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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th March 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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    • TO THE CHARTISTS.
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      "Oneenemy can do you nisre bam than a thou gaad fiiends can do you good . "—lard Barrvmore .

      My Friexds , I always have , and always shall , submit my every act , connected with the cause of Chartism , to the most vigilant popular controlnay , if necessary , to the most malignant criticism ; as , although " one enemy can do you more harm than a thousand fiiends can do you good , " the malice of the enemy is sure to fell before the good sense of the people , as the peopla " are seldom wrong , and never very long wrong . " offer

      "With so much of a preface , I shall now a few comments upon the letter which appeared in the " Northern Star" of last week , signed by six persons , " on behalf of the Kepublicans of Jfottingham , " and my comment shall be free from all acrimony . I shall take those paragraphs upon which I intend to comment from the letter . "We tell him we have not gathered our opinions from him , and trill not hold ourselves responsible to Jam . "We tdl him we do sympathise with , the Democrats of France ; and , indeed , with suffering humanity everywhere . "

      I tell them , that I have not gathered my opinions from them , and that I "will not hold myself responsible to them , and that I , too , sympathise—and really sympathise—with the Democrats of France , and with suffering humanity everywhere ; and I tell them that the sufferings of the Democrats of France have taught me a wholesome lesson—not to trust too much in the sympathies of the living for the murdered dead . Then" suffering has taught me the necessity of taking care that the Democrats of England should not suffer an equal amount of misery t > y an equal amount of confidence in those who create it .

      "It appears to us rather strange that any man professing the opinions Mr . O'Connor professes should have * afren . ony ? y \ hec ^ nsfi we sod © Uters have thought right to ' 4 » SSfslpnt 6 voftiti 9 n of February , and do honour to the Bfihoerats of France and other countries . " I do not only profes 3 , but I hold , and am wedded to the opinions that I have supported and fearlessly advocated through the whole of my life , and I defy the critics , to point out one

      sentence , line , or word in my letter upon which they comment , reproaching , disapproving of , or hinting at disapproval of , the celebration of the Eevolution of" February . It is not eren hinted at iu my letter . "Xovr , we frequently read American papers , but cannot perceive that such is the fact ; there may be a little noise trith the free soil party , bat still the Americans are wedded to their institutions . "

      I suspect that I readmore American papers , and receive more American letters , than my ^ Notting ham fiiends—and , perhaps , they are not aware that there are novr between two an d three hundred American papers advocating the Free Soil Question , and that those papers—one and all—complain of the monopoly of land in America . While my critics designate this national feeling as a " little noise , " may I not , with equal propriety and justice , characterise then- criticism upon my sentiments as a "LITTLE NOISE ?"

      "Bat what is the use of Mr . O'Connor Warning us for holding nltra-democratic opinions and promulgating them , when he tells us that there is not a " particle of difference Jjatn-een a Republic and a Monarchj with the Charter ? " If he really thinks so , his letter of last week is a mere string Cf words without meaning , a flight of the imagination which conjured up a sort of bugbear in the shape of Republicanism . " I hare never blamed them , or any other parties , for holding ultra-Democratic principles , but what I have blamed them for is the adoption of a course which is likely to retard the accomplishment of those principles—and ,

      notwithstanding their professions ofDemoeracy I venture to assert that my principles are more Democratic than theirs . They may achieve a little convivial popularity , and a little local distinction , by the advocacy of their principles , -while my ativocswy of my own prineiplea subjects me to class reproach , to legal tyranny , and to individual insult . And yet I have never changed . And I repeat , that there would not be a particle of difference between a Monarchy and a Republic with the Charter ,

      as the power behind the throne would then be greater than the throne itself , as then the people could make and unmake , and then * every suffering , and every act of injustice to which they were subjected , would be of their own creation , and they alone would be responsible . "But he seems to he afraid of offending the middle classes ; we beg to remind *""» that the middle classes are always behind on the march for reform . When we have advanced a little further they will become Chartists , and wfll carry the Charter as they recently carried Corn Law Repeal . " ,

      My dread of the middle classes is manifest in my continuous opposition to that class , while to the subserviency of a large portion of the industrious class to the middle class , is popular suffering to be attributed . I have never in my life pandered to the middle classes , nor have I ever gone an inch with them except in the road of patronage-destroying retrenchment ; and I should like to know what the feeling of my friends and constituents would have been , if my name had T > een found in the list of the majority who voted for keeping up

      taxation to the patronage-point , instead of in the list of the minority that voted for its reduction ? And I must remind my friends , who boast of being such old and consistent politicians , that I have told the people over and over again , that Free Trade would ultimately drive the middle classes into the ranks of Chartism ; but I also told them—and now repeat it—that the very fact of advocating , or even agitating Republicanism , would scare those who would otherwise be a powerful auxiliary from our ranks .

      "There is no evidence in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter to prore that in Switzerland there is one law for the rich , and another for the poor , because one man knocked another jnan down . We fancy that in eveiy cotmtiy of the crrilised world ( Switzerland not excepted , ) there U a law to protect the rreak against the strong ;" I gave the fact that I witnessed with my own eyes in Switzerland , as one proof of my assertion ; and I gave the word ' s of my Swiss landlord as proof of the fact ; and I do not know what change my fiiends can require in the form of government , the constitution , or the laws , if in every " CIVILISED COUNTRY IN THE WORLD THE LAWS PROTECT

      THE WEAE . AGAINST THE STRONG . " Do they mean that England is not a civilised country , and that they are barbarians ? Or do they mean to say , that in England the laws do protect the weak against the strong ? If so , every Chartist , and every political offender has been legally convicted , and justly punished ; and every man "who has stolen a loaf of bread in the hope of preserving his

      family from death , has been legally , constitutionally , and justly transported . I cannot acquiesce in this doctrine of my friends , it would so entirely put you and me—and all of us—in the -wrong ; and would so completely justify every act of oppression to which we have been subjected ; and , perhaps , my friends are not aware that Switzerland is the nursery of the world for hired mercenaries , to defend , for pay , any description of government . Qmt the

      » n ^ JlbS S ^ rw ; ia people hare mr aSr ^ nd ^ ' f * , eerfal f V * S fronV & to £ 18 per acre lor janu . tt e are not aware what this " all but " means ; ^ tf "aUhut- theCuarter wouldraise tterent Of the land in this country from £ 1 an acre , to £ 3 or £ 18 an acre , we say , emphatically , from such an " aufcut" as this "Good Lord , delirer us 1 " My friends although so long enlisted in the Democratic ranks , and so ready to criticise one letter of mine , appear to have passed over many others , and in the above passage they axmear to have came to a very nighty and

      erroneous conclusion . They forget that I have always contended that the increase of population would increase the value of land ; perhaps they are not aware that Belgium , according to its extent isinuchmore densely populated than either England or Ireland , and they do not appear to * be aware that , although the Belgians do pay so much higher rent than in England or Ireland , &at in nine years , which 13 the usual tenure in that country , those paying these high rents are able to purchase their f arnis at an ° cnormous price . But , surely they

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      cannot charge me , under this head , with either folly or inconsistency , as I have shown them a thousand times over that land , which may be worth but a pound an acre in the wholesale market , would be worth thirty shillings or forty shillings , or even more , in the retail market ; but I mi ght have gone to the Channel Islands if I wished to establish a higher standard of rent , and now I shall submit the question in so simple a form that even my friends will understand it . == — cannot nil aroro mo nnHnn 41 . ! .. t i •• ¦ .

      Suppose , then , that England had a population of not more than two millions—the land , in that case—I mean to purchase it out and out—would not be worth £ 5 an acre , while if she had a population of fifty millions , the land would be worth £ 200 an acre and more , and the fifty millions with the land at that standard price , would be more prosperous , more happy , and comfortable than at the lower price with the smaller population . Men before they criticise should make themselves masters of their

      subject . The potato rot was equally as bad in Belgium as in Ireland . Potatoes there also constitute a great portion of the produce , yet the Belgians did not die in thousands , or hundreds of thousands in consequence of the calamity—and why ? Because froin th g ^ and , however hi g h lie rent , they are enabled in prosperity to lay up a sufficient store to bear temporary casualty , calamity , or adversity . "If the time intervening between the election in Ame riea of one President and another , be- ' one continuous period of turmoil , ' what turmoil would there not be in this country with annual elections for Members of Parliament . "

      Surely , no thoughtful or right-minded Chartist will require an answer to this incomprehensible folly . In the one case the election divides the whole nation into parties and factions for months—nay , years , while in the other case the contest is not national and would be over in a day . But our friends appear to be against Annual Parliaments , which I prefer to any other point of the Charter ; because , as I have often stated , short accounts make long Mends , and the master who has hired a servant for a year instead of seven , could discharge him before he had done much mischief , instead of being compelled to submit to his dictatorship and masterdom for seven years .

      " In feet , we cannot perceive the use of a President under any circumstances ; the office , in our opinions , is a relic of Monarchy—of barbarism , and will ultimately be dispensed with , ; a . President for life we consider not only useless , but a positive evil . " In the above passage iny friends have clapped the climax , and have entirely thrown overboard their laudations of the American form of government and constitution . What , then , do they mean to say that they would have no head , ho Executive Government , or what do they mean to say ? Is all to be at sixes and

      sevens ? Is every constituency to be embroiled with its representative ? Is the House of Commons and the Upper House to be divided into factions by canvassings for ministerial offices , places and patronage ? or upon whom are the duties of the Executive Government to devolve ? Now I do not think my friends have read the form of government that I proposed , and which appeared in the Northern Star of the 1 st of April , 1848 , immediately after tbe French Revolution , and therefore it shall follow this letter .

      My friends state that they are as old as 3 am , and have been as long in the cause . I will not attempt to deny this assertion , but I should wish to know if any of them have suffered as much in the cause ; if any of themhave adhered for twenty-seven years come next December to the cause , without turning to the right hand or to the left ; whether any of them have been banished then- country , been tried in England and Ireland , have lost the affection offriends , relatives , and connections , as Ihave , for my continuous advocacy of Democratic principles through evil report and good report , in the midst of most trying

      circumstances—circumstances which justified the apostacy , the delinquency , and the prostitution of thousands who advocated Democracy for no earthly purpose but that of achieving power to destroy it ? I shall be glad if my friends would point out another instance of a gentleman devoting every hour of his tune , hisintellect , and every farthing of Ms money , to the advocacy of Democratic principles . Are my fiiends aware that when the "Northern Star" was making nearly £ 13 , 000 a year profit , that every single fraction of it went to the support of the Democratic cause , besides leaving me in debt some thousands ,

      and my reward not unfrequently being insult , slander , and insolence , in exact proportion to my generosity ? But I dare say they know me well know enough to believe , that while such ingratitude to others would justify cteertion from the popular cause , that in my case it is my own cause , and no calumny or ingratitude can drive me from it . And , in concluding my reply to my Nottingham friends , let me askwhile they sympathise with the Democrats of France—how much they have contributed towards the support of the Democrats of England ?

      I now give a letter received by the Editor from the Tower Hamlets , and , as I desire neither secrecy nor misconstruction , I give it at full length . Here it is : —

      TO THE EDITOR OF TBE K 0 BTHEBN STAB . Sib , — A letter having appeared in your paper of the 3 rd ult , written by Mr . O'Connor , advocating opinions and sentiments , also recommending a certain line of policy regarding the question of Republicanism , that letter having been thoroughly debated in our locality , themembers have come to a determination to repudiate the opinions set forth and the policy recommended . Persons -were appointed to draw up this letter as an exposition of their news , in order that a proper understanding might be effected with the democratic parry , not onlv of this country , but also the democracy of France , and the world universally . Mr . O'Connor cautions the people against allowing "the apple of discord " to be thrown amongst their ranks ; but in our opinion that abortionThe

      gentleman ' s antidote will prove an entire . question as to whether Monarchical or Republican forms of government are most conducive and congenial , to the well-being of society , has rested entirely in abeyance . Our speakers and writers deemed the deep under-current of popular intelligence , opinion and sentiment , ample enough to enable the masses to make a just and wise decision , and we are not aware of any effort being put forth to " supersede the Chartist agitation , byraisingthestandardofllepubhcanism , " nnle 3 s it was by Mr . O'Connor , when that gentleman declared , in the Commons' House of Parliament , "That , should the Gagging Bill pas 3 , he would then become a Republican . " Sir , our opinion of monarchy is simply thisthat it could not exist in connexion with a free and

      enlightened people , and that grtat radical changes , such as tfie Charterproposes , would sweep away the key-stone of that mighty incubus which preys upon the vitals ofthe people , andholds back the immortal rights of man . While there is a monarchy , an ar istocracy must atao enstthouch not in name—who will wage a deadly warfare against the liberty , prosperity , and enjoyments of the millions , in their efforts to arrest the inarch of human progression . We cannot understand the right or ubhty of dnscs , unless to gradfymorbid ambition , and lust of power Nations are plunged into bloody wars , engendering hatarcd and revenge thus prerenting the universal brotherhood of the human femily . We recognise no princely or noble distinction but that beling to and springing from the

      inheong rent greatness , grandeur , and majesty of the people . There is another point in Mr . O'Connor's letter , where he speaks of the Constitution of France as " a bag of motnshine . ' Sir , vre are astounded at this assertion . The people of France possess a mighty Uver to work out those great social reforms necessary to improve and elevate their physical and moral existence : here is a great fact Trthont a particle of fiction . Borne was not built in a day , neither could the people of this or any other country achieve pohtical freeaom and social regeneration in that short space oftime transpired from the last French revolution were Chartism a mere phantom hi France it would prove the hollow

      same thing in England . The reputed leader ' s argument is downright Toryism , and direct insult to the Struggling Spirit Of libert y . Mr . O'Connor , in advocating perpetual monarchy , speaks of the election every four years , in America , of a candidate to fill the Presidential chair : he tells us there is cabal and irritation the whole of thatpfnod . Does notsuch an argument virtually repudiate one great feature of Chartism-Annual Parliaments—and confirm septennial election , as in tnat case there WOUld be threeyears' peace ? How can Mr . O'Connor , in the Commons' House of Parliament—in the &ce of inconsistency , incongruity , and strange anomaly , combat for the People's Charter ? That gentleman would ! nswered by his

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      strictures on the constitution of France and American President ' s election . An awkward position for the leader of a great and enlightened parry , which is struggling to effect radical and comprehensive changes in our form of constitution . Still , further , we have yet to learn the need of President or King . Mr . O'Connor denounces any expression of opinion or interference on behalf of foreign nations who are battling for their liberties , as giriug licence of oppression to British rulers . Did not that gentleman interfere when Poland was struck down and bleeding at the feet of Russian spoliation , rapine , and murder ? And shall we not continue the same line of action % Why cease , this duty and change our policy ? Why this truckling to the British Minister % Are not oU men brothers ; belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of kings and despots , without an expression Of Sympathy , or to hlu-l a protest at the murderers of our race ? Sigued on behalf of the Tower Hamlets' Hall locality by the Council , John Febdinand , Henry Stile , Henby Buoyd , Jas . Henby Blight , Edwaed Stokes , Kobeet Stores , RlCHABD VAWJHAST , JOHN AlXEN , William Davis , Nicholas Kibdt ,

      S . Reynolds , See . Now the first observation I shall make—and I do not do it disparagingly , as , in fact , it may bespeak my own ignorance—is , that I never heard of the name of any single individual who has signed the letter , on hehalf of the men of the locality . That I should rather rejoice in —as we want recruits just now—if the production was calculate (| , . ^ Q ^ give energy ,, to » the democratic cause . However , I shall make a few comments , with perfect temper , upon the letter . . The first sentence is highly illustrative of the position in which every Editor of the "Northern Star " has sought to place himself . It hegins thus : —

      "To the Editor ofthe AbrtftennStar . —A letter hating appeared in YOUR paper ofthe 3 rd ult , written by Mr . O'Connor . " I onl y notice this , as before I conclude , it will be my duty to comment more at length upon this part of the suhject . The reference fin this letter to " Constitutions , " "Elections for Preadent , " and " Annual Parliaments , " are answered in my reply to my Nottingham friends . There is one curious passage , however , which is not only a reply to the whole of the

      letter , hut it also furnishes—not my defence for I required none—but in the most forcible language strengthens my every position ; and , therefore , all other commentators upon my letter ofthe 3 rd of March , must erect their battery against the recruits of the Toyer Hamlets . This passage will prove how much better sensible men can write upon sensible subjects than upon moonshine , and airy and metaphysical nothings ; and now I pray the closest attention of the reader to the following paaaage—the pith , the marrow , and fee siibstance of the whole letter . Here it is : —

      " SIB , —OUR OPINION OP MONARCHY IS SIMPLY THIS , THAT IT COULD NOT EXIST IN COJTCfEXIOtf WITH A FREE AND ENLIGHTENED PEOPLE , AND THAT GltEAT RADICAL CHANGES—SUCH AS THE CHARTER PROPOSES—WOULD SWEEP A \ YAY THE KEYSTONE OP THAT MIGHTY IHCUBUS "WHICH PREYS UPON THE VITALS OP THE PEOPLE , AND HOLDS BACK THE IMMORTAL RIGHTS OF MAN . " Now , I beg of every Chartist to read the above extract , and then contrast it with my stereotyped opinions : —

      " Get the Charter , and depend upon it , that when the power behind the throne is greater than the throne itself , the large majority will establish what form of government they please , but let us not cause division in our ranks , by affrighting many from tlie advocacy of our cause , by declaring for changes to which they might be opposed . Get the Charter , and then vou will have all you want . " I shall give one more extract , It is the last passage in the letter , and bears upon the achievement ofthe Charter . It runs thus : — " Whr cease this duty and change our policy ? " Why this truckling to the British Minister ? Are not all men brothers belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by , and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of King's and despots , without an expression of sympathy , or to hurl a protest at the murderers of our race . "

      This is , doubtless , a most energetic and patriotic finale ; but to what policy do my friends refer 1 Is it to that policy which is to achieve the Charter , and thereby destroy all oppression and misrule 1 for , if so , that is my policy—while the policy I contend against , is mixing up any other question with that from the accomplishment of which they anticipate man's liberation , and the world's regeneration . "Wh y do THEY thus truckle to the British Minister ? Wh y do THEY—according to their ewn confession—attempt to strengthen his hands by arming him with strong arguments against the People's Charter—while the very manacles that I seek

      to rid myself of , when moving the Charter in the House of Commons , they would seek to impose upon me ? And one of the reasonsand the principal reason—I had for writing my letter was , to arm myself when Lord Arundel and Sukbey , Mr . Dbujimond , and Mr . Hume , flashed the Bepublican doctrines , preached in the " Star , " in my face , in the House of Commons—and the gentlemen ofthe Tower Hamlets may rest assured , that when I move the adoption of the People ' s Charter ,

      I shall be able to combat the proclaimed enthusiasm ofthe few , by the steady principle and fixed opinion of the many . I shall not shrink from the performance of my duty , but , being longer trained and better disciplined than most men in Chartist tactics , I do not wish to enter the lists under unnecessary disadvantages ; and when I make my speech upon the subject , my fiiends will he at perfect liberty to criticise it , and then they will be able to discover my truculency to the British Minister .

      Theterms"brotherhood , " "humanfamily , " " immortal liberty , " " sympathy , " and " murderers of our race , ' are very exciting , but there is something more substantial required to dry the tears of those whose protectors have suffered in the cause of Chartism , and I do not mean to deny that the Tower Hamlet district has contributed its fair share . I now submit the following letter , written in a manly , honest , and friendly tone : — Cripplegate Locality , 28 , Golden-lane , Sunday , March 4 th , 1849 .

      Sm , —I am requested , by the members of that society , to respectfully submit to your notice the following resolution , which was unanimously agreed to by the meeting at the above named place . Moved by Mr . Brown , seconded by Mr . Bentley- — "That the letter of Mr . O'Connor , in the Nobthebk Star of this week , wherein Mr . F . O'Connor has stated that he is an enemy to Republicans , has caused much surprise in our minds , and will , we have no doubt , used by the political enemies of that gentleman in thenpeculiar inasmuch that it is an established fact

      own way , that , on the passing of the Government Security Bill , Mr O'Connor declared if that un-Eng lish and unconstitutional law was carried he would then avow himself a Republican . We , therefore , hope that Mr . O'Connor wUl , with his usual candour , refer briefly to this matter m the next week ' s Stab , in order to elucidate the two P ° sition £ - the avowed Republican of 1848 , the Monarchist of 1849-at the same time we beg to inform that gentleman that we cannot too highly appreciate the noble and determined Efforts that he hai hitherto displa yed in the cause of Politiuntu

      cal Freedom , ana yet hope he will follow up the fight the battle ' s iwjn ^ J # ^^ chaiman My friends , with regard to my declaration in the House of Commons , I beg to refer you to my letter oi the 1 st of April , 1848 , as it appearedin the Star , aaidto the principles there laid down , I still adhere , as the best form of government . You ask me to elucidate my positions of 1848 and 1849 . My position iny principles and opinions , are the same in 1849 as in 1848 , without a particle of change ; and vonr hope shall be cheerfully realised , as I am determined to follow up the fight till the battle fa von , and with the assistance of men like you—who know how to appreciate a life s dfevotion to your cause—I have no doubt of ultimatesuGcesa .

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      _ I pfriturn to vt&gfe&tdres of « : L'Arai du Fe apOTi my . letter , and although the wnoflSfcof the composition is one entan ^ edi rJ ^ T ' 0 * and ? 07 IS ' f ° andfljwW , ; igita || Mi' : Republicanism , existing for the FW % the brain , I think f shall bo able'Bgtt&etoni y to unravel the- mystery , and place ^ commentator and myself in our pro-? er .,. r ^ ° ; - Evei 7 ™ an is aware of the tacihty ^ th which any . writer may dilate upon an existipg abuse , or upon a popular proposi" ^' . f ^ tne . ATWRNBy-CrENERAL accord me a hc ^ ce .. T () f ( 6 xempti 6 n . fromthe penalties ofthe Egging BUtfov ' , three months only , and I would undertake to leave Mons . "L'Ami du Penp ^ 'whoUy intl ^ shaie .

      The . wnter , in . ojae ^ pfBKi-of his letter , aB 6 ummg , to himself not ; ouly , | he . power to criticise the present , but to dive inland to divine as to the tuture , presumes that-as he gathers and culls his Democratic princi ples-or , rather , notions oi Democratic opinions—from Ghent in Belgium ? and from Chartists smarting under the oppression of Monarchial or other Oligarchical ^ ruler-presumes at the same time that my

      snj | e | f $ f knowledge , is li $ uted within the com-HlRl ^ feJ § &i $ sonie v ifootor designing knife ; " ^ anoari wish fo p-Mtof all that responsibilit y which the writer would impose upon those my teachers and instructors , I submit to you the opinions ofthe knave and fool , not from whom I wholly gathered my opinions , but by whom I am strengthened in those opinions , and you shall judge of the weight which ought to be attached to them . Here then follows the opinion of the knave and the fool : —

      " You know * T have often expressed to you my opinion on mixing up Repeal or an ? other question , V \\\\ that of the Charter , and now depend upon it that Chartist advocacy of Republicanism would raise hosts of enemies . Once establish popular control through the Charter , and it will then be the People ' s own fault if abusea continue . Errors are too often discovered when it is too late to correct them , and foolish steps are not easily retraced .

      < 'Thomas Sxingsby Doncombe . " Now , then , I am not at all ashamed of being found in unison ; of opinion with such a " knave" and such a " fool "—a knave and fool who joined our ranks , not in our Btrength , Taut in our weakness ; not to achieve power for himself , but to confer power upon the people , and who has undauntedly advocated our principlesin and out of Parliament—the man whose health has suffered , and whose life has been endangered , by unremitting devotion to the people ' s cause . Now , just read the following extract : —

      " The true Republicans of this country , whilst very properly expressing their sympathy for their Republican brethren of the Continent , quite as properlj keep their mouths shut as regards this nation . They know that' the pear is not ripe , ' they ' bide their time . '" Now , in the name of common sense , what can be more ridiculous than the above , when contrasted with the ' assurance that the Repub-Iwwva have no intention of interfering with the Chartist movement . Presuming that the writer is the ear , if not the tongue of fhe party—what are we to gather from the extract but this—namely , that the Republican

      party in this country "bides its time , " and waits till" the pear is ripe . " Does not this , of itselfj bear arrange contrast to the assurance that the question of Republicanism merely stands in abeyance until the " pear is ripe ? " and , although a pear , does it not as naturally follow that it would constitute the " apple of discord" in the democratic ranks ? But , latterly , every line oi this writer which has appeared in the " Star" so far from keeping the Chartist movement distinct , has been devoted to foreign policy , and the anticipated glovuts

      of Republicanism , and scarcely a word of enlightenment as to those social and political changes , which the writer describes as indispensable to the enlistment of public opinion on behalf of the Charter . All his theory is a laudation of Republicanism ; and , therefore , as the Star is considered the organ of popular opinion , the natural—nay , the only—inference is , that the popular mind is to be disciplined , not for the achievement ofthe PEOPLE'S CHARTER , but for the accomplishment of a Republic ; and thero is not a reader ofthe '' Northern Star '' that is not shrewd

      enough to understand with what glib facility an irresponsible writer may deal with the views of a responsible teacher ; but before I conclude I shall give you a few instances of the fact . . Now , I beg the attention of the reader to the following extract : — " Considering , therefore , that the question of king , or no king , ' is a matter of—to say tbe least—secondary

      importance , and one , moreover , the agitation of which would , at the present time , be premature , and consequently impolitic , no true Republican would have thought of raising that question at this time had Mr . O'Connor's letter not appeared . That letter containing- sentiments which I am sure a large number of my brother Chartists Idissent from , I think , as one of that number , that I am bound , as an honest man , to show wherein and why I differ from Mr . O'Connor . "

      Let me now ask , if I required any justification for my letter , whether I could furnish stronger than will he fiiund in the above ? Firstly , —It is admitted that the question of " king or no king" ia a matter of but secondary importance . Well , I thought this was the question of paramount importance ; with me , at all events , it is , as you will learn from my proposed Constitution , printed in April in last year ; and as you will also have learned , from my frequent announcements , that the league of people would become too strong for the league of kings ; but as the Charter would proclaim the will of the majority , to the choice of that majority , I would leave the form of Government , so that I think I am more essentially democratic than the

      critic . Then , again , if this question of Republicanism had not been mooted , how would the writer have known that a L ARGrE NUMBER of Chartists dissented from my views ofthe subject ? But I always have been supposed to play second fiddle to editors ofthe " Northern Star ; " and , therefore , though held responsible for every Chartist act and every Chartist word , it appears I am kept in utter ignorance of Chartist feelings , until the expression of theai leads to persecution , and then the re sponsibility of defence devolves upon me . Now , it is a very remarkable fact , that both in the House of Commons and out ofthe

      House of Commons , I have been taunted with this cry of Republicanism , and so has Mr . Duncombe bufc there is no duty more easy than that of writing enthusiastically , when it is accompanied'by perfect irresponsibility . "But I am not prepared to censure those who-believe that the shortest road to thV establishment of the Charter is through the enlightenment . of tbe people , as to the toeial value of that measure . The blunders ofthe 'Provisional Government' anil the intrigues of tlie rich would , both combined , have foiled to damage tlie glorious victory of February , provided the people had been sufficiently enlightened to have elected an honourable Assembly . Unhappily , common sense had not preceded common Sufii-age . ?

      Well , I candidly confess hhah those extracts bewilder m e . The writer , while criticising , and not in a good spirit either—as it" was merel y intended , as the grape shot which was

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      — to be followed by the chain shot— -adopts my every sentiment in those parts ef his letter which are at all reconcilable . Ae I have told you , scores of times , that the French people were not prepared for the great change , inasmuch as the free expression of opinion was not permitted , while , I have told you as often , toat the English people through free diseuasic ® , are the most enlightened people upon politics in the world ; and that , therefore , changes which have failed to produce the pro . mised : reeulte abroad , would be sure to-prodnee them at home , in consequence of popular enhghteament . I have explained to you . that in France and other countries . thet > eot > le fdm < r . _______________

      glmg tor liberty are martial people , disciplined m the art of war , and always seek change through physical Revolution , in which many ot the upper and middle class take part , in the hope of turning the change to their own advantage . There they enlist but for a certain number of years , and they learn the use of arms , while you are a clodpole race , the higher and middle class opposed to you , disunited yourselves and compelled to enlist as slaves for life ; the poor , gentlemen alone , who are too , proud to work " and too poor to live without labour , now and then enKsiingyou , each to rall y around his own hag of moonshine , while each deserter makes popular indifference a justification for his retreat .

      Not so with me , however ; I unfurl the banner , and through evil report and good report , through sunshine and shade , through eulogmm and persecution , I have never furled it , and I never will , even at the bidding of Republicans . "If Mr . O'Connor means that the first general election , under the provisions of that Constitution , is likely to eire birth to an Assembly no better than the present . I share nil anticipations ; but even that will not prove the Constitution n . bag oivftOOttshmfc . I am not at all confident that a first or even second election under the provisions ofthe Charter would produce a House of Commons containing a majority of real Reformers . "

      Here the writer confounds the form of Government with Constitution , while they have nothing whatever to do with each other ; but I should say that the writings of the critic and my writings and teachings , and all our lucubrations , were moonshine , indeed , and I should abandon the field of politics to-morrow , if I could entertain the notion , that the first or second election under the provisions of the

      Charter would not supply a Reformed House of Commons . If so , mj friends , you and I , and all of us , have been grasping after moonshine , as , rely , upon it , that what the first session did badly the second would do worse , and each , in succession , improving upon the delinquency ot its predecessors , while my hope is , that the first session would establish landmarks to the Constitution , which no subsequent gathering could destroy or remove .

      " Mr . O'Connor says that' In America there is as much class-distinction , national suffering , and popular discontent , as in any . monarchy in the world . ' There is' class-distinction , there is ' suffering , ' and there w ' discontent' in America , but certainly not so much , nor anything near so much , as in many monarchies . I believe Ireland is a monarchy ! The alleged state of society in America , used by Mr . O'Connor as an argument against Republicanism , is also made use of , by our opponents , as an argument against the Charter . Their cry is ' Look at America ! Behold the resultsp / DtelfiMal Suffrage : —slavery , ' class-distinction , ' ' suffering . ' and discontent . " But neither Chartism nor Republicanism are to be damaged by such arguments . The existence of slavery , class distinction , suffering , and discontent in America , testify to the -wickedness of the few and the ignorance of tlie many ; but the principles of Eternal Justice proclaimed iu the Declaration of Independence , are true and glorious , nevertheless . "

      Well , I am blessed with the best temper that ever man possessed , for if the above is not sufficient to make a Quaker kick his mother , I do not know what would he . Here , then , is the very pivot upon which the whole question hinges ; not only Mr . O'Connob , and other persons , but even Mons . "L'Asn " himself admits the slavery , tyranny , classdistinction , suffering , and oppression which exists in America ; but b y contrast the commentator says that they are greater in some

      Monarchies . Well , what does this all prove 1 Wh y the very fact that I hare urged—namely , that with the Charter , and the most popular political liberty—or rather representative ft-eedoin—the whole blessing that would otherwise emanate from the system is utterly destroyed by the mode of electing a President , which causes incessant dissension , inquietude aud class-cabals . Now , what can the reader think , after seventy years' experience , of a democratic writer informing us , that all American grievances are consequent upon " THE

      WICKEDNESS OF THE FEW , AND IGNORANCE OF THE MANY . " Well , then , here is a large extension of English suffering developed . In the first instance it was not to have exceeded the first or second election . But now from the American precedentindeed , I should have said , the American President—we are supplied with hope that the effect of the English Charter may be seventy years of long and continuous suffering .

      But hold ! what matters that ; why fret we ? Cannot we live upon the princip les of "Eternal Justice , proclaimed in the Delaration of Independence ? " Now , surely , that is not " moonshine : " that is " a fair day ' s wages for a fair day ' s work" —there is a g leam of hope cast upon the suffering millions , through the solar microscope of the oracle of the future . " Live horse and you'll get grass , " Chartists , wait -for seventy years , and then you shall see what you shall see .

      I quite agree that the discussion of those social benefits , likely to result from the attainment of the Charter , is not only right and constitutional , but also indispensable , and no one has gone as far as I have in showing what those social results would be , but I have never hampered them with any new form of Government , or with those vexed and irritating questions which must end in class-dissension . " Certainly no man , in the possession of his senses , will think of condemning the Swiss Confederation on the strength of Mr . O'Connor ' s striking anecdote of a lusty innkeeper cuffing a peasant , who , I suppose , was not quite so lusty . Mr . O'Connor , to have given his story the slightest weight , should have shown that there was no law in the canton to punish a man for assaulting another . "

      I must declare myself very much perplexed with those comments , but it is from the space they occupy , and not from the difficulty of answering them . I did not say that there was no law in Switzerland to punish one man for cuffing another , nor will the commentator say that there is no law in England to punish one man for cuffing another—but , as in Switzerland , so in England , there is no justice for the poor man who is cuffed by ihe rich man , and the commentator should understand the difference between justice and law .

      . " Mr , O'Connor has teen in Belgium—i hare not ; nevertheless I take exception to the very charming picture he has drawn ofthe loyalty ofthe Belgians , and their social happiness . I can assure Mr . O'Connor that a very numerous Bepublican party exists in Belgium ; indeed in Ghent --the Manchester of Belgium —the working men are , to say the least quite as much Republicans as tho working men of Manchester are Gharti 3 ts . I have reason to believe that Hie peasantry are not in favour of ltepubhcanism . Why ? Because , with the exception of the peasantry of one Other nation , they arc more priest-ridden than any other portion ofthe Catholic population of Europe , The priests keep Leopold on his tliroue . "

      TVell , your friend appears to be in very extensive communication with foreign countries , and , in his dissertation , he furnishes me with the very strongest argument in favour of the Land Plan , while he most unmercifull y cuts his own throat . The reason wh y the peasantry are satisfied , is because they can devote their free labour to agricultural pursuits ; while the allegation—^ that satisfaction with tlio present

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      form of Government is based upon priestly influence—is well answered , by the fact thafc tie mechanics , artificers , and artisans of Ghent , aie just as much subject to priestly dominion SriiS ? f f ° filSaUt 8 ; wMle ik fflustrates tho to tSw ? ' S ? S " « population to winch the Charter would lead , where each husbandman would have the fruits of his own industry , is the one thing to make all rally around any form of Government , and anv Constitution , which tho majority would accept , as the means of protecting the- ' rights of all . °

      " Mr . O'Connor seems to be unaware of the facti that hi * version of Republicanism is out of date . It was correct , perhaps sixty years since , but-tb ^ true Republicans . of the present day— the men of thefvtitri ^ aie&lMeesiSiaiim wsfi a * King , and will no more vote for one . , aianffie either . Alf Mr . O'Connor ' s reasoning , therefore , against Presidential elections every four year * , falls *) , tho ground . ?? . . ? It is almost ungenerbutf : | oi expp ' se thjt jjumbei * of fallacies contained in thi ? letter upott whiult I am commenting—bnt , ; 0 s I r ^ rjte rifor all ' classes of labour—the enlightened , Ntha . sagacious , aud the ignorant—it fieeds must be done . "We find , then , that , although the . question " of

      Republicanism has not 6 een mooted , yefc nevertheless , in the above , we are put in possession of « he fact , tfiat it is the adopted principle of fee MEN OF THE FUTURE . Now , all that I can say is , that , if the . question of the present is to be based upon the Anticipations ofthe men ofthe future , asHm no diviner , I am puzzled—the labour-that I thought we had cut out for ourseiyes ^ was to establish a present system for && : £ f # ent generation , but , if we are to do nothing frr the men of the future , and ift&emen / oMhfe'ftttuve are to do all for us then I adopt- thjo ^ fepeful motto of the hope inspiring "KAini ^ 'i ' . 'SlDE

      IB RIPE . " Let your tetf ^ ater fov it , and don't you wish you may get it ? = In conclusion , . the ¦ : >^^ p ^ j |^^ Mi that America was once a Mo ^^^ p § aEra&aaeclares its independence , tlie men ofthe future may tell us that Canada was a Monarchy . Indeed , with more truth , as Canada does possess a representative system ; but he might just as well tell us that the child was its own mother as that America was once a Monarchy . friends

      My , Ihave now commented upon the letter of the Nottingham Republicans , tho Chartist Council of the Tower Hamlets , the kind letter and resolution of the men of Cripplegate , and the very long letter of " L'Ami du Penple , " which appeared in the " Star" of last week ; and as nothing is more easy than for irresponsible persons to urge their own opinions against those of responsible persona , and as the easiest thing in tho world is to write most enthusiastic and highspirited letters upon political subjects , national grievances , and heroic performances , and although much pressed for time , I must make a few comments upon the general subject .

      The letter ofthe six gentlemen from Nottingham which appeared in the " Star" of last week , -was in possession of the Editor before it wasprinted . Iwas attheoffico between twelve andoue o ' clock on Friday morning , when It wasprinted , and yet he never showed it to me , nor did he show me or say one word about his own letter ; if he had , late as it was , and tired as I was , my defence ( or , rather , my answer ) should

      have accompanied the charge . J \ ow this comes strangel y from a professed lover of justice ; however , I rejoice to think that your confidence guarantees to me more than a week to defend myself against the most solemn charge . My letter of the 3 rd was written after considerablo reflection , based as well upon my own opinions as upon those of Mr . Dujvcombe , and I do not retract or qualif y one single word or sentence in that letter .

      Perhaps there is no instance upon record of a man and a newspaper adhering as strictly to Democratic principle , as I have through the whole of my life , and as the " Northern Star 'has from the first number to the present moment ; and no doubt you have very frequently seen a snarling cur barking at trie heels of a liighmettled horse , but always keeping out of length — -and having embarked in the cause ofDemoeracy , and having abandoned family connexion , relatives and friends , it was likel y that I also should be subject to a like annoyance .

      As you are aware , I have always courted the most strict and rigid investigation into my every act ; and you are also aware that I have gone through many trials , and come out of all unblemished , and without surrendering a particle of my principles , or in any wise sull ying your cause . Of late Ihave received many letters , assuring me that a Republican party was doing much damage to the cause of Chartism , and I considered it my duty to warn the Chartists against the trap that was being hud for them .

      Myposition as connected with the "Northern , Star , " has boen most curious as regards my editors . The first I employed , I paid him the usual salary paid to editors of provincial papers— £ 101 a year ; and I never had a more dili gent or a hotter servant . I doubled his salary—I raised it to £ 208 a year—and I never had a worse servant ; being elevated in his own estimation , he resolved upon becoming master .

      The next editor I had I raised his salary from £ 10 ^ to £ 312 a year , and he looked upon the Northern Star" as his property , aud upon me as his servant . He endeavoured to make it the organ of Socialism , and to merge the question of Chartism in that of Socialism . At present I have three editors , and write all the leading articles myself . They have all been working men , which gives me great pleasure ; and I have never from the day they entered my service to the present moment , said an angry or unkind word to one of them ; and recently I have discovered that the principal editor has become strongly imbued with foreign politics , to the ail-but exclusion of all other matter .

      Now this I do not object to , because I think every man has a perfect right to the free exercise of his own genius , and to tho free expression of his own opinion . Bub now I will give you a taste of editorial irresponsibility , and the proprietor's responsibility . Upon one occasion my first editor published a most flagrant libel upon a clergyman ; the clergyman wrote to him , assuring him of his error , and asking him to retract , but editorial dignity forbid such a compromise , and I paid over tour hundred pounds for his majesty .

      M y second editor published two libels—the one I knew was not only a libel but a falsehood , and I wrote a retractation for publication in the " Star , " but editorial dignity was roused , aud MY MASTER qualified the retractation in such a way that Chief-Justice Wilde told the jury that the qualification was rather an aggravation than a palliation of the offence , and those libels cost me nearly £ 300 . " L'Ami du Peuple" published a libel upon Mr . Fowler , which cost me over £ 100 . Now , so much for editorial spirit aud proprietors ' responsibility . It has often struck- mo . thai , tlio editor of a

      newspaper critically represents the unmamed sister of a married woman , and for whom sho keeps house ; the unmarried lady is considered Wnd , indulgent , and generous , because sho deals with her sister ' s property . Miss Sophy is a great deal better than Mistress ; but tho very moment that Miss Sophy gets married herself , and iakes her unmarried sister DOLLY as a housekeeper , Sophy becomes more penurious and careful , and Dolly , in turn , receives the affection and gratitude of the domestics . Now such is precisely . the position of the irresponsible editor to the responsible proprietor no wonder , therefore , that tho KepuWiciuis oi the Tower Hamlots , in addressing the editor , should say— "TOUR PAPER . " ( Continued to tlie Fifth Pane . )

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      • ¦¦ ilBBli ¦ A Hint to Exteuphisixo Publicans and Sikxbrs . —An individual intends opening , an hotel -at S ; iu Francisco . We don't know \ vlmyl } fc-sign will bo but wo suggest the « Oo % y 4 &l $ . J 7 . >¦

      To The Chartists.

      TO THE CHARTISTS .

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      AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL- ? —

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      «P ——h ^ k . ^ ^ ¦ - ' —^—^ tfi ^———wM—m— ^^^ a ^^^ na ^^ WB ^^^—^^ . w - ^ - ' - •——«—u a v VOL . HI . . 595 . pDOfl , SATURDAY , MARM , \ % ^~ ~~ - *™ ™™* — ¦¦ ' ^ fft m r ' ' ~—¦ ¦¦ - . ¦'¦• _! = ¦ __ e Shillin S « 1 Sixpence per Quarter ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ff *^^^^^^* " ™ " ^™^* " ™*****""*^ ^ ^^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1514/page/1/