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    TflE FARMERS I * T > iGRICULTUKE . _ ( From the Weekly DU p ^ uK ) 8 ui £ f n ^ - « ° - haTe reived on the iSlS sSsaa ^ asasjwaS SSifWffKt ^ aS leo » S ^ esS 1 ?? avo , cations , of Tvhich itwill De our duty to avail ourselves . "In many Darts " Je . observed "^ here I haTe tnvveS rSV ? £ vo w f 0 r , ? ° P ° se of emigrating ; and SfA assured that at Mchaelmls next this THE FiPirrTT" TVri i rmHri . .. -

    ^ c ^ e toafe . rful e ^ nrB . ore ^ Tbntt en bullions of acres of Traste lauds in the United Kin ? ffc 5 a- the loxrest estimate ironld be to say tiiat this quantity might be brought into proBtable cultivation » « The % oU ( of the ° Crown IS ) £ S ^ fe " m 0 St i * , forcsfe V as is seen by the fine pasturage and yould amply repay ^ cuftiva _ swV t ; t . ^ ^ aFactical agriculturist , a short time ago made an otferto take any quantity ^ t ? of §^ - ^ ° D asixtyyears' l < Leat tbf tw « ^^ "i ?* ? - ^ e-dearthe land , give &em their timber , build his farm-house , &c . But So- " m Wer TO J ' , * i heycould not Certain the S « , * «™ i ^ »«? ^ t the costs of management £ r 2 S ? JIT 11 LtUld - - ? bsorl > more tBan * 1 » ^ lote returns , that a practical surveyor hears testimony £ * ftfWyi and that a farmer puts the matter to the test by offering a rent equal to £ 50000 a-

    , Je ? £ , CTen lmder the Present depressed state of api culture , and the prospect of open ports , and laW importe , it is demonstrated that the disforesting 1 > f these lands could not fell to fill the public ° excnequer , to relieve the pressure of the rates , to afford profitable employment for at least 30 , 000 labourers and supportto 150 , 000 subjects of the Queen , andso increase the productiveness of the country that our abundance might render foreign importations superauous , andbrmg new profitable customers to the nome-trade , ivho , dependant ontlic parish pav-table cannot at present affordagown or apair of breeches -Look at their eager ( pursuit of land under diffieulties . " "Where I ain at present engaged"

    conti-, nues the land surveyor , " many of the cottagers Lave enclosed little slips on the road-side , some a rood , others half an acre . Many of the pieces -were so barren that the landlord would never dream of addingthem to the adjoining fields ; hut these poor men had gladly . availed themselves of the privilege given theni to enclose , and with perseverance and xintinng Industry have they made these little slips snore productive titan the adjoining lands and tin ' s ¦ will make an addition to one estate of about fifty acres in a very few years . Again , in the moors , the small farmers having , from year to year , enclosed field after field , paying a small rent at first , cave more than doubled the size of the farms inn

    few years . One estate , more than half moors , is now nearly all converted into productive farms . " He-who runs may read . ' Here is practical , professional , chapter-and-verse corroboration of what we have often said , ihat a poor man by Ms spade will fertilise a mere drifting sand or waste heath , without any capital but his spade and labour , and gladly avail himself of the privilege . 3 fay , Mr . Blacker tells of men , ay , and Irishmen , too , who will wheel up a little soil to cover a bare rock , and cultivate it , and make the profit repay thetoiL Tlie curious Mve only to goto Woking Common , or the vicinity of "Weybrid ge , to see garden after garden made out ofthe merest sand ; or , nearer still , let them tike rail or omnibus to Ilounslow , and there they will see what was , within thirtv years , » bleak and

    hnrren heath , infested with footpads , cultivated , the ¦ worst of it , so as to afford a rent of £ -3 per acre as open field , and producingin its gardens the best vegetables and finest fruits in Middlesex . This pays , because It h .- ^ s been do ne , and ample profits yearly returned to those who had the enterprise to undertake the speculation : The division of tlie country into parishes renders the reclamation of ¦ waste lands comparatively easy . Each of them includes uncultivated , but improveable soil , to a greater or less extent—the parish authorities : ue there to superintend the operation—the parish Kites are there to be applied to the means of making the labourers Independent- Parmexs will grumble , with , short-sighted unreasonableness , at the extension of such privileges to the landless tillers of the land . The duke of fforffiwnberland was

    compelled to abandon the letting of small holdings , on the representation of his large tenants , that these little farms took labour out o f the market , and made ploughmen saucy . 1 M tlie very case to be made out in their favour is , that they diminish the competition in the labour market , raise traces , and Keep down poor rates . The ianners should ratlier loin with us in calling upon the government and the landowners to throw open the forests and wastes to the enterprise and capital of the tenantry . One of the chief evils of tlie large farm system has been , that bv throwing two farms into one , one of the two occupiers has fieen dispossessed , and has had no remedv but , wherever he siw a farm vacant , to

    compete with others for it , and raise rents to a minous decree . TLe reclamation of 15 , 000 , 000 of -waste acres would make 150 , 000 farms of 100 acres each , or say 75 , 000 of 200 acres . There would be far more farms to let than tenants to occupy them , and the necessary result would be the reduction of rents , and such * a competition for labourers as ¦ would merge rates altogether in living wages . Xet us begin with the royal forests . We have it on unimpeachable professional testimony , that they are fertile even in their wild state—they are mostly situated in the finest parts of England , surrounded tv population and in the midst of customers . The "New forest contains 60 , 000 acres , ample enough

    to provide farms , of the thriving Belgian size , for 6 , 000 families , or 30 , 000 individuals , and to produce , toy spade husbandly , 330 , 060 quarters of heavy -wheat every year . Dean Forest contains 11 , 000 acres , "VVhittlcwood and Whichwood S . 209 , Waltham Torest 12 , 000 , Hainault aud Eppiug G , 000 more—in all ll « 3 , 000 acres of good land in the heart of England . Then there is Sherwood , and the Royal parks , and enormous quantities and patches all ovc-r Ensland , Scotland , and Ireland , includiug 330 manors and land of the Crown proper , and the masses of soil included in the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall . "VVe talk of the evil of depending on for

    of reclaimable Grown Xand , -which might produce 1 , 000 , 000 quarters of wheat , and have to support 3 , 500 , 000 paupers , at a cost of . £ 3 , 000 . 000 , for whom we declare our inability to find employment ! Put we need not Stop there . 31 r . Martin , the late member for Gal-% vay , has left 200 , 000 acres of land in Ireland . It wall scarcely be credited , but it is nevertheless the feet , that this estate may be purchased for something under £ 400 , 000 , less than £ 2 per acre , the upset price for land in 2 \ ew Zealand and Australia ! A sixteenth part of our annual poor rates would purchase the whole of it . On the Queen ' s letter we collected by voluntary subscription for the distressed Irish £ 633 , 000 , a sum that would have purchased the whole estate in fee simple , an < lleft ^ 2-33 , 000 over

    for reclaiming it . At a cost of £ 8 , 000 , 000 paid out of our failing revenues we fed 3 , 000 , 000 of destitute Irish , and here is an estate to be had in fee simple for less money than Irish cottiers pay annually in Tent for worse soil . A cabin may be built for about £ 10 ; five acres of land may be had in fee simple for £ 10 more , and for £ 20 , " eonsequently , a family of five may be set up for life , who , at a moderate estimate o * f one shilling a head per week , are mnintaincd in the -workhouse at an annual cost of * 13 . Is not Oils absolutely scandalous ? Does it not cry shame not merely on our hearts , but npon our intellects ? Is it not , in the language of Fouche , " worse than a crime-is it not a blunder ? " That we arc comin" to our senses-we should fam hope from the follow ?** announcement in the Mnstcr Express :-the celebrated

    We have heard thafcJEarl Dueie , agricultural experimentalist , and proprietor of the example farm at Tortworth , Gloucestershire , has entered into a coalition with several active and intelliff entmeninLonaonforthe purposeofraisingajointstock company to purchase the ' Martm Estate , of 200 000 acres , situate in Galway . We sincerely iope that the plan will be persevered in . Should a company be formed for the purpose , there is no doubtthat theywillmeetwithmanycircumstancesto d iscoura ^ ethen-exertions . Intheforeniostrant , perhans ofsuch evils , theywillfindwhateverremnantoi * e 2 antry may await them , prostrated to a very low grade of jnoral depmity by years of ^ V « ; ianagement , and injustice ; hut they must not Am ^ nn the ir exDeriment for this reason . l « t

    them "o on , and show the peasantry that they mil h ave rfcht , and do right . " must , however , entreat Lord Ducie not to lose this golden opportunity Af enforcing reforms which are indispensable to the Access of such an undertaking . Let him not stir SSSratn he has procured an Ace of Parliament dSSff the title tO this property to be freehold ^ ilS »^« i mmm » rate

    scamps , w ~ „ a-n-Hdtion of the poor over SWSgS&SSSSSS :

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    not to have too many small holdings together . Society mast be officered . For the benefit of the Irish as well as the advantage of the country , we would advise him to encourage the emigration of the existing occupiers as much as possible . The experiment will have a better chance of success if the estate is peopled to a great extent from England , in place of an unhappy population already degraded ? oppression and pauperism . That we heartily wish Mm success , we best prove by the advice we give and the publicity we aSbrd to the undertaking .

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    MONDAY , June 11 . HOUSE OF LORDS .-Explosions ix Coai Mixes . —The Earl of St . Germass , on presenting the petition from Mr . Gurney on the explosions in coal mines , said that a great number of lives were sacrificed annually by the explosions in coal mines . In 1847 ; 623 persons , and in 1848 , 416 persons were killed , and many injured and disabled ., by explosions in coal mines . The petitioner prayed for an inquiry into the cause of these accidents . A committee at South Shields appointed to inquire into choke-damp and other damps , which caused this explosion , in ' 1845 , had stated that nothing but a perfect system of ventilation could prevent these accidents , and they considered the mode of ventilation recommended by

    Mr . Gurney by high-pressure steam the best remedy which could " be devised . Notwithstanding this recommendation nothing was done until last year . Sir II . De la Beehe and " Professor Playfair re ' eommended improved ventilation , hut did not suggest any method of effecting it . Last year a Mr . Foster tried some experiments on high-pressure steam at the Polytechnic Institution , and , being satisfied with the * result , he was referred to Mr . Gurney , the experiment was tried at Seaton and Ela Vale Col liery by Mr . Foster , and it had there been most successful . The high pressure power had since been increased one hundred per eent . and it might

    be effected at very small cost . A few weeks ago a mine near Manchester was found to be on fire , and Mi * . Gurney being referred to by Mr . Darlington , the proprietor , as to whether the fire could be exting uished , Mr . Gurney stated that by the means of high pressure steam carbonic acid gas might be driven into the mine and the fire extinguished . The experiment had beer tried with the greatest success . It had been said that Mr . Gurney was a visionary enthusiast , and this had been told to the government , but he had long known him , and a more practical , sensible man he had never been acquainted with . All men who devoted themselves to science

    with ardour were necessarily enthusiasts . ( Hear . He had been the inventor of the Dmmmond light ; and he need not add that he had also invented the Bude light , naming it after the place where he resided in "Cornwall ; its effect was well known' and highly approved of , he believed , in the other house of parliament . He mentioned these things to show that Mr . Gurney was not merely an enthusiast . He had also invented an improvement in locomotive engines , which had increased their speed from nine miles to thirty miles per hour , and that improvement was first applied to the Liverpool and Manchester line . He begged to express a hope that the House would consider this petition , which proposed a means of preventing these frightful accidents in coal mines which were really disgraceful to tlie country . "It was an invention calculated , to efiect a great saving of life , and deserved the greatest attention . ( Hear , hear . ) .. . ' : ''' .. . Lord BROUGHAM thought this a most valuable

    invention , when it was considered that from . 700 to S 00 lives were lost by fire-damp every year , from the utter impossibility of making the workmen . use the safety lamp . lie wished his noble friend had moved for a committee of the House to inquire into the subject . ' "'"''' The Marquis of Laxshowxe thought Mr . Gurney ' s merits were unquestioned , and that they entitled him to the consideration of the country . He thought it desirable that every species of publicity should be g iven to the discovery of Mr . Gurney . Lord IVnAKXCLiFFE * thought the discovery most valuable , and he considered the time had arrived when the government should institute some system of inspection of mines . In Belgium for some years past such a system of inspection had been established ; and there had been a decrease of twenty pex * cent , perannum in the number of lives lost since such inspection had been established . " -

    E . VCCMEERED ESTATES BlLL . loM CiMMJKU moved the second reading of the Encumbered Estates ( Ireland ) Bill , and after insisting on the great importance of the measure , proceeded to explain its provisions , and to combat the objections which had been raised against them . Lord BKOUGnAM thought the bill as it stood a most extraordinary one , and suggested certain modifications in the unlimited power of sale given br it , which he thought might be introduced without cutting into the principle of the measure . The Earl of Glexgall expressed his surprise that any man could have the hardihood to propose such a measure , based as it was on the deepest principles of Communism , and involving as it did a downright confiscation of property .

    After considerable discussion in which Lord Moxteacle , the Earl of Wicklow , the Marquis of Lassdowxe , and Lord Staxlex took part , it was ultimately agreed that the bill should be referred to a scl - ct committee . Their lordships adjourned at half-past ten . HOUSE OP COMMONS . — Abmtbatio > t . —An immense number of petitions were presented by Mr . Coehex and other hon . members , in favour of the motion to be brought forward by the former hon . o-entlcman on Tuesday , for the adoption of the principle of arbitration treaties instead of war for the adjustment of international disputes . ... Coal-Mixe Vjsjciiiatios . — Mr . T . S . Duxcombe brought in his bill for regulating the ventilation of coal mines . _ ¦

    Exclusion of Strangers . —Mr . J . O'Coxnell , on Thursday next , to move that it is in accordance with the dignity ofthe House , and the spirit of the Constitution , that the publishing of their proceedin" ? , should be formally recognised , and that the standin" order prohibiting the presence of strangers be forthwith abolished , as unworthy , obsolete , and absurd . , , Aftairs or Home . —A somewhat protracted conversation at the instance of Mr . Hume ensued relative to the French intervention in the affairs of Home , the substance of Lord Palmerston ' s replies b"in" with respect to the communication'from the French wovernment previous to the expedition to Chita Tecchiabut which did not state the ulterior

    , objects in view , that the answer of tho English government was , that it was not for them to judge for the French " -overnment , but in their opinion the difficulties which had arisen between the Pope and his subiects might be- arranged by diplomatic ntervention , and that such intention ought to have for its object the bringing about an understanding ' between the Pope and his subiects , bv which the former might return to Koine , and secure to the Roman people those constitutional institutions which were granted last year , and especially a practical and real separation be-^ vcen the temporal and spmtual au hont . es of of Home

    Pome So intimation of taking possession had been " ivenby France ; and , in reply to various intimations from different quarters that the concurrence of Eng land in the proceedings about to be adopted at Cmta Tecchia would be well received , the answer of the government had been , that they declined taking any part whatever m them , seeing that , considering the geographical position . of ^ Land and the particular nature ofthe British constitution tuev did not think England had the same motives either in these respects or in a religious point of view for joining in them ; a communication to " inch effect had also been delivered to the Sfoncio . through Lord Xormanby , in Pans . Olriis 15 ibln the House of

    P ^^ -iart - Commons , Lord Pauierstox , in reply to questions , oave exp lanations of some importance respecting the course pursued by her Majesty's government in relation , to the intervention of France on the affairs ° On the order ofthe day for the third reading of ^ S w moved that the third reading be deferred for sis months . He objected to the alteration of the oath bv omitting the words " upon the true faith of a " Christian * ' when tendered to ; Jews m nrrlerto admit them into parliament ; and , laying down in the outset tho position that it was a pure fiS to » say it was incidental to a natural-born SSt'Vbirthright thatlie should be permitted to S pa ^ UamenC he argued from the his tory of the Je ^ KnisCOUutry-from their having been from STUSSt times kept separate and apart from £

    ii a tnr SOU Years and irom zneu u « yu >»**¦» Sed SO lafcTas ^ e ' reign of TOlham HI ., W SfSSmenfc as merchant strangers under protectrSt the stahis and condition of the . Jews in SS 7 ouS wereaUstinctfromthoseof British . born tins couuujr proceeded to show SffiBSp V j «* " » S the enactments of » T » twriinsMty was so much parcel ofthe statutes that Chustiann | ^ common lawthat notmng m SSSsswssapfB Ilf ^ t-rsA'Hi were eternally separated {™ m ChrisUans who I fi i fi i

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    narch , a Christian Constitution , and a Christian Parliament , the members of which hoped for salvation through the merits of One whom Jews denounced as a blasphemer and an impostor , and he could not get over this . Mr . Keogu supported the bill , which , he observed , was resisted on two general principles—first , that Jews were aliens ; second , that their admission into Parliament would unchristianise the Legislature . But if a British Jew were taken in the ranks of an enemy , he would be treated as a traitor and rebel . There was , therefore , no force in that objection ; and the other was founded upon a misapprehension ofthe term " Christian , " as applied to the Leg islature , which meant that our legislation should be based upon the maxims of Christianity—upon bro therly love , and the principle of not punishing men for conscience sake .

    Mr . JiEWDEOATEgave along exposition ofthe doctrines and tenets held by the Jews , and contended that they were incompatible with the discharge of the duties of a member of Parliament . Mr . Crowdeu said , the ground upon which he supported the bill was , that it was unjust and inconsistent with the general principles of the Constitution that any set of men should be excluded from the enjoyment of civil rights and political privileges on the mere ground of their entertaining peculiar religious opinions .

    Mr . Gorixg observed , it had been urged that Jews were excluded by accident ; but no one would contend that their admission into Parliament was ever contemplated . Our duty towards God he considered to be antecedent and paramount to tho duty towards our nei ghbour ; by removing the barrier which kept out the Jews ire should disobey God , and upon this ground he opposed the bill . Mr . Sadlbir insisted that the Jews had not been excluded by deliberate legislation ; and that if we could concede their admission without , as he believed , violating the principles of the Constitution , or . lowering the Christian character ofthe House , we were bound to confer upon the Jews the rights of British subjects , to which the majority of the people , in Ireland as well as Great Britain , was favourable . Mr . SroqxBR accepted the terms of Mr . Sadleir ' s proposition ; jt -was because he believed that the

    admission of those who treated Christianity as u fable , and our Saviour as an impostor , would lower the Christian character of the House , that he resisted it . If a Jew was conscientious , he must act upon Jewish , and not upon Christian principles , and it was by admitting such persons that this Ilouse would bo nnchristianised . lie objected to the important alteration which Lord John Russell had made in the bill , at so late a stage as the committee , by expunging the Oath of Supremacy—an alteration hardly known ; and which removed one of the safeguards ofthe Throne and an integral part of the Constitution . - ¦ . . Mr . Sheii ,, after replying to a legal objection taken by Mr . Spooner to the bill , said nothing but a clear and absolute « ccessifcy could justify exclusion from a seat in Parliament , to which he attached a great value ; but so far from that necessity being proved , the reverse hud been established .. He showed the

    anomalies to which the existing state of the law fave rise . A Jewish- sheriff might empanel a jury efore whom' a Christian might be put on'his trial for his life . A Jew could vote for the worst possible Christian member of-Parliament . When it was said that the admission of Jews would unchristianise the House , was the National Assembly of Fiance unchristianised , where Jews now sat ? Could it be supposed that if a Jew sat in that House he would abuse his privilege by the utterance of blasphemy ? Jews were good citizens and subjects ; they were

    loyal and faithful to the throne ; they were interested in the prosperity of the country in which they were born ; they were industrious , they were distinguished for their charity , and many of them were eminent for virtue . ¦ A Jew had been returned by the city of London , and could it be maintained that this was no expression of public opinion , or that a spirit of infidelity and indifference to religion pervaded this great metropolis ? The cause of Christianity and of toleration was the same ; tho victory of the one was the triumph of tho other .

    Mr . Goulhurx was prepared to resist this measure as altering the character of Parliament , and thereby affecting its influence . The question was not whether Jews ' were excluded by accident , which was a notion founded upon misapprehension , but whether upon the principles of the Constitution Jews should be excluded , and that was capable of proof by the -whole course of our legislation and by the forms of the House . Mr . Goulbum reviewed the chief arguments urged in support of the bill , and rested his opposition to it upon the ground that it would daniage the character of the Legislature , and create in the minds of a very numerous class a distrust in the deliberations of Parliament upon matters affecting reli gion , and especially ecclesiastical questions . The admission of another element into that Ilouse adverse to the Church would ffive weight to the arguments of those who desired to ~ see such subiects withdrawn from its

    cognisance . ih : Roebuck claimed for this Ilouse a right to be considered as fully competent to deal with such questions as this . It ; as recently assorted , it represented correctly the feelings and wishes ofthe country , Mr . Goulburn had no . right to appeal from its decision , which must be assumed to bo the opinion of the people of England . After reminding Mr . Goulburn that he had used the same arguments as now against the admission of 1 'toman Catholics , and had the following year changed hisopinion . he showed the futility of bis argument that a Jewish member would unchristianise the Ilouse . lie accused Mr . Xewdcgate of impeaching unjustly the honour and

    honesty ofthe Jews by reading extracts from a book lie did not understand ; whereas the necessity for this legislation arose from their tenderness of conscience and their nice sense of moral obligation . The right conferred by this bill was one to which a priori Jews were entitled , and if they were to be deprived of it , the onus was upon those who sought to deprive them . The only grounds were , that the House would be unchristianised , the flimsiness ol which he had shown , and that Jews were aliens , which was equally untenable . The principle at the bottom of this bill was that of religions liberty ; that was the principle which had recommended it to this lloiise and out of doors , and upon which he supported it .

    Mr . Nafikr said the question was whether Christianity was the basis of our Constitution , and if it was , men who repudiated Christianity could not be qualified to be members of our Legislature . He showed the inconsistencies involved in the omission of the Oath of Supremacy , whilst the words " upon the true faith of a Christian" were retained in the mutilated oath . Mr . Wood hailed this bill as a measure by which the last badge of the anti-Christian and persecuting spirit was parted with , and it was as a Christian no less than as a politician that he gave it his support . Mr . Piumptre denied that the people of this country were favourable to the measure ; on the contrary , he asserted that the most reflecting portion

    were deeply opposed to it , and he protested against the bill as repugnant to the religious feelings of the people . Lord J . Russell replied to the argument of Mr . Goulburn , that Roman Catholics would avail themselves of the bill by taking an oath to which they had no objection , instead of that prescribed to Roman Catholics . He could not believe they would do so , and subject themselves to penalties ; but if any did , men guilty of such equivocation could be bound by no oath at all . Lord John then noticed briefly the chief arguments used against the bill , which , lie observed , aiSeret ] but little from those which had been urged on former occasions , and he adopted the view taken br Mr . Roebuck , that this was regarded by the electors of London as a question of religious liberty , and he believed the characthat

    ter of the country was involved in making liberty full and secure . The House then divided , and the numbers were—For the third reading 272 Against it 20 G Majority for third reading CO The diminished majority excited much cheering . The bill then passed . The Stock-in-Trade . Sites for Schools , Collection of Rates ( Dublin ) and the Xewgate Gaol ( Dublin ) Bills , were read a second time , and the County Cess ( Ireland ) Bill was committed . Sir It . Inolis's motion for calling the attention of the House to the American expedition in search of Sir John Franklin was read from the chair , but as no proceding was had upon it , it must bo presumed to be postponed .

    The SouciTOR-GENERAt obtained leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the abandonment of railways , and the dissolution of railway companies , in certain

    eases . The Palace Court . —Lord D . Stuart moved for leave to bring in a bill for giving a person sued in the Palace Court , Westminster , a right of election to be sued in the County Court of the district in which he resided . The evils of the Palace Court were so notorious that it would be unnecessary lor him to make more than a few observations in order to point them out to the Ilouse . He hoped it was not the intention ef her Majesty ' s government to offer any opposition to the motion . If there were onvffi-eater benefit than another which a

    governl l ment could confer upon the inhabitants oi a country it was that of bringing cheap justice home to every man's door . Now , the Palace Court prevented that from being done . It exposed those who were engaged in litigation to enormous and most isastrous consequences . The fees which were charged in that court were ten times as largo as thnsl charged in any other of the courts that took coSzance of similar causes . The consequence was , that being a court for adjudication of cases in which the demands were of small amount , those Setched p ersons who were dragged into it were ftSrtly reduced to absolute rum . Ifc was quite enoSfor a plaintiff to bring to cause into . tue

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    Palace Court to insure to himself a verdict . The defendant had onl y to consent at once to what was demanded of him ; because it was notorious that the verdict was always in favour ofthe plaintiff . So much was this known to be the case , that the court was commonly called " The Plaintiffs' Court . " The public had been made fainili . iv with the case of the celebrated writer Jacob Omnium , who in a case with a horse-dealer involving a sum of only £ 2 17 s . had to pay a bill of costs amounting to £ 21 . lie would ask if this was not oppression that demanded instant redress ? In the Palace Court a person was not at liberty to choose his own attorney , but must employ one of a few enjoying a monopoly of tho business ofthe court ; and there could be little doubt that tho attornies enjoying this monopoly paid others in the shape of agency to induce suitors to bring cases into that court . In the County Courts

    the process was simple , and the costs small ; and he therefore thought liberty should be given to persons sued in-tho Palace Court to transfer their cases to the County Courts . ( Hoar . ) . Tho Attorney-General did not deny the grievance of which the noble lord complained ; but there were difficulties in the way of a settlement . There were six attornies , four counsel , a judge , and sundry officers : ivho had purchased their places at a considerable price , and to whom compensation , in the event of the court being abolished , would require to be given . lie had had the circumstances connected with this court under consideration , and it was his intention to brjng in a bill to meet the exigencies of the case , but hitherto ho had not found time or opportunity to do so . The best course would be to abolish the court . That was the object he had in view , but ho had not yet boon nblo to ovorcomo tho difficulties that lay in the way . .

    Mr . Osborne contended that , the attorneys and other persons connected with this court had already received compensation under the 7 th and 8 th of Victoria , some of them to an amount much greater than the sum they had paid for their places . The court was altogether illegal and unconstitutional , having been established only by letters patent issued iii the veign of Charles II ., and ho thought that instead of proceeding by bill to abolish the court it would be better to recall the letters patent ; but in either case he was opposed to further compensation . ' The Attorney-General said , the passing ofthe act just referred to had increased and aggravated the difficulties attending compensation , rather than removed them . \

    Mr . Reynolds hoped tbafc the House would not only abolish the Palace Court , but also its sister , the Record Court of Dublin , and give no compensation . ' After a short , conversation , leave was given to bring in the bill . : .- ¦¦ ¦ . The House adjourned at a quarter past twelve .

    TUESDAY , June 12 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —Ai-FAins of Romk . — The French" Expedition . —Lord Beauiiont rose to put a question to the government , and when their lordshipsi ' considered ' the subject they would not be surprised tliafc , he did so without formal notice Their lordships must be aware of the extraordinary proceedings which bad " tnatked the , progress of the French expedition since they landfd at ' Civita Vecchia , nor could they be misinformed as to the unfortunate results which had been the consequence of it . . It would appeal ") from , the " message of the President of Franc * ¦ , that this country had approved of the proceedings of the government of France as to its foreign relations . In consequence of such an

    assertion , it was the duty of their , lordships to inquire how far the government were in anyway implicated , either by approval or suggestim , in tho extraordinary conduct of the French . If they looked to the various , despatches and proclamations made by the commander of the expedition and the diplomatic agents , they would , be totally at a loss to conceive either the object of the expedition , or the principlts on which tlie proceeding hud been condii- ted . At one period it was imt . forward with the professed purpose of protecting the liberties of the Kqman pe . > ple , an < l preventing the invasion of their territory by a foreign . power ; aud at the same period it was announced that it was for the purpose of restoring

    the fugitive pontiff to his throne , aud establishing in the centre of Italy the influence of France . The proceedings , however , had been contrary to all these objects , the consequence of this friendly intervention of France bad been , first , to allow the Anstriuis to bombard Biilogna during eight days ; to advance that bombardment to Ancona , which he believed was nowgoii )! : on ; and to destroy with the friendly and fraternal hand of the republic of' Prance the very capital itself " . ( Hear , hear . J Surely sucb brotherly love had never been shown since the clays of Cain and Abel .. ( "Hear , hear , " and a laugh . ) The question which he wished to put was , whether since tlie binding of the French expedition at Civita Vecchia there hud been anv communication made to her

    Majesty ' s government on the part of I ranee , of her subsequent objects and intentions wi-li regard to that expedition ? 2 ndly . Whether there had been any advice asked from , " or given by , this . country to France , with regard to the ultimate object of that expedition ? And lastly , whether her Majesty ' s government were able to state the ulterior object which France had in view with regard to the future settlement of the Roman States ? ( Hear , hear . ) The Marquis of Lansdownh replied that he was not called upon to explain the motives \ vh ch had influenced the French government to send an expedition to Italy . All he deemed it neces . iry to state

    wa-3 that the government , though aware ef the intention to send that expedition , had been no party to it , and tliat it . had been undertaken by tlie French government entirely on its own responsibility . The Earl of Aberdeen ' , considering the entente cordiale which existed between the t ' . vo governments , could scarcely believe that the French Cabiuet had not explained its views . If the diplomatic correspondence from Paris ware laid before the . House , it would ptrhpps throw a light upon the subject . After some further discussson , the matter dropped . Navigation Laws . —The Marquis of Lamsdowne moved that the Navigation Bill be read a third

    time . The Earl of Eixenborough opposed the motion , considering the measure as fraught with danger to lie country , and proceeded to express his regret at the motives which had influenced many noble lords to uive their support to the bill ; to point out various steps which were necessary for improving the mercantile marine : and concluded by stiting that the existing navigation system was iin heritaiice handed down from their forefirhers , which the country was now ca led upon to sell for a mess of pottage . Their forefathers did not mind paying something for maintaining the naval supremacy , but he was disgusted with the feeling which dictated tlie _ present measure , which went to sacrifice tha . bsst interests ofthe country , to a sordid , a Califorman principle , and which he was convinced on its coming into operation must prove deeply detrimental to the security ofthe empire . -

    Earl Granville replied to the arguments of the previous speaker , expressing his hope that the advice tendered by the . noble earl to shipowners for the better management of their vessels would be adopted , lie believed that inculcating temperance on board ship would be highly desirable , and that the best effect would be produced on seamen , if they were atforried opportunities fov reading and mental improvement . The Karl of "Winciulsea , in a strain nf invective , opposed the bill , and read a lesson to the bishops , without whose votes , the noble earl said the bill would have been thrown out . He cautioned the right reverend body that if the period should ever arrive when questions of a secular character should

    be carried by their v-tes , then England' would join with him in t he wish to see the house of convocation restored , and the bench of bishops represented by a few chosen from among themi , who would not interfere in questions with which , with a view to the best interests of the country , ihey ought not to intermeddle * He protested against the passing of the bill , and regretted that it should be carried , in consequence of a want ' of courage on the part of some of their lordships to throw it out , because they feared that the result might be the retirement of the present government from office , as if England had sunk so low , that she was obliged to peril her

    greatness , on the ground that some parties had not the moral courage to vote as they wished , and then to appeal to the feelings of the country . Earl Talboi objected to the bill , because no steps were taken by it to secure the future manning of the royal navy ; because it was about to be carried against the feelings of the mercantile and maritime population ; and , lastly , because he trembled for the sa ely of the colonies should it become law . Lord Stanl ey again relinquished his opposition , throwing upon the government the entire and exclusive responsibility of the measure , stating that he should satisfy his conscience by saying " non

    content" , After a speech from Lord Brougham , and another from the Marquis of Lansdowne , the question "that tho bill bo now read a third time" was then put from tho woolsack—the response of " non-content " was generally and emphatically given by _ the peers on the opposition benches , but no division was taken , and the bill was read a third time—the majority of tho opposition members leaving the Ilouse in a body immediately after . On the question that the bill do pass , a clause by way of rider was then proposed by the Bishop of Oxford , tho effect of which was to exclude the Brazils , in consequence ofthe groat encouragement given to the slave trade by that country , . from any participation in the benefits of that measure . After considerable discussion , in -which Lord Roden , Lord Denman , and the Marquis of Lanbdowne took part , the clause was rejected on a division , in which the numbers were-U

    Fortheclause ... 9 Against it ... ... ... ... 23 : Majority ... , —1 /' . The . bill was then passed , and their lordships adjourn t ft ' / ¦

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    HOUSE OF COMMONS . —TnE PEOPLE'S CHARTER . —Mr . Fearqus O'Connor gave notice that he would , on tho 3 rd of July , bring forward the motion respecting the Charter of which he gave notice at an early period of the session . The House of Commons . —JIv . Packe . on tho 21 st of June , to bring forward the motion of which he gave notice , for an address to her Majesty on the subject of the ill accommodation afforded by the present House of Commons , and with a view of expediting the new House . The " State of me A atjo . v . —Mr . Disimeli , on Tuesday , 2 Cth of Juno , to move that the House resolve itself into committee of the whole Ilouse , to tako into consideration the state of the nation . The Elective Fraxchise . —Sir De L . Evass , on an early day , to move that the elective franchise bo extended to all direct taxpayers . Mn . Ersesi Jones . —Mr . Fearous O'Connor

    begged to ask tho right lion , secretary ( Sir George Grey ) whether he had received any communication from Mr . Ernest Jones ? [ Here an honourable member , sitting behind Mr . O'Connor , actually startled the Ilouse by a horse laugh . ] Mr . O'Connor turned round to the hon . gentleman , and said that he could not understand the meaning ofthe laugh of the hon . gentleman , who mig ht , perhaps , one day , and ere long , change placcs with Mr . Jones , and then he would be horrified if a statement of his unjust treatment was met in a similar way by that House . The questions which he desired to ask the right , lion , bavonct were ; Had he received information that upon Mr . Jones refusing to pick oakum he was consigned to solitarv confinement in

    a coll six feet by four , for three days and nights , with nothing but bread and water to live uponthat being in a bad state of health the bed-clothes were removed by day , and iio was obliged to lio upon the irqn bars of his bedstead ? That he requested to petition' that' House , which the visiting magistrates most unconstitutionally refused him—a right which they had not tho power to deny ; that he requested the permission of those said justices to appeal to the judge who tried him , whether his treatment was in conformity with his sentence , a right which they also most unjustifiably

    refusedin short , that his treatment was cruel , barbarous , unconstitutional , and illegal . He was aware of the disadvantage under which any Chartist prisoner laboured when he ( Mr . O'Connor ) undertook to bring his ease before tho House : every Chartist prisoner was similarly treated in the most unconstitutional manner , and he thowght it was the duty of the hon . gentleman behind him ( Alderman Sidney ) , who was cognisant of all the foots connected with tho treatment of the Chartist prisoners confined in Xewgate , to make a true and faithful disclosure of the tyranny to which they were subjected to that Ilouse . ¦ ¦ '

    Sir G . Grey , in reply to tho hon . gentleman , begged to state that ho had received some statements from Mr . Ernest Jones , but as he had not got notice of the questions put by tho hon . gentleman , he had not had the opportunity of examining those statements so as to enable him to give an answer , and the treatment of Mr . Jones was submitted to the visiting justices . Mr . O'Connor would give the right hon . baronet notice that on Friday he would repeat the questions , and he begged to refer the right hon . baronet * to two communications received from Mr . Jones—the one ho believed dated the 7 th of May , and the other the 21 st . ¦

    Ancuc Expedition . —Sir R . Isclis called the attontion of tho House to tho conduct of tho United States in preparing . an expedition to tlie Arctic Seas to discover and relievo the missing ships and crews under tho command of Sir John . Franklin . He pronounced < i warm panegyric upon tho conduct of the American Government , and upon that of Russia , which bad taken the , same generous course . Lord Falmerston and Mr . Disraeli concurred in this panegyric . Int-ERXatioxai . Arbitration . — Mr . Cobdex then vosg to bring forward his motion for an address to the crown for treaties binding nations , in the event of future misunderstandings which could not bo arranged by amicable negotiation , to refer the dispute to arbitration . Some curiosity was exhibited to

    hear the lion , member treat a subject entirely norel to a parliamentary audience , Tlie galleries were full . There was a large number of members present , and the House was far more than usually attentive . After an allusion to a sneer from Sir . Disraeli , who , ( said Mr . Oobden ) "surpasses ill the accomplishment of sneering , " the hon . member proceeded to tako up his ground . Ho represented ( he , said ) two classes—those who objected to . all war upon principle , and that working class who objected to war as interfering with the commerce and prosperity of nations . Those classes had found a mutual ground ; and it was a ground tho House might affirm , namely , that iv ; ir was a great calamity . ( Hear , hear . ) Xo \ r , if that mis admitted , one half

    of his position was admitted , for they admitted the desirability of doing all they could to prevent recourse to war . In order to effect , that great object , all he desired was that disputed questions should be settled by arbitration . Tho principle of arbitration was no novelty . On two occasions , in 1770 and in ISl'i ; we had had recourse to the decision of commissioners in regard to disputes with the United States . Four commissioners were then appointed , two on each side , and those commissioners were to agree unanimously upon an arbitrator , or to select oho by ballot . Those arbitrations hail not been unsuccessful . But it would bo said that such a treaty as lie proposed would be a piece of waste paper , lie might almost answer that by inquiring then , what was the use of any treaty ? But such a treaty was , surely , quite as likely to be observed as any other

    treaty . If it was broken , with what a badge of infamy would tlie nation that broke it unVold the banners of its warriors . ( Hear , hear . ) It would possibly be said , also , that the interests of England were too large to be left to individual commissioners . That was an assumption that the ground of our quarrels involved the fate of the empire . But it whs not so . Generally our quarrels arose from such miserable trifles that their orig in was not traceable . Commissioners , however , had more than once been appointed , with full powers to represent the national interests . Lord Castlereagli was sent to Vienna , Lord Ashburton to Washington , as arbitrators , to conclude negotiations and ~ to avert war . During the last fifty years , commissioners had been employed to adjust disputes between nations , and in no instance had such arbitration led to war . There

    was , therefore , nothing visionary , nothing even novel , in his plan ; nor could there be any difficulty in the details of a mode of procedure which was habitual in private life . He then anticipated objections to his plan . If the treaties were not abided by , ifc would bo said , war must follow ; but that was an objection to all treaties , and we should in such a case have this advantage—that the recusant party would engage in war with the brand of infamy before the world . Then it might be said the interests of England could not be intrusted to individuals ; but this assumed that such disputes involved great imperial interests ; whereas -wars generally originated in trifles . Then lie mig ht be told that this country was now carrying out a peaceable policy ,

    and tliat tho plan was unnecessary ; but Mr . Cobden appealed to tho increase in our military and naval expenditure and the accumulation of stores , as incongruous with the notion that a pacific policy was expected to continue . Again , he might be told that his plan would not suit all cases ; but in any case arbitration was more rational than a course which , as Bcntlmm said , was " mischief on tlie largest scale . " lie admitted that the awards of arbitrators could not be enforced , for he disclaimed all participation in the opinions of those who pronosed a great paramount tribunal . The worst that

    could bo said of his plan was tliafc ifc would fail in averting war ; but in that event our situation -would be no worse , and there was a chance of ibs being amended . Mr . Ewart , in a fow words , seconded the motion . Mr . B . Cochrane opposed it , taunting Mr . Cobden with the falsification of some of his most confident prognostications , and insisted upon identifying him with the Peace Society , notwithstanding- Mr . Cobdon ' s disclaimer . lie considered that this was the most inappropriate moment for such a motion , which was calculated to bring ridicule upon tho Ilouse .

    Lord' It . GROSvExon , without adopting all the views of Mr . Cobden , recollecting the success which had attended Lord llardinge ' s scheme of arbitration in checking duelling , thought that the motion , if adopted , might , by influencing public opinion , suggest some scheme by which the great evil of war might be avoided . Mr . Cobden had proposed nothing impracticable , arid if other nations found us sincere itt our abhorrence of Will ' , they might adopt the samel views , and this would load to great retrenchments . ' Mr . MACKwyoN took a similar view ofthe motion , which he thought would do infinite good , and he gave it his cordial support . Colonel Thompson was instructed to support the motion , and he did so most heartily . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ futile

    Mr . UnQunAnT opposed tho motion as utterly and absurd . . ; ' , ; Mr . IIobiiouse supported it , considering that wars had occurred through the very want of the arbitration proposed by Mr . Cobden . Nations often needed an honourable and a graceful reason for retreating from a contest . So moderate and practicable a scheme did not deserve to be treated with scorn , ridicule , and contempt . Distinguished as this country had been in war , it was the fittest to lead the way in the endeavour to establish a compact amongst nations for a better mode of accommodating differences than that of force . Lord Palmerston assured'Mr . Cobden that in opposing his motion he did not mean to treat him ; : ' or those whoso organ he was , with any thing but-the greatest possible respect . < : He agreed with him in attaching the greatest value to pence , and in enter-

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    taining the utmost horrors of war ; and ho was glad that Mr . Cobden had made his proposition , because it would convince the world of our sincere and honest desire to maintain peace . But whilst it v / as desirable to show that in England there was a fervent love of peace , there should not exist an impvcssion that the manly spirit of Englishmen was dead , and that England was not as ready as ever to repel injury and aggression , for notliing would be more dangerous tlian that an opinion should go abroad that so rooted was our aversion to war tliafc we would submit to anything to avoid it . This was an answer to tiic complaint of Mr . Cobden , against the provident precautions made against a possible war . He opposed tho motion because hn nnnsidercd

    the plan to be founded upon an erroneous principle and that it would be impracticable . ' It was based upon an analogy between private life and tlic transactions of nations ; but amongst individuals there was some legal tribunal to enforce the award , which gave effect to arbitration ; and this essential ingredient Mr . Cobden admitted was - wanting in his plan ; for he had abandoned , or not proposed , what had been believed to be a part of his scheme , namely , a great tribunal , and he proposed that the arbitrators should consist , not of States or Sovereigns , but commissioners in private life . But , if governments were asked to bind themselves to refer tneir disputes to a third party , the party must be named at the time , or when the dispute happened : the former

    course would not be agreed to , and the latter would be difficult . In the Mninc boundary question it was mosfc difficult to agree in the choice ofan arbitrator , and , when chosen , America refused to submit to his award . The plan would not only be impracticable as respected forciirn nations , but it would be dangerous fov England'to submit her rights to the final judgment of if foreign power ; and his objection was not removed by the proposal to substitute for a government , which acted in the face of the world , some irresponsible private persons . The principle ofthe plan was new , for Mr . Cobden had cited no

    cases of successful arbitration ; the cases lie had adduced were cases of mediatisn , or inapplicable to his argument . It was most desirable that whero two nations differed , they should come to an understanding to allow a friendly third party to step in , and bring them to a compromise ; and * tho present practice opened a door to this kind of mediation , which was becoming frequent . He should bo sorry to meet the motion in such a way as to appear to negative the principle upon which ifc was founded ; he would , therefore , meet it by moving the previous question , which , though not strictly applicable , was the most courteous mode of vosistmsr the

    motion . Mr . M . Gicsox undervalued the objections of Lord Palmerston , which afforded no waver to tho motion . lie had shown the imperfection of a system of arbitration , but would fig-htinn- settle disputes better ? Vattcl had recommended arbitration as consonant to reason and nature , and arbitrators would bo able to settle disputes upon the principles oi international law , and the maxims of universal justice . Mr Gibson enforced , at much length , some of the arguments employed by Mr . Cobden ; he drew some strong pictures of tlie horrors of war , and recommended the abolition of privnteuring and of prize-money . Mr . Roguugk commenced by complimenting Visfinnnf * TaJmnrston . whoso snnonh lie nln /> ivl in nH .

    * w — ' ¦ * ^* ™— — — IV ^ B * W V ¦ * 4 ^ ^ —• W ^^ J ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ M ^^ ^^ ^^ I " ^— ^^ ^* — ** vantageous contrast to that of the last speaker . But he dissented from the motion with which the noble lord had concluded . lie never knew the previous question moved except when the mover felt that he ought to be ashamed of moving it . lie asked the noble lord to consider what might bo the influence of that nisjht's debate upon Europe . If it had gone' forth tbnt , i motion of this sort had boon sanctioned by tho assembly of the British nation , would it not have been a great moral lesson to the unhappily divided nations of the world ? The noble-lord had thrown av .-ny a golden and glorious opportunity by the course which he had taken . Mr . It . M . Min . vEs observed , tliafc however the

    discussion might conclude , the great phenomenon of the evening would be the debate itself . It was a striking thing , - that amid the contentions of the wovld , the British senate should be debating the blessings of peace , and tho advantage of promoting it ; debating it , too , with an agreement as to princi p le , not less remarkable than the philosophic spirit which has characterised the discussion , lie gave his reasons for voting for the previous question , although concurring fully in the motion . Mr . " JIume congratulated Lord Palmerston on his avowal ofthe character of a peace-maker . It would correct a very different impression that previiled respecting him abroad . He regretted , however , tliat the iToblo lord had not ; ifc oucc assented to tho

    motion . It would have airorded an incentive to peace abroad , and an assurance of economy and prosperity at honiQ , Even as it was ho hoped wo should hear no more of estimates for additional ordnance stores , or for fortifying the coasts of England against foreigners . Lord John- itusSEt-c thought Lord Paliiierston had not been entirely understood . They were all agreed as to the evils of war , and the desirability of referring disputes to arbitration . The present generation had referred all its perilous questions to such settlements . All governments had concurred , in doing so ; and no lesson was required from tiiat llouseor from the country on the subject . Hut this motion was to ask the Queen to ' direct tho

    Secretary for Foreign Affairs to negotiate treaties with foreign nations , binding tlie respective parties to refer their disputes to arbitrators . The government could not agree to that motion unless they were immediately ' prepared to act upon it . For his part he did not believe if they carried the motion , tliafc they would promote peace more clfcctually than they did at present . He believed there were questions ' which the force of public opinion would never permit them to refer to an arbitrator . How would it have been possible to arbitrate between tho Dutch and Louis X 1 Y . as to the invasion of Holland ? The pending question of impressment between England and America- was a question -which it would bo very dangerous to refer to arbitration , although it might he arranged by

    negotiation . Tho occupation of Algiers by the French was another question that never could * have been settled by au arbitrator . Had he given a decision that France ought to abandon Algiers , would she have withdrawn her troops from that country ? The advance of civilisation had mitigated the horrors of war , " and he saw no reason why , in its further progress and development , war might net be stigmatised generally as barbarous ; and , so far as related to the maintaining of peace by not pevtinaciously insisting upon points in which our national honour was not involved , he agreed with the spirits of the motion . Captain IIahris opposed the motion , and attributed to the mover and his party a design , which mi < jlifc be sincere , to denude the country of its defences .

    Mr . Cobden having replied , the House divided , when the previous question was carried by 17 t > against 79 . Sir Jons Hobhousk had leave to bring in a Mutiny Bill for India . The Select Committee on Ilcccivers , Courts oi Chancery and Exchequer ( Ireland ) , was nominated . The Highways ( Annual Returns ) Bill was read a third time , and passed . The House adjourned at half past twelve o ' clock

    WEDNESDAY , Jkje 13 . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —On the motion of tho Marquis of WoncEsiEn , tho Cruelty to Animals Bill , after some passing observations , was read a second time , and committed for that day week . COU . VTY-BATKS ASD EXPENDITURE BlLL . Ml' . Hum fi in moving the second reading of this bill said , he felt called upon to state its object , as an objection would , ho understood , be taken to it in limine . After the lloform Bill was carried , the power of taxation for local purposes had been taken from the self-elected bodies who previously exercised it , but the burden of the rates was ncvoi'tholoss so exceedingly great that complaint after complaint was forwarded to the Ilouse from all parts of the countiT . In 183 i

    a commission was appointed to inquire into the management of the county funds who presented a preliminary report in 1 SS 5 , and acting upon their suggestions for the most part , ho ( Air . Hume ) introduced a bill on the subject , which , however , waa rejected . Since that time , however , he had been frequently applied to with respect to that bill , and requested to introduce it again . The principle on which it was founded was , that county should be placed on the same footing as borough rates . The present bill differed from that of 1837 m so far as the latter gave the election of all the -members of the financial board to the ratepayers in the counties . The country had since been divided into districts for the management ofthe poor ; and one principal

    objection , as stated at a . meeting in Lancashire , to tho bill of 1837 having been , that great trouble would be given by requiring a new election for the purposes of the measure , he was prepared to take from the boards- ' of . guardians ' two-thirds of the county board , each poor law union in a county sending one member from ifca body to tho county board . He proposed that one-third of tlie county board should consist of magistrates . If tho bouse approved of the bill , he should move that it bo referred to a committee up-stairs . The commissioners who reported on tho subject of county-rates some years ago declared that there was no other tax of

    such magnitude laid on the subject except by representatives ; that its administration was committed to ' an irresponsible body ; and that no arrangement had been suggested for the effectual control of county expenditure which appeared so advantageous as the establishment of a permanent finance committee in each county . The House of Lords had appointed a committee on the samensubjeet , and tho evidence taken before it was even-stronger . An example was given of the increase -which haditaken place in the county-rates , from 1792 to 1832 , vthe charge for bridges having risen from , £ -12 , 000 to £ 74 , 000 ; fov gaols , from £ 5 ) 2 . 000 to £ 170 , 00 . 0 ; for expenses of prisoners , from £ 45 , 000 , to £ 127 , 000 ,. &c . ;

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    - ^ KEl 6- 1 ^ . . THE NQJRyHERN STAR , - . 1 ¦ ————i—i—— . — m ^ ii i i . —— mi . , .. . „ , „ .. „„<

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 16, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1526/page/7/