehensioii ,

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      THE CHARTER . While we are prepared to admit the anticipated benefits from . Reform and several other changes , made hj a reformed ITouae of Commons , we nevertheless defy any—the most enthusiastic theorist—to point out one single benefit that Reform , or ttiiy other measure , has conferred upon the working classes . We are aware , as trumpeted by some of the middleclass organs , that it was the co-operation of the working an . d the middle classes by which fc ' ie Reform Bill was carried ; while the arguments in favour of another co-operation are weak and unsupportablc . We are told that , while it is an admitted truth that nil that

      might have been effected by Reform has not been accomplished , that , nevertheless , what is now promised by the caterers for workingclass support , is certain to be accomplished . To thisargument we answer—if nothing has been accomplished by the groat political measure which promised Peace , Retrenchment , and Reform , and which was intended as the political means to the social end—we say , if no benefit has resulted from that measure , beyond

      the transfer of power from old enemies to new oppressors , what benefit can the working millions anticipate from any measure of which their voice does w t constitute the mainspring and essential element ? " Three removes are as bad as one fire , " POOR RICHARD says ; and those several political moves , which have taken place since the passing of the Reform Bill , have but established one set of taskmasters instead of another .

      Is it necessary to furnish , or , if necessary , could we furnish , a stronger proof of the sincerity of the representatives of the middle classes in a reformed Parliament , than the fact that our taxation has increased under this reformed system , by over ten millions a-year , within this reforming period—the very parties who not only acquiesced in , but supported , this extravagance , now catering for popular support upon the pretext , not of reducing expenditure below or even to the standard of the old unreformed times , but merely to reduce it to the standard of 1835 , embracing the first

      three years of Reform , and during which time these representatives of Financial Reform sanctioned and permitted this enormous * increase ? But , if we required further proof that that Reform , transferred political power from the hands of the landlords to those of the moneylords , we have onl y to refer to the Acts of the newest reformed Parliament , and from them we learn that acts were passed to suppress those very associations and combinations by whose power and influence the Reform Bill was carried ; that the 43 rd of Elizabeth , which operated as a barrier to protect the poor from the stringent oppression of the rich : was

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      so altered and amended as to make the heretofore protected poor wholly dependent upon the rich ; and that while the Financial lieformers , who opposed the FEOPLJi to CHARTER—the only possible means of achiev ing unadulterated liberty—comp lain , and bitterly , of our enormous expenditure , as regards our nav . il , military , and governmental establishments / not a voice is heard , not a murmur is uttered , against the prodig ious increase in poor rates . And why ? Because it constitutes the fund which preserves that

      unwilling , idle , competitive reserve , upon which depends the profits of . speculators upon the people ' s jealousy , rivalry , and competition . . It was not a Tory House that sanctioned the Transportation of the JDorchester Labourers ; it was not a Tory House that squandered Twenty Millions of English Money upon Negro Emancipation : No ; it was . a Whig-reformed House ; which now scoffs at the bestowal of any poor pitiful dole to preserve the miserable existence of the starving Irish . It was not a Tory House that passed the bloodiest Irish Coercion Bill , and substituted trial by courtmartial for trial by jury ; it was hot a Tory House that took away the rig ht of discussing

      the petitions of the people from twelve till three o ' clock every day ; it was not the Tory Government that enacted the most bloody laws against political offenders , and for the suppression of public opinion , upon the flimsy pretext of using the hour of calm for the purpose of developing the mind ' s progress in enactments in harmony with that mind ; it was not a Tory Government that prosecuted the people ' s only organ , and the people ' s ; orily leaders ; with . a virulence ahdabrutaiity unequalled in any country , in any age ; jtitasmot ^ a Tory Prime Minister who recommended the administration of justice to destrojfjBppepplei by " ruining them with exponses . Ji .-ii . iyaB not a Tory Government that used 1 W Young , ' of the Home-office , as ^ an instr . unVgnt , tri excite the people to rebellion , and then hung and transported those people when-their threatened rebellion had

      accomplished their . own ends ; it was not a Whig Government' that carried Emancipation ; it was not a ; Whig Government that carried Free Trade . But , on the contrary , during the occupation of office by the Whigs , for the over forty-years' agitation for' Reform , they were the greatest tyrants ever in power . During their administration the most bloody Coercion Bills were passed for Ireland , and to which the English people assented—or were supposed to assent- —upon " the mockery , the delusion , anc . the snare , ' that the Whigs required calm , and a legitimate developement of the popular mind , to achieve that change of which popular freedom was to have been the result , and which they alone could legislate for .

      We may be told that Whiggery is defunct , * that these professions were made in unreformed times—when legislation was confined to the aristocratic ranks : but if we are met by such an argument , wo refer to our statistical table of Reform legislation . Then we come to Free Trade , which was the great social benefit si ^ posed to be foreshadowed in the great political change , and we ask what benefit has resulted to the industrious classes from that

      measure ? while every individual belonging to those classes who have a monopoly of political power , whether they possess fixed incomes , or make their incomes by speculation injtrade , have received an enormous benefit , because the reduction in the price of corn—' the staple produce of the nation—has reduced the price of their food , and reduced the price of every other

      article and commodity , without reducing their profits or fixed incomes , all of which the people have to produce . And now , with these not antiquated but recent professions and disappointments before us , shall we agaizi be enlisted in the ranks of that retrograde army , upon the flimsy pretext that another sectional Reform , another rung in the Reform ladder , is necessary to complete the Reform machinery ?

      If an oft-deccivcd people , whose little store has been filched from them , in order to base capitalists' profits upon the people ' s destitution —we say of the same people—no , not the same now , thank God !—for there is knowledge upon every passing breozo—but if THE PEOPLE of this progressive age allow themselves to be enlisted as recruits in this foraging party , wo swear by Heaven , that we . would rather staud alone , holding the old banner of the Charter , although we may be the laughingstock and target of all—even the people themselves- —than surrender one bristle of the animal .

      " 'Tistrue , and pity'tis , 'tis true , " that that progressive mind has no means of communicating its will to those who are bound to represent it ; and this fact is we think irrefutably established by the following circumstance : —A petition for the Charter was forwarded to Lord Mahon from Hertford , the borough ho represents : he returned the petition upon the plea that ho did not acquiesce in its ' priuciples . Let us ask , then , if there is any danger to the privileged classes equal to that which withholds popular will from those called the people ' s representatives ?

      W e have frequently declared that the ignorance of a people is tlio tyrant ' s best title to power , and that the true developement of popular knowledge is the sharpest arrow in the popular quiver . Our readers will understand that we address them thus to meet the argument used by middle-class journals , for the purpose of convincing the people that the present middle-class movement is the veritable and only means , from the success of which

      the working classes can acquire tlieir rights ; while , true to our text , and rivcttcd to our principles—strengthened by conviction , and endeared by persecution—and after years of anxious and deliberative thought , wo toil them , that no measure save THEIR OWN CHARTER will achieve their own legitimate object , and that let them abandon that , or even an atom of it , to-morrow , and the feathers , every one of them , of the reformed bird , will fly after it the next day .

      " To be forewarned is to be forearmed , " and if the people are not forew . irned the blame does not rest upon our shoulders , but upon their own . We have pointed out the several disappointments arising from past confidence in those classes who would now re-establish that confidence , upon the plea that they have done noting HITHERTO , but that they are prewired to do something NOW . We , too , are prepared to do something—wo are prepared to

      take the lion's share in that something , provided the people are prepared to assist in aiding us-in the accomplishment of that something but we are not prepared to surrender our own principles for . the adoption of minor ones , from which , even if accomplished , it is admitted that the Charter should be the means , and , therefore , our motto is , as it ever has been , and ever shall be" THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER . "

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      commend the letter of Mr . O'Coottob to the attentive perusal of our readers . I ^ diiwietter o ^ P'Co ^ toUifl

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      PARLIAMENT ARY REVIEW . The state of affairs in Canada has given rise to Animated debates in both Houses of Parliament In the Commons , the talk lasted two nights , the promised Budget being set asido on one of them for the purpose of finishing it—that is nom inally—because the postponement of the Annual Financial Statement , from Friday , 15 th , to Friday , 22 nd , was evidently not required by the Canadian debate . It is more probable , that Sir Charles Woob the of

      could not get ready sooner . In House Lords , the question was dismissed in one mght by means of sitting till between two and three o'clock-on a Midsummer morning , In . the Lower House , Ministers had . a majority ot 141—in the Peers , there was a majority against them of nine present , and , in order to neutralise it , they were compelled to have recourse to proxies , by means of which they ultimately escaped defeat by the narrow majority of three . The repeated occurrence ot such divisions in the House of Lords , proves that the Whigs arc by no means strong in that branch of the Legislature . ¦ ¦

      The policy of the Ministry which has thus triumphed , bwas , however , that to which every liberal-minded man must give his adhesion , The question resolved itself into a very nar « row compass . It was simply whether , having granted to our North American provinces ji local Parliament , and the full power of managing their own local affairs , the Imperial Government was to step in and override the decisions of that Parliament . Lord

      J . Russell and his colleagues decided against such an unjust and unconstitutional interference with the Canadian Legislature , and declared that the principle of responsible Government should be carried out in good faith , and by such a course have entitled themselves to the approbation of all who desire to see countries governed on just principle * and by popular institutions , instead of the whims , caprices , and selfish views of a small dominant and exclusive class . The facts of

      the case are briefly these : In 1837 and 1838 , there was a rebellion in Canada , which was , in fact , a rising of the French population of Lower Canada and the'liberal British population in both provinces , against the tyrannical and monopolising policy of a s mall clique of Colonial Tories , who ruled Canada with a high hand , and in the genuine spirit of rampant old Toryism . When tho rebellion was suppressed , an Act was passed giving compensation for losses sustained by inhabitants in Upper Canada during the struggle , and such compensation was duly made under the

      provisions of the Act . The Tory party , who remained in power for sometime after , admitted that the same principle ought to be extended to Lower Canada , and that compensation should be granted there also to nil persons who had sustained losses , and not having been convicted of taking an active part in the rebellion . It appears , however , that no steps were taken to give practical effect to this declaration by them . In the meantime , the policy of Lord Durham and of Lord Svdeniiam , was gradually carried out in the provinces . There was a larger infusion of the

      popular will m the election of the Colonial Parliament , and the natural consequence was , that it became a truer reflex of the popular feeling . The Tories , from being the majority under the old close , monopolising system , became the minority . The Governor-General was obliged to select his Ministers from that party which held the ascendancy in the Legislature ; and tluia ifc happened that men whose uames some few years ago were spoken of as being either sympathisers with the rebels , or as having actually been among their number , are now occupying high office in Canada . Of course such a turning of the tables as this

      could not be very palatable to the Tories , who had been accustomed to have everything their own way . But it was their fate , and they had no help for it , except to lay by and watch for some act of the Parliament and Ministers , which would givo them an excuse for raising an outcry , and attempting a coup d'etat to regain possession of power . The proposal of a Compensation . Bill for Lower Canada seomo ' d to afford them that handle , and they eagerly availed themselves of it . Overlooking the fact that they themselves , when in office , hud admitted the justice of such a measure , they

      raised a storm of misrepresentation , and a howl of indignation at the proposal , when made by their opponents . They described it as being directly intended to remunerate rebels , though the Ministry in proposing , Parliament in passing it , and Lord Elgin ' , the Governor-General , in giving his assent to it , explicitly and repeatedly declared , that no such intention was entertained . In the midst of great excitement the Bill was carried by a large majority , and at last tho loyal Tories—who are such orderly , peaceable , well-conducted people , when they are feed for being so , and have the loaves and fishes of office at their disposal — broke out into open riot and outni ^ o on the

      occasion of the assent of the , G ' ovki ! . vok-Ge . \ kiu& being given to tho Bill . They set tire to the Parliament House , and burnt it , ' with its Library and Offices , to the ground , and Lcml Elgin himself was assaulted and insulted so that he thought it prudent to retire from the city of Montreal , while the angry and infuriated passions of these soi-disant " loyalists" were at their height . They threaten now , if the Bill is not vetoed by the Imperial Government , that they will throw themselves into the arms of the United States . Lot them do so . It will be "Jumping out of the frying-pan into the fire . " They will find even less chance of regaining that predominancy and exclusive power—the deprivation of which has maddened them—under the Republican Institutions of the Federal Union , than they have under the Constitution of Canada . For

      our own part , we entertain the belief that ultimate annexation to the States is certain to be the ease , and the interests of tho world of humanity will be promoted by it ; but we would father see that come when it may—take place in a calm , rational and dignified manner , and with a due appreciation of the solemn and important stop , than see in it merely the revengeful whim of a spiteful and disappointed clique , because they have been prevented from longer domineering over their fellow colonists With respect to the debates on this question , which have ended in sustaining the princi ple of responsible government , they were among the most intercstitur

      oitiebession . it is curious to mark the conduct ?;« r ? i- J ' ITB S M ? n under Present circumstances . " Willing to strike , but yet afraid to wound ; " longing for place , and yet , not seeing any immediate chance of having that longing gratified—they are compelled to make a show of Parliamentary activity ^ and to bring forward motions which end in nothing more than keeping themselves before the public , lhat we believe is the only thing real about them . Mr . Gladstone , in introducing the question , delivered himself of a speech of nearly three hour duration , and concluded it without making any mo ' tion ! His speech was mere see-saw and " hair-splitand he did not

      ting , wantTitauisb . the Whigs into a corner if he could help" it ; fiutfthe Protectionist section were not satisfied witlKjJria sham opposition , and , therefore , und ? r Mr . IIbrrIH , they made a real tight on the question , and were beaten , as we have said , by a majority of HI . Sir R . Peel took oecasion to give m has public and solemn adhesion to tha principle ot responsible government and representative institutions for our Colonies , and administered a smart . rap . over the knuckles to his quondam Colonial Secretary . Sir Robert does not want place , and can afford to do without it ; but that is not the oase with his supporters . In the House of Lords , the opposition to popular government was iea by that eccentric anostate Lord RnnnnnAu . whn

      now seems quite at home among " my noble mends on the Tory benches , and who seems to be ever on the eager look-out to do any dirty job that he imagines will give them pleasure . His Lordship , however , towards the conclusion of his speech , told some home truths res pecting the views of the Americans as to Free Trade and Protection , which \ vq recommend to the careful perusal of ourreadera . Tho whole controversy , connected with this Bill , is now settled as far as tho British Legislature is concerned . It will , undoubtedly , in the first instance , do an act of justice too long delayed—it willalao snow to the colonists that Parliament and the Ministvy are in earnest in maintaining the princi ple of local self-goyernment , as applied , tg their casoibut

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      - - ^ THE LAND . "We beg to call the attention of our readers to the letter of Mr . O'Connor , which appears in our present number , and from its perusal the people—if they are not thoroughl y blindwill discover that they have i t in their own power , not by sacrifices or the denial of comforts , hut by the abstinence from brutality and dissipation , to accomplish real freedom for their order in less than one year from the present time ; and one of the circumstances which strikes us as tho most marvellous and ineonsistout is , that parties , who denounce Mr . O'Connor ' s plan for establishing real " FREEDOM FOR THE MILLIONS , " should attempt to establish their freedom upon the same , principles , but within narrower , more prescribed , and less defensible limits .

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      The great difficulty , ho ^^^ st which hi that mechanical maehinjry ^ qu . site " « t for the formation , but for the •^ " ^ of opinion-white his enemies are m pcmbu sion of an easily recruited staff m each d sti ic t The small capitalist * and shopkeepe * , st anxious to preserve their social and onven tional acquaintance and alliance with the . pio fessed representatives of middle-class mind , become enthusiastic in a plan which is calculated to confer additional political , power upon their order , while their antagonism to Mi . O'GoNNon ' s Plan is based upon the . presumption that the achievement of power by the many , Would destroy the . exclusive privileges gr

      of the few . . ,,, M For ourselves , we care but little whether Mr . O'Connor or his opponents are the instramM ^ by which the value of . free labour , applilel to the cultivation of our national resources ; is developed ; while we cannot too strongly , or indignantly express our reprobation and censure of those who would develope the value of dependent labour , as illustrated in their own plan , while they decry the value of independent labour , as developed in Mr . O'Connor's Plan . However , he has this week most distinctly pourtrayed the value ot Land , as a free labour field , and as the most secure and profitable Savings Bank for parties possessing a little capital and not inclined to

      agricultural pursuits . ..-.: , The great difference between the projectors of those -respective plans , is : . ¦ Firstly . —That the one gives real freedom to the owner , and the other imposes trammels upon the occupant ; as , according toi ? mr . O ' Connor ' s Plan , the occupant of any amount of land becomes its freepossess ' or ; while , by the other plan , the occupant who . may have paid a portion , becomes dependent on the mortgagee who holds his conveyance , until the stipulated amount is paid in full , and who is , therefore ; a serf in his hands .

      The next , and perhaps the greatest difference , is , that one plan is conducted . by many solicitors , none of whom have - the slightest interest in its success beyond ; the amount of money they can crib from the poor and ¦ defenceless client ; while ; in the other case , there is no need for the interference of any solicitor . Indeed , we may carry the comparison further , and observe , . that while one plan is confessedly established for the purpose of ' creating voters , to secure the political pre-eminence of a particular class , the other plan is established for the purpose of securing political equality for a majority of the people .

      It is strange—nay , it is pitiful—that men can be so blind and obtuse as to believe that they can support themselves , wives , and families , upon two acres of Land , purchased by one company—a company with enormous legal expenses ; while they are informed that a man becomes a pauper upon four acres of better land , with neither rent nor purchase increased by legal or other expenses , but ,

      on the contrary , to the furtherance of which the projector devotes his unpaid service . It is a startling fact , as announced in the document to which we refer , but yet it is an irrefutable one , that the working classes of this country may possess themselves of a maj ority of county representation by the investment of three-quarters of a million of money in the most secure and profitable speculation , or . rather , undertaking .

      We believe that we under-rate the amount of money expended upon the Convention of 1839 when we put it down at 60 , 000 / . ; and that sum , lavished upon " poor gentlemen , " drunkards , speculators in credulity , and vagabonds , would have secured the balance of power in two English counties , leaving the subscribers a largo per centage for their money , instead of lavishing it upon idle

      rascals . We have frequently called the attention of our readers to the fact , that if they possessed political power to-morrow , the fair app lication of the Land to the employment and support of the people Avould be tho social end ; aud Mr . O'Connor very clearly proves , in his Letter of this week , that this social power , very limitedly developed , may be the political means of establishing the full-length social benefit .

      But as our support of the working classes is based upon love of justice , aftectiou for their order , and the interest of all mankind , and as we have not , and never shall , closo our ears against knowledge , from whatever quarter it may come , we would ask this simple question : How is it possible for a machinery-employed people , requiring eight millions a year to sustain the paupers of tlieir class , to prevent that griping and desolating competition in the Labour market by any other possible means than opening a channel wide enough to give profitable employment , not only to the existing population , but to double its amount ?

      Now , when that question is satisfactorily answered , and when it is proved to us that any other field but the Land is sufficiently wide to employ all profitably , and do away with unprofitable competition , we would most cheerfully abandon the Land Plan , and adopt that which we could recognise as its real substitute . If we required stronger proof than we have hitherto published , of the means resorted to by those million liberty professors to destroy the Land Company , could we give a better illustration than the two following letters furnishthe one supplying the character , and the other

      the policy , of Mr . B ,, of Nottingham , referred to in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter of last week ? Mr . Wheeler says : — Deaii Sm , —I see your notice in the Star of some " Nottingham Booby . " 1 did not see liim when here—in fact such fellows seldom call on me . I have not seen a Review ' , or I should probably answer it ; but in case you rive him a "bellowsing , " Igiveyou this little information . His name is Brooksbank . When here he was drinking with Jem Hrown , a country chap , that used to work on the estate he worked for me the first week 1 came here . He told me ' about this man treating him , and showed me a letter lie had had from him since this article was in the lievicic ( for in the letter ho enclosed the slip from tho liemew ) The " sentimental traveller" comineucas his letter thus : —

      " Dear Jem , —Yon are a good brick . " lie then voters to their drinking bout whilst here , and asks "Jem" to send him word about the poor deluded people here , and if he had heard any more about O ' Connor's doings . "Jem " asked me to answer it for Mm , atul if I had seen the artide , I would liave sent him some " startling disclosures ;" but "Jem" had lost the slip from the Review , aud I knew nothing about the affair , so I believe "Jem" managed to scrawl him an answer himself . "Jem" said , a . s long as lie continued to treat him , ho would tell him as good a tale as he could . I could not see Brown to-day , or I would have sent you tho letter , and I thought you might be giving him a poke this week . My brother has written to Sottingham for a Review . Yours truly , _ . ¦ Tiios . M . Wheeler .

      P . S . —Excuse this scrawl , as I am very sleepy , and keep nodding as I write ? Why do you not come and sec us ? Things look well . Now , then , so much for Wheeleh ' s " startling disclosures ; " and . now for the disclosures of a Nottingham man , who appears to have some little knowledge of this new ' " Whistler , " and we think , in the words of this romantic scribbler , we may say of these hawks— " SUM

      'NUM , ARE WOES NUR SUM 'NUM . " Here follows the Nottingham character of the" : N ottinghamboob y , " asproperIychristened by Mr . Wheeler : — JDemi Rider , —The fellow signing himself "B , " in the Nottingham Review is an old Whig hack , of the name of Jrooksbank . He has been everything by turns , and nothing ; long In carhle ' s days lie was , agent and correspondent for the Gauntlet , and professed to be a HcpuWican . lo him might bo applied the words , of Byron in his "Vision of Judgment ;—" " had written in praises of a Regicide ; He had written in favour of all Kings whatever He had written for Republics fav aud vrido . Aw » then against thornbitterer than ever "

      „„ , . •„ V »• I > c ° inmenced tho movement for the Charter in Nottingham , he assailed me through the columns of the htS / thP UtI ^ ° Ug i Ws < ? W " 8 s « oto bear upon e ? v fi V ^ T was B lild to c «« o his abuse . tn \ . & « & % ! ££$£ & ?* . no doubt heis ^ j-tfe » TffiS ^ t" ^ tMs *** j ^*« Need we say more of the Land Company ana its revilers , all of whose revelations are cheerfull y received , and as cheerfully published , by tue Press of the enemy ? In conclusion , we

      The Prthem Stab Satsjkday.Jsjivas 23,Is49.

      THE PRTHEM STAB SATSJKDAY . JSJiVaS 23 , IS 49 .

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      JgNE 33 , 1849 . 4 THE NORTHERN STAR / ^ = —^ rr ^^ f / ofl

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 23, 1849, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1527/page/4/