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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th March 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 5, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . xxxvm . " ^ ° ? £ are tofiass , and a small drop of ink tailing—Iflte dew—upon a thought , produces That whicli makes thousands , perhaps millions flunk . " bsbos . " OUR INDIAN EMPIRE . " "The private soldiers fight and die , to advance the wealth ana luxury of the great ; and they are called masters of the world , while they have not a foot of ground in their possession . "—TlBERICS GlUCCUCS . Brother Pboleiaiuaxs , The three columns of " guns and drums , " gore and glory , which occupied one half of the second page of last Saturday ' s Northern Star , ¦ was hut an abridgment of the revolting particulars supplied by the writers of official des-¦* JCl X A-iirLN

      patches , the Indian newspapers , and the correspondents of the London daily journals . But although an abridgment , the Northern Star ' s account was probably quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity of its readers—a curiosity which , of course , would be stimulated by the rumours noised abroad of the new dangers which threatened "oar Indian Empire . " I think I understand the anxiety my brother Prole tarians must have felt when they heard that " our Indian Empire" was in danger !!!

      " Our Indian Empire " is reported to contain upwards of six hundred and thirty thousand squake miies of land , and thereon a population of ninety-five millions ! This includes the presidencies of Bengal and Agra , Madras , and Bombay ; the province of Scinde ; the provinces conquered from the Burmese Empire — including Assam , Arracan , &c , ; Ceylon and other islands . TvTien I say that " our Indian Empire" contains the above named quantity of land and population , I speak only of tho British Paramount Possessions . I do not include the Tributary States containing land amounting to nearly four hundred and ninet y thousand square miles , and a population of upwards of thirty-two millions . If I include these tributary states , " Our Indian Empire " contains about oxe intuox ojje hundred

      A > 'D TWEATT THOUSAND SQUARE MILES , and a population ( atleast ) of oxehuatbredani ) twexty-setek MULioxs . ' ! I Certainly this is rather a large bit of ground , and " our" subjects do make a pretty big figure . Mind , this is exclusive of the Punjaub , and those lion-like fellows , the Sikhs . Why we should meddle with them and their country is not easy to explain . Believe the Times , the fault is none of ours . We have , according to that veracious journal , been " the mildest , meekest men , " in onr intercourse with the Sikhs , who , according to the same authority , have repaid us Tnth the blackest ingratitude . Ah ! niy friends ,

      if the human devils who coin lies by the column in the Times , received then * pay from Shere Sevg or Chuttuh Sejg , there would be another and a very different story told in the pages of that triply infamous journal . As I have already said , exclusive of the Punjauh , and the tributary states , " Our Indian Empire" contains more than fix hundred and thirty thousand square tailes of land . You may form some idea of this extent of territory , by nienfdly comparing it with the United Kingdom , which ( including the . adjacent isles ) , contains about one hundred and sixteen thousand square miles . That is to say " Oiir Indian Empire , " ( exclusive of the tributary states ,

      the runjaub , and Hong Kong ) , considerably exceeds jive times the extent of England , Scotland , Ireland , and the adjacent isles combined 3 MetHnks I hear some aristocrat , or aristocrat ' s lickspittle , asking if this Indian Empire is not a possessionworthdefending?—worth living for and dying for ? It may be to those who directly or indirectly gorge the plunder of that empire . But to yon , brother Proletarians , it is a matter of nerfect indifference whether Briton or Hindoo , Eussian or Sikh , rule the roast . So far as you are concerned , " Our Indian Empire" is an enormous lie . " Granted

      that that empire has been won and preserved by the Mood of your class : the winners and preservers have not enjoyed the fruits of their conquest , pisinterested conquerors ! You have plundered nations enly to lay your spoils at the feet of your masters You have seized on hundreds of thousands of square miles of territory , yet you possess not a foot of soil either in England or India , that you can call your own ! You have conquered millions upon millions of far distant tribes , only to extend the " glorious " yoke under which you sweat and starve , whilst melodiously chaunting " Britons never shall he slaves I "

      It " were long to tell and sad to trace" the progress of " our * conquests in India . Some day I may narrate the hideous tale , too little known to your class . From the beginning even to the present hour , Fraud and Force have been the instruments of " our" progress to supremacy over the native peoples of India . la 1773 a Select Committee of the House of Commons having been appointed to enquire into the state of East Indian Affairs , and ihe conduct of the several Governors of Bengal , General Buhgotse , en presenting the Committee ' s j-eport to the House , observed " That the report contained accounts of crimes shocking to human nature ; that the most infamous designs had been carried into execution l > y perfidy and murder . " He went on to show the horrible oppression which had

      been practised by Lord Ciive and others ; and charged bis said lordship with taking bribes and extorting " donations" (" over and above the enormous sums he might , with some appearance of justice , lay chum to , " ) to the amount , in English money , of two hundred and ihirtH-four tltoiisand j'pundsl General Burgotse showed the wretched situation of the East Indian princes , who held their dignities on the precarious condition of being the highest hribers . A tribe of five thousand pounds sterling was traced to a certain noble Duke , and one of double that amount was said to have been p < xketedhy that most pious of kings— George HL Between 1759 and 17 & 3 , Clive and his co-bngands gorged themselves with plunder to the amount of Deaflv Sit Ujluoks Sterum !

      Public opinion forced even the Directors to make a dean breast of the rillanous misdeeds cf their " servants , " although they took care to conceal ihtir own . In a public document issued by that precious fraternity , they acknowledged the " corruption , " " rapacity , " aiid " universal depravity " of their agents ; and added : — " "We think the vast fortunes acquired hi the inland irade Lave been Obtained by the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct that was ever known in any age or country . " If the princes were oppressed beyond endurance , you may form g ome faint idea of the wrongs of the people . Under English rule almost every article of susieuance was monopolised by the Company .

      -luce , almost the sole food of the poor , at one time * ras raised six hundred per cent . The consequence "tfas , that the unhappy natives perished by famine to the number of thousands ! Such famines have Repeatedly occurred since the foundations of " cur Indian Empire " were laid , Oae occurred only ten years ago , in 1838-39 . The Company ' s salt monopoly , existing to the present dav , is * an atrocity which cannot be too severely denounced , but which I have not space to more than allude to . The grinding land tax il another frig htful evil , and the principal cause of the retrogression of agriculture . Other monopolies and exactions combine to crush the natives to the dust ,

      and ntakfl them curse the very name of Englishman . India possesses immense , perhaps unequalled natural advantages : a -soil of "wondrous fertility , producing sometimes three , and even four crops in the year ; mi ghty rivers ; rich miues ; a land producing almost every necessary and every luxury that could be named . Yet in such a country , under British Chriftian rule , the inhabitants have perished to the number of thousands , and * tens of thousands , by famine , and pestilence engendered by famine . The English found India covered with temples , tanks , ana aqueducts , and rich to overflowing in accumulated wealth , and the choicest manufactures in gold , steel , ivory , muslin , &c ., &c . Under British

      rule one-third of the country , formerly cultivated , las become ajungle , the home of prowlin" tieers The tanks and aqueducts arc fallen to decay If the temples still retain the shadow of their former magnificence , it is because the priests—like their " caste " nearer home—look sharp after number one . The manufacturing workmen of India have been * ° wed and starved to death hy _ the competition of the manufacturing slaves of this country . How can , an Englishman reply to the taunt of l&CHEmr : — " What have you done with India , one of the finest ^ P ' res the sun has seen ? It has withered hi your ^ ds . Yon remain exterior to it : you are

      aparafi lody that will be cast off to-morrow . You found "fit marvellous country provided with commerce ^ agriculture . Yet what now remains to be ex-Wed , except opium ? " . , _ J wother Proletarians , what have you gained by ^ conquests , the plunderings , the famines , the ^^ " es , which make up the history of " Our J ^ aa Empire ? " Alas , that I should have to write tC * *^ hut Infamy ! You are more unfortunate n ^ '&e helots of Sparta , the serfs of Poland , and : ^ Pariahs of ( ancient ) Lidia . In all those counto '"> none bnt a free or nobler class was permitted aJr * » m 8 hi defence of , or for the aggiandise-[ " * of tie state . If Mots , serfs , and par iaH

      Untitled Article

      were not permitted to share the rewards of fighting » they were at any rate spared the hard knocks of war . But you , from your own ranks , man the armies and navies of the British Empire to gather spoil for others . In conquering and plundering other nations you share the infamy of your masters , but that is all your share . I beg pardon , I had almost forgot one benefit you derive from wars of aggression—increased taxation . You never win " laurels , " but you have to pay dear for them Take my advice , and for tie future ( unless you take up arms for instead of against the oppressed , ) eschew laurels , and stick to the cultivation of cabbages ! wntW -n ^ . 4 . M «~» .: xXnJ J . — -1 J . 1 . _ »_« . »»

      The almost ceaseless wars carried on in India are got up to satisfy the ambitious and avaricious lusts of English aristocrats and adventurers . The war in Afghanistan was utterl y unprovoked by the people of that country . An able and popular ruler was torn from his throne , and for some years kept a prisoner in the hands of the British , who imposed upon the Affghans a human lump of infanw under the pretext that he was "legitimate ; " but the object really sought was the division and demoralisation of the Afghans , with the view of founding on their weakness a further extension of " Ow Indian Empire . " For a time Shah Soojah was kept on his throne by British bayonets . His profligacy , his unpopularity , and the fact that he Was

      kept on his throne only by British force , was confessed by that " good old" "Church and Kin **" paper , the Standard of September 9 th , 1840 , as follows : —• ' The profligate old puppet who , by the mere force of British bayonets , now occupies the throne of Cabool , daily grows more unpopular . " But this came to an end , British brutality and insolence put the finishing stroke to the patience of the Afghans . They rose against their oppressors . They slew the wretched tool who had been imposed upon them as ruler and tyrant of their country . They made as little ceremony with " Her Majesty ' s ( most haughty ) representative . " They drove the British from their capital , and as the retreating army fled , the red right arm of vengeance followed

      on then- track , sweeping them to destruction , until there was scarcely one left to tell the horrid tale . The subsequent invasion of Afghanistan was undertaken to " avenge the insult inflicted on the flag of England . " The British took their revenge not merely hy combatting- and slaying men in arms , but also by butchering the unarmea and defenceless , not excepting women and children . Blazing cities , and fertile fields turned to desolation , attested the triumphs of the British " avengers . " The plunder they were unable to carry away they ruthlessly committed to the flames . Brother Proletarians , that is the kind of " glory" you share , as supposed participators in the ownership of " 0 » r Indian Empire . "

      When the first war with the gikhs took place our " best possible instructors , " of course , threw all the blame upon " the enemy . " But when were the weakest in the right ? I will not recount the hideous tales of battle and slaughter "which ended hi the merciless destruction of the Sikhs by British artillery , when beaten and flying they were attempting to recross the Sutlej . It was formerly an English boast that "Britons only conquered to save ; " and that the moment an enemy was beaten he was sure of the mercy of his magnanimous English victor . The waters of the Sutlej turned crimson with the blood , and choked in their course with the maagled todies of the slaughtered Sikhs , told another sort of tale !

      How the war wmch is now raging came about it is unnecessary for me to attempt to explain . Set down anything you may see in the limes or other daily papers respecting the " perfidy of the Sikhs " as so much bosh . The English have no right to he in the Punjaub ; the natives naturall y regard them as oppressors ; and it has ever been understood that a nation contending against oppression is justified in employing craft ( commonly called " policy" ) as well as force . The short and the long of the story of how and why the present war commenced is , that the Sikhs hate " us , and are determined to drive " us" back again over the Sutlej , if they can . Hitherto the war has progressed doubtfully . It is true the city of Mooltan has been captured by " our victorious arms . " Here are a few of the glorious items connected with the siege of that city : —

      On tne SOth of December the grandest occurrence of the siege took place—the Wowing up of the principal magazine in Jlooltan . The explosion was terrific . Extract from a letter -written on New Year ' s Day , nine a . m . —Several beautiful shots hare been fired . Eleven a . m . Our guns are telling splendidly upon the fort Two p . m . The fir ? in the granaries is still raging ; the mosques and tombs are falling beneath our fire . Kve p . m . Ourtoreachis fast increasing . The officers are working like horses . 300 men were lnfled by the explosion of the magazine . Jan . 3 rd This morning the plunder is being collected . A writer describing the state of Mooltan after the capture of the tovn , says : — The frightful spectacles presented by the piles of dead scattered about through the town—the shivered limbs and mangled bodies which our shells had occasioned , and the ghastly wounds of some still surviving—were awful to behold .

      " Glorious , " is ii not ? " Think how the joys of reading a gazette , Are purchased by all agonies and crimes ; And if these do not move y < ra , flon't forget Such doom nwy fee sour oionin afur tim *» . " So much for " g lory . " On the other hand , there has been something like " monkey ' s allowance " gained by " our gallant troops" on the banks of the Jhelum—of course the British claimed the " victory . " But , " it is the universal opinion , " says the Bombay Telegraph , " that two more such victories would be virtual ruin . "

      And no wonder that such is the " universal opinion" when the facts of the fight are taken into account . The British confess to the loss of nearly a hundred officers and two thousand five hundred men killed and wounded ; four guns , and six regimental colours . At the close of the battle the Sikns fired a salute as though claiming the victory ; and their claim appears to have been well-founded , seeing that the British fell back four miles from the scene of slaughter , leaving a number of their wounded on the field of battle , and the few Sikh guns which they had spiked but could not retain posses- 'L-n of . "Worse stilt for " the honour of our arms "; hi the midst of the fight a Bengal cavalry regiment , and two British corps of Dragoons , turned their hacks and fled from " the enemy . " Like the Russians at the siege of Ismail : —

      " They ran away much rather than go through Destruction ' s jaws into the devil ' s den . " Small blame to them . The English dragoons were probably not thinking of Tiberius Ghacchds , when they turned tail , but it is not unlikely that at that moment the melancholy truth he enunciated , and which I have placed at the head of this letter , flashed upon their minds , and had something to do with inspiring their resolve to " advance backwards . " The Bengal cavalry I suppose to be composed of natives of India . Pour-fifths of the entire Anglo-Indian army consist of Sepoys , that is native troops , hired and trained to fight against their own ' . countrymen , or neighbouring peoples who share , more or less , _ thoir ancient customs , institutions , &c . Just as in this country Englishmen are trained and paid

      " That daily shilling which makes warriors tough , " to kill , if ordered , their own parents , brothers , and friends , and the people of neighbouring states , who , separated merely by a big ditch , Uature proclaims our bretltren ( much more our brethren than many who are our countrymen ) . If the sepoys are not utterly devoid of common sense , they must sometimes ask themselveB why they should cut the throats of Sikhs , Afghans , Burmese , &c , for the benefit only of their own conquerors—the English oppressors of India . That is not all . The sepoys are physically not a match for such hard-hitting fellows as the Sikhs , and , therefore , often come off " second best , " a matter of no joke where those "Who fall seldom

      rise again , beine usually " deaf to time . " The matter for wonder is not that they sometimes retreat , but that they ever advance to fight for their not " very worthy and approved good masters . " Butif black and white horsemen fled , the infantry stood their ground , and , the newspapers say , won "imperishable laurels . " Of the 24 th regiment ( Imperial English Infantry ) there were 11 European officers , 4 sergeants , 1 drummer , 188 rank and file , 2 horses kUlea ; 10 European officers , 8 sergeants , 2 drummers , 256 rank and file , wounded ; 38 rank and file , missing . Total , killed , wounded , and missing : —518 . One regiment only ! But the horribly shun ( to-say nothing of the frighfully wounded ) have won " imperishable laurels I "

      ' Vain sophistry ! In them behold the tools , — The broken tools—that grants cast away i " A few more words . Sir Chables Napier has been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Indian forces ; the Government , the Parliament , and the Press combining to represent him as the best-fitted of all " our" fighting men to finish the war . According to the Times the terror of his name ( think of that !) is one of his chief qualifications . Yet these veritable •« terrorists" cry " Down with the ionnet rouge ; it it , aD emblem of terror ! " I see . " Terror " is terrible if employed against the people ' s enemies ; but terror" is glorious , if employed by our Chrii-111 hofd and extend

      SSKSi ? ' *"* " wSn ^ iMiiJP ^ ftjy wheek of fty cnariot ? When wul thy tenth « Avatar " come ? k * « SJ ™ ^ T * much more on this subject , but for the present I conclude . The foreign news of the week * very important , but want of See compels me to defer comment until next week I will merely du-ectyour special attention to the trial of the Republican chiefs at Bourgea . Barbes and his brother-heroes are at this moment doing , daring , and suffering for mankind , that which entitles them to your gratitude , and commands the hearthomage of L'AMIDXJPEUPLE March tfih , 1819 . .

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      . National Chabter Associmow . —The Executive Committee met at 144 , Hi gh Holborn , on Friday evening , March 9 th . Mr . l > ixon in the chair . Present—Messrs . Stallwood , Dixon , Clavk , and f l Grata . Several letters were read , giving a pleasing account of Mr . Kydd's tour in the Manchester district . —Mr , James Grassby was , oy a unanimous vote , added to the Executive Committee , and Mr . William Dixon , at the request of the men of Ashford , Kent , was deputed to go down to that town to deliver two lectures , in support of the Charter .

      Revival of the Metropolitan Council . —On the motion of Messrs . M'Grath and Clark , it was resolved : — " That the Executive Committee consider that the organisation of the Metropolitan Delegate Council would tend to the ^ advancement of the Democratic cause , the committee therefore request the metropolitan localities forthwith to elect two delegates to form the council , and that the first meeting should take place at the Executive rooms , on Monday evening , March 19 th , at eight o ' clock precisely , " Mr , Clark reported the petition for the " People ' s Charter , " which wa 8 ordered to appear in the Northern Star of the 17 th inst ., and which it is hoped will he adopted by every parish , hamlet , township , borough , and county in the united kingdom . The Secretary stated that in

      an interview with Mr . George Thompson , the member for the Tower Hamlets , that gentleman had promised to present their petition , adopted at Johnstreet for separation of Church and State , and to support its prayer . It was resolved to hold a series of meetings at the South London Hall , in furtherance of the Chartist cause , and the committee adjourned . Westmisstkr . —Mr . M'Grath delivered a very interesting lecture , illustrated by diagrams , on the science of astronomy , on Sunday evening last , at the room , 17 , Ryder's-court , Leicester-square , which gave general satisfaction . At the conclusion it was announced that Mr . T . Clark would lecture on the 18 th inst , on the Life of Mary Queen of Scots , and on the following Sunday on the Life and Times of Charles the First .

      Sheffield . —The members held their quarterly meeting in the Democratic Reading Room , 33 , Queen-street , on . Tuesday evening , when the < juarterly accounts were read and passed , and the following officers nominatedfor the next three months S . Jackson , Geo . Holmshaw , AY . Cavill , W . Dyson , J . Tayler , J . Mitehel , P . Golden , 0 . Booker , W . Buckley , H . Tayler , Financial Secretary ; G-. Cavill , Corresponding Secretary . Persons wishing to correspond with the Sheffield Chartists , must direct to G . Cavill , as above . It was also resolved that Mr . Thomas Cooper be invited to visit Sheffield , and deliver a lecture on behalf of the victims .

      LECTURE AT THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE . ( From the Sfancheiter Bpwtator . ) On Tuesday week Mr . S . Kydd delivered a lecture at the People ' 8 Institute Mr . "Wheeler in the chair , on " Labour and Commerce , Supply and Demand , the Ten Houvs Bill—its principle and results . " The lecturer began by observing that the history and progress of the working classes of thu country , during the last generation or two , was one ofthe most important in the annals of the world . We heard now a-days of countries being revolutionised hastily and unexpectedly ; and many writers and speakers , as well as the press , seemed to suppose that England had remained stationary while these countries had changed . But a brief review of the history of this country during the last sixty vears , would show that we also had been

      revolutionised , and not less immediately affected than any other people on the face of the globe . Seventy years ago England was chiefly dependant on agricultural resources . It is true her manufactures were considerable , and , perhaps , of as valuable a kind as those of 1849 ; but looking at England as it was then and a » it is now , and remembering that seventy years ago she exported corn and imported foreign manufactures to a considerable extent , and now knowing that , as a nation , we pride and plume ourselves on the success of the arts and sciences , and on the high state of our manufacturing skill , vre cannot help coming to the conclusion that we , as a people , have been effectually and materially revolutionised . At the first mentioned period the manufactures of England were spread over the length and breadth of the land . Evidence of this was seen in

      all the old agricultural towns ; and the extent of the agricultural and manufacturing operations of each county bore some relation to their individual wants . Machinery has changed all that . The spinning and weaving frame , the self-acting mule , and the steam-engine have completely revolutionised the old system of domestic manufactures , which have become centralised in a number of towns and districts . Manchester being the most important of these towns , and Lancashire and Yorkshire of these districts . This aggregation of masses of individuals had called the attention of the legislature to these districts , the wealth of which had rapidly

      increased . The revolution in the manufacturing operations of the country having separated them from the agricultural districts , the former had increased in population rapidly , and this population had been concentrated within a comparatively limited space ; while the agricultural districts continued thinly populated , and their population was scattered over a larger surface . The lecturer read the advertisement inserted in a Macclesfield paper in 1825 , wanting 5 , 000 persons from seven to twenty years of age , to enable the silk manufacturers to conduct their operations . This letter was referred to by Mr . Huskission in his speech in the House of Commons . This was one of those facts which wero

      valuable ; as affording us the means of understanding what we had to complain of , and what was sometimes called " surplus population . " Between 1811 and 1841 , the commercial and manufacturing population had increased id $ per cent ., while , duringthe same time , the number of men employed in agriculture had decreased 287 , 000 . The statements in Mr . Huskisson ' s speech wero indicative of the very year in which we now live . It shows that the regular system of the manufacturing system was to draft off the people from the agricultural districts . These same years have also changed the internal relation * ship as between the agricultural and manufacturing population , in nearly all the states of Europe , ag well as in the Iforth American states . English machinery goes into all those states , and English workmen with that machinery . That revolution

      had given an undue influence to capital overlabour , while the competition of foreign markets had increased , the result of which was that the foreign manufacturers , like tha English , were desirous of keeping the market by cheapening labour . This , of course , was the reason why they preferred long hours in factories , and also the labour of women and young persons to that of male adults . The struggles on the part of the manufacturing population for the Ten Hours Bill , were only a declaration on the part of the factory operatives , that they were slaves , bound body and soul ; they called on the legislature to protect their wives and , children from the growing tyranny of the capitalist . The envnlnvment of women and children in factories was

      a disturbance of the relation between father and child . The reports of the factory inspectors show that the whole theory and practice of the system of employing women and children was to reduce the value of adult labour , by bringing against it that cheaper labour . Mr . J . G . Marshall , manufacturer of Leeds , had admitted the fact before a committee of the Ho \ ise of Commons . The lecturer then showed the comparatively small number of adult males employed m mills , as compared , with women and children in England and Scotland . ' The obvious tendency of the " cheapening "theory was to centralise all the work mto t \ ie hands of a few large capitalists , out of the hands of the small capitalists . In 1837 , the declared value of the cotton goods

      exported was only one-third of what it was in lol 4 ; so that it took three times the Quantity- to bring the same amount of money . The difference- of price between the two values was 36 ^ millions sterling ; and we virtually made a present of that sum to foreign countries . It was this state of things which induced factory operatives to demand the Ten Hours Bill . Because , as they say , " We are-worked to death in the good trade time , and then we are starved to death in the bad trade tune . " ( Hear , hear . ) And it was natural that some protection should be afforded to the children , if they were to have any comfort or happiness . The factory operatives did not expect to have wealth or even to make a competency , by shorter time ; but he did expect to be able to realise somewhat more of the social influences , and to cultivate the domestic ties . And

      if the young ought to he protected , whynot the adults as well ? ( Hear . ) Because , said the Morn ing Chronicle , the adults can protect themselves , while the children cannot . But a calm examination of the condition of the factory operative would show that he was in the same condition as the children . It was an admirable thing to tell the working classes , that they should be free and independent—free to work or to he idle , just as they pleased . But they all knew that a man could not live without work ; and that , in an artificial state of society , a man had no alternative but to work for the supply of his and his famil y ' s wants . After descanting upon some other topics , Mr . Kydd concluded amidst the cheers of his audience . A vote of thanks was given to the lecturer , and shortly afterwards the meeting broke up .

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      ^» . i < ^ amm Promulgation of a New Constitution . —Dissolution 0 * the Kmsmsier Diet . —The Austrian Emperor has imitated the King of Prussia . On the 7 th inst , decrees were published at Vienna , announcing a new comtitution , and the dissolution of the National Assembly at Kremsier . The new constitution , nominally ' liberal / will be found to be a mockery . « Elusion , and a snare . ' Several membew of the late Assembly have been arrested . Tww till reigns in Vienna .

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      TO THE CHARTISTS . ( Concluded from the First Puge . J . ™ " Northern . Star" was a provincial paper , I had correspondents in nearly every-large town in England , who were also agents for the sale of the "Star , " and who received from fifteen to twenty-five shillings aweek tor communicating libels and rubbish The great majority—or nearly all—of those gentlemen ran in my debt from 5 / . to 30 / . each , and when the account was sent in , the answer was , that it was incurred to uphold my difnity and to support the Chartist movement m its proper position .

      So much foreditorial magniloquence and irresponsibmty—for agents' dignity and myresponsibihty . And now to a more important part of the subject . As you are perfectly aware , I have always set my face against mixing up any other question with that of the Charter , and from the letters that I publish—and especially from that of " L'Ami du Peuple "—you will at once discover that—gloss it over as

      they may—a most insidious attempt has been made to mix up the questions of Republicanism and Forei gn Policy with that of the Charter , and , therefore , it is not an adopted principle of mine , but one that I have systematically persevered in to prevent either interested , rash , or enthusiastic parties from damaging THE QUESTION by encumbering it with other questions .

      I know , and no man knows better , from dear bought experience , how difficult it is to keep a large political party together , unless the leader of that party is prepared with some temporary juggle to fascinate the otherwise flagging mind oi' the movement party , and that is the chief , the only , credit to . which I lay claim . I have kept the one subject clearly and distinctly before you—unmixed , unmutilated , and without compromise . Now , let me remind y ou of the position of other leaders of large and influential parties . There breathes not a more honest , a more

      zealous , devoted , or energetic advocate of hie own principles than Kobeut O ^ ek . He is a man of whom posterity will write without prejudice or jealousy . He has bearded an amount of prejudice that few men would have had the courage to contend against ; and yet when the idleness of some , the rapacity of Others , and the hope of gain of others caused the failure of his social plan at Harmony , he was not , like Acteon , devoured by his own dogs , but , like many a good man , he was banished by the growling of bloodhounds , wishing to make merchandise of his system , from the land of

      his birth , But , thanks to sound English opinion , when the power of hia tormentors perished , through their own iniquity , he returned to his native shores . Although a great admirer of the indomitable courage and persevering energy of this great and good man , I never would allow the Chartist party to blend the question of Socialism with Chartism , because the Socialists themselves had mixed the social with the religious question , and I feared that the adoption of the one might taint our cause with the prejudice of the other . My courage hi advocating Chartist principles is as

      nothing compared with the courage of ROBERT Owen . He was before his time ; I was of my time , and Hunt and others had partially cleared the road for me : while he was his own pioneer and the herald , at least to the English mind , of his own repugnant doctrines . I sliau now turn for a moment to the past , and to a proud reminiscence and reconsideration of my association with the English labourers ; andl ask them—not the poor gentlemen , but the veritable workers—to point out a sentence , line , or word , in my letter of the 3 rd of March which is repugnant to or at variance

      with any sentiment I have ever expressed , or any opinion I have ever published . And I ask them to reflect upon the difficulties—nay , the dangers , against which I had to contend , from the Convention of 1839 to the present moment ; and then to point out one single act of inconsistency , notwithstanding the manifold inducements operating upon public men . When I say from 1839 , I would not confine criticism withm that period , I would extend it to the whole of life , but as that embraces the period within all men ' s recollection I mention it .

      I have often told you how easy it was to tickle the fervid imagination of brave and suffering millions with excitingappeals , which may drive the feeling , the enthusiastic , and brave to face death in any shape , while the exciter may shelter himself under the mantle of irresponsibility , and smile at the woo that he has created . What would you say of me , even you—you brave Republicans of

      Nottingham—if I appeared before an enthusiastic and excited audience in a garb descriptive of nationality and valour , and said , " When you see mo next I will come to proclaim the Charter , or this national badge shall he saturated with the blood of the martyr . " And what would you say if I did not make my appearance before the same audience , although the Charter was not proclaimed—although blood was not shed in the struggle to achieve it .

      What would you say to me now , if , in 1839 , I had appeared before you with the Cap of Liberty , and declared that I was ready to tuck up my sleeves and go at it , and if , when the struggle came , I was won est inventus ? What would you say , if , during the Lancaster trials , when rampant Toryism and Whiggism looked for a large Chartist sacrifice , I had turned a puling spooney , with my face bathed in tears , lest I should suiter the penalty consequent upon my struggle for freedom ?

      What would you say , if , upon the 9 th of April—when I was assured hy scores that I was to be shot upon the 10 th , —I had called a secret meeting of delegates , and if I had proposed to that meeting that the meeting on Kennington Common should not take place ? Oh , in such a case , how poor and pitiful are the strictures now written by enthusiastic Demo ^ Cl'afs , compared to what their denunciation , their just reviling , and reproach would then have been . The fact is , Chartists ,

      " A little learning ia a dangerous thing ;" but a good understanding , with unshaken confidence , is a powerful auxiliary . I have never deceived you , I never will deceive you . The sufferings of my famil y are a guarantee for my honour , if seventeen years' exper ience , of close watching , and malicious and interested criticism , are not sufficient . And now , mark me , the mild man wedded to principle is like the lion when roused , while the exciting writer is like the timid hare when called into action , to which his own folly may drive an enthusiastic people .

      There never lived a man who has suffered go much in the advocacy of a popular caus 0 as I have . I have done so because it is my own cause . You consigned Henry Hunt to a premature grave by your ingratitude ; younever shall inflict the same punishment upon me ; because though all Bhould desert the standard of Chartism , I will steadfastly adhere to its principles . My Nottingham friends threaten me with giving up the "Star" if so much foreign matter is excluded from it . My answer to this paltry threat is , GIVE UP THE " STAB , " as I would

      rather that the " Star published and proclaimed my own opinions with onl y one reader , than thatita circulation should he a million , if it depended upon my sycophancy and their servility . It has been my pride that for some years the " Star" has been free from all squabbles ; it is my determination that it shall remain so . In the House of Commons I voted that the prisoner , instead of the Crown , should have the last word . You have now had my accusers' indictments—not one , but three you have had the prisoner ' s defence , and there the matter snail end , beseechfaig ofyounotgyen to

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      discuss any question which may lead to local irritation and national dissent . In conclusion , I implore of you to read the one striking extract which I have selected from the Tower Hamlets' indictment , and also Mr . Duncombe ' s letter , and then read my notions oftheproperformof Government , which follows this letter ; and ask yourselves , without prejudice , whether I have been , and still am , a consistent advocate of your principles , or whether I am likely to he guilty of

      TRUCULENCY TO THE BEITISH MINISTER . Veritable Chartists ! Watch me—judge me —displace me—and appoint a leader more congenial to your feelings , if you are dissatisfied with me ; but neither thveat , insolence , nor ingratitude shall ever compel or induce me to surrender my own principles to the caprice of others . I am , and while life continues will remain , Your faithful , true , and uncompromising Friend and Representative , Fmargus O'Cowkob . P . S . —Considering the length that this letter has run to , and the amount of business that I have been obliged to perform this week , it must furnish a sufficient apology for the absence of Leaders in the present number . Next week I will make up for it . —F . O'C .

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      limbs of every slavo ; the liberty of the press , tha fi Jn i Bpeoch i' , ° fl > cedoni of opinion , and freeshZld ™™ ' -hf be I «™™ ! every mtioa should govern itself ; yOur fleets would bo turned into carrying vessels , to convey the necessarir-s of one country and to bring back the luxuries of mother j tW WLO discharged the" ? publS duties faithfully , should be paid honoui-ibly gaols , and bastiles , . and prisons , should be turned into schools , colleges , and hospitals trades should be taught without apprenticeship agriculture should be taught by practice ; education * should be received in schools and colleges upon the self-sustaining principle ; the arts and sciences would flourish ; the country would be a Paradise ; 6 ociety would be harmonised ; happiness , contentment , and plenty would reign ; the throne of supremacy would be based upon popular affection : the

      cottage-would be a sentry-box ; manufactures ivouid nourish ; trade would be prosperous ; commerce would thrive ; no National Debt should be contracted ; the medium of exchange should be simple ; plenty , comfort , and luxury would be within the reach of every industrious man , and the willing idler shouW be whipped as a criminal . No money bartering , no Stock Exchage , no profitmong-ering except upon honourable competition , and recognised speculation ; and then , if the tocsin sountied to arms , the freeman would fly to the cry of "My castle is in danger . " The voice of Knowledge would silence the cannon ' s roar ; bigotry and intolerance would flee the land ; all the best qualities oi' man would be nurtured into virtuous habits , instead of , as now , being thwarted into vices . Such is a system worth living for , and worth dying for .

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      THE NATIONAL REGISTRATION AND ELECTION COMMITTEE , TO THE ELECTORS AND NON-ELECTORS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM . Friends , — "When we talce a retrospectivo . glance at the startling and eventful scenes that have taken place since we last addressed you , we find , on looking abroad , that thrones , mitres , and crowns have crumbled and disappeared ; that kings , tyrants , and despots have tottered and fallen ; and that the ri ghts of man have been recognised—as Universal , or rather Manhood , Suffrage is now the law in

      several of the continental states . But when we look at home we ask , " What has been done to advance the great cause of universal libert y and the happiness of the human family ? " Certainly , during the Spring and Summer of last year , we had much frothy excitement ; more talk than discretion ; much noise , but no apparent progress : on the contrary , the results have been Gagging Bills-Whi g prosecutions—good and bravo patriots doomed by rampant tyranny to dungeons and to exile—the toiling masses sunk into death-lilce torpidity—the chain that binds them more closely r ivotted , and the dominant fac « tions seated more firmly in power .

      That the above is merely a faint outline of the present deplorable position of this groat and mighty empire is , alas ! too true , and the question arises , " How can this monstrous system be changed and the accumulation oi wrong and injustice be removed ; will noise , clamour , confusion , and boasting avail ? " We emphatically answer "No . " The object ^ therefore , we have in view , in now addressing you , is to recommend to your serious attention what we consider to be the only practical , legitimate and effective mode to ameliorate , the condition and effect the regeneration of the body politic .

      Every one must be cognisant of the fact , that the House of Commons , as at present constituted , is a most corrupt assembly , and , consequently , that no good can be expected from it until it is reformed . We , therefoi'e recommend you to elect and send into that House some forty or fifty consistent , discreet , incorruptible , and high-minded men , who , banded together , will , with untiring assiduity , undaunted energy , and indomitable spirit , expose the wrongs , and demand the rights of the oppressed and despised classes ,

      To you , the trading class , the distributors oi wealth , you who form the great majority of the electoral body , we appeal , to aid in tins important enterprise , because in your hauda are placed the destinies of millions ; because you have the power to destroy the present iniquitous system , and establish one on a just and secure basis . We are aware that many of you despise and treat with contempt the industrious classes , and that you cling to the aristocracy . To such , we say , be wise in time , for rest assured , thatunlessyou assist in casting off this incubus , this common enemy , they ( the

      aristocracy ) will crush you . There are others among you , who , we are convinced , sympathise with and deplore the miseries of their poorer brethren ; and that there are many who through bad trade , high rents , heavy rates and taxes , have just cause to complain of the burthens that are pressing them down ; we are aware that many of you see ruin to be inevitable ; you sec that by your vote and influence you are supporting a state of society with pomp , splendour , and extravagance on the one hand , and squalid misery and starvation on the other . You must

      be disgusted with the nefarious system , and feel ashamed that you have allowed yourselves SO long to be the subservient' tools of the aristocracy and the blind devotees of what is called Rank ; and yet you have not had the manl y courage , the firm determination , to say such a state of things shall no longer continue . We now call on you to coine boldly forward and prove your sincerity . If you desire to save yourselves from that destruction which awaits you—if you wish to see your fellow men

      better fed and clothed , we implore you to exevcis © the power yeu possess for the good of your common country . A general Election ttiji y soon arrive , and we beg to State that this Committee are resolved ( if supported with funds ) to seek out such men as above described , and , where there is any prospect of success , to bring them forward and claim your suffrages in their behalf ; and , further , we shall be obliged to those friends who will correspond with the Secretary , stating where such prospects may exist .

      To you , the rate-payers , the compound householders , and lodgers , who rent premises of the clear annual value of ten pounds , wo say , send in your claims ; get tho franchise , get political power , that mighty lever , whereby you can undermine and uproot tho tottering citadel of corruption . Let there be no delay in this great work . Now is the time to send in claims , and , as the oonoxious provisions in . the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act are ' now modified , the time for paying rates being

      extended from April to October you cannot urge this as a barrier . The last day to send in claims to the overseers is July 20 th . Should any of you feel disinclined to get the necessary forms , fill them up , &c , if you will send full particulars , that is , name and address , the nature of qualification , and the name and addresa of the orerseez' , to Mr . James Grasaby ( the secretary to this committee ) , 8 , Noah ' s Ark-court , Stangate , Lambeth ( pre-paid with stamp enclosed ) , he will attend to the same , and , if possible , get you on the register .

      To you , the unenfranchised millions , we say , do not for one moment imagine that you cannot assist . in this work , as , on the contrary , you can render great , and efficient service by supporting those—and only those^—who will stand by and see that justice is done to your order , and also by collecting funds from those friends who will help to carry out this laudable undertaking , and forwarding the same to the secretary . In conclusion , we say , let there he a cordial unanimity of sentiment , a oneness of purpose and action in this great work , and success will be the result . Claims can be procured .-and friends registered at the various , localities in town and

      country . Signed on behalf of the committee , Thos . & Dvncombb , M . F ., Freflideni Thos . Wakl ey , M . P ., vice-President Jas . Grassby , Secretary . .

      ©Tjatturt 3tttteuige«Ce.

      © tjatturt 3 tttteUige « ce .

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      4 * . FORM OF GOVERNMENT . HEPBESENTATIVE SYSTEM . Every man , of twenty-one years of ago , of sane mind , and untainted with crime , to have a vote . The kingdom to be divided into not more than four hunared electoral districts ; each district to elect one representative . _ Two representatives , returned by ihe same district , may even , with the protection of the ballot , cause an injurious coalition , \ fYri \ e the election of one would represent the majority of the people . Voting to he by ballot . Elections to be animal . The representatives to sit by day . No canvass of any kind to be allowed previous to an election . The elections to be taken in one day in places sufficiently convenient for the voters to so

      to vote , and return , in frtro hours . The candidates to send their written intentions , of offering themselves for election to the electoral district returning officer , ten clear days , at the least , before the day of nomination , and no candidate to address the electrol except on the day of nomination , and anyproved canvass of the electors , to disqualify a candidate from Offering himself . That all candidates imust have attained the age of twenty-five years , which shall be their only qualification . That the members shall be paid for their services . This , in our language , lm \\ call the House of Commons , consisting of members of not less than twenty-five years of age , and elected by a majority of the voters in each district . Tho next branch of the Legislature is the Upper House , which I will call the

      HOUSE OF ELDERS , or the Senate , if yon please . The Senate to consist of not more than one hundred and fifty members , and , in the fivst instance , to bo elected by the House of Commons by delegation from their constituents , who , at the election for representatives to the House of Commons , should also vote in . the first instance for Senators . The one hundred and fifty having the greatest number of votes to constitute that assembly . Every Senator to have attained his thirtieth year , and that to be his only qualification . One-third of the Senators—those who have the lowest number of votes—to retire each year , thus adding new blood to the Senate , no Senator being allowed to sit for more than three years , and the third being elected annually—the retiring Senators to be eligible tore-election .

      THE EXECUTIVE . I ^ Tho ^ Exec utive to consist of a council of five . All persons of thirty years of ago to be eligible . The Executive Council to be elected by the whole people . The President of the Council to be elected for life , subject to removal by the people .. The Councillor having the greatest number of votes to be the President . The Vice-President to be elected for seven years , but removable by the people for cause . The Vice-president , in case of" the death of the President , tO ' hold tho office of President until the next meeting of the Commons , when the members , by delegation from their constituents , shall elect a President . The other three Councillors to be elected for three years , hut removable by the people for

      cauee . Those three members of the Executive Council to bo eligible to be re-elected , and their election to be made by the House of Commons , by delegation from the voters . Tho appointment of judges and all officers of State to be left to the Executive Council , with responsibility to the people , and removable by the House of Commons . The magistrates to be appointed by the people ia their several districts within the electoral districts , and , at the same time that the election for representatives takes place , and due notice of the intention to oppose the election of any magistrate , or to propose substitutes , must be made in writing to the district officer fourteen days , at least , before the election .

      LOCAL GOVERNMENT . Each ^ Electoral Distri ct to appoint twel ve Justices of the Peace who shall constitute a local board for the due performance of all local business , thus destroying that system of centralisation which lias grown up in this and other countries , and leaving the assessment and levying of local taxation as well as the enforcement of education , of instruction , trade , and labour regulations , to be legislated upon by this local board ox twelve magistrates . And one half of this tribunal , added to six persons annually

      appointed , to constitute the legal tribunal before which offenders charged with the following offences should be summarily tried : —Theft , willing idleness . drunkenness , and riotous conduct or fraud . No \ v , such is a brief outline of my notion of a constitution ; and there are two points which require some explanation , —tho one is—the appointment of the President for life , —and the other isthe ; conferring upon the Executive Council the power of appointing Judges and State officers . My reason for appointing the President of the Executive Council for life is twofold .

      Firstly . To avoid those sad demoralising and injurious contests which now lead to faction fights and popular disorders in America , where the President is elected for four years—two years of which are wasted in canvass , which leads to the formation of factions and parties merely bound _ together by some ignorant cry or foolish predilection , while the subseqnent two year 3 are spent in faction fights and party squabbles between the partisans of the successful and unsuccessful candidates , and thus do we find every day in the year devoted to these useless purposes . And , in iny conscience , I believe that thie injudicious method of electing an American President will in the end lead to a National Dobt—a

      standing army—a raoneyocracy—an oligarchy and class-legislation . I would , therefore , make the President free by electing him for life , but removable on cause ; thus unfettering him from all party obligations and fears , and allowing him to develope his mind , his talent , and his feelings , unshackled by any party consideration , while the ambition of the Vice-President and Councillors to fill his place upon fair opportunity , would lead to honourable emulation and ambition in the discharge of their duties , while his tenancy for life would secure ( hint against their intrigues , and cause perfect harmony to reign , as a shrewa people would never tolerate those party squabbles or allow them to affect the deliberations of their Executive Council .

      The other point which you may suppose to require some explanation , is the appointment of Judges and State officers by the Executive Council . The | very same reason operates upon my mind in this respect which induces me to oppose the present system of electing the American President . The appointment of those officers by the Council may be looked upon as patronage , but it is more safe , as both the officers , and the party appointing them , are responsible to the people , and removable by tho people , than if the people themselves were seduced intcparty squabbles upon subjects on which they could not possibly be as good or competent judges as those to whom I submit the choice . Such is my notion of a perfect Constitution—of in the

      course , capable ^ of improvement varied details of perfect local government—but I merely propound the system that would lead to it . The Ministers of the people should be elected by the House of Commons . They should sit in the House and propound and advocate their meascres ; but neither they , nor any official receiving other wages than the salary of a representative , should vote upon any question . There should be no standing army but a National Militia ; every man should be armed , and every district should have its arsenal } eve * y man , from eighteen to thirty , should be drilled half a day in every week ; and every man , from thirty to fifty , should be drilled half a day in every month ; and there should be anElect oralDistrictinspectionupon

      one day in every year . Religion should be free . There should be no State Church establishment ; and no country should possess or hold dominion over any foreign country or in any colony separated from the territory by prescribed or natural boundary . Every three years I would have a Convocation of States , where the President of each Republic should meet in Convention , for the purpose of discussing international laws of harmonising nations , and of reciprocally conferring mutual benefits the one upon the other , and I would have some one universal langvage which all people in all States should learn . Trade should be free as the air . The Land should be subdivided to meet the wants of the people ; the wages of ihe artificial labourer would be then regulated by the standard established ia a free labour market ; the manacles should be struck off the

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      - " »«* " . ""• __ THE NORTHERN STAR . . " ' ¦ " ' —¦ ^_^ ^ iiMTIWntni- —iraiw »

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1514/page/5/