Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 10th March 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 5, Untitled Article

Page 5
Page 5
5 of 8

On this page

  • Text (11)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      LETTERS TO THE WOAKING CLASSES . xxxvh . " Words are things , and a small dro # Of Ink Faffing—like dew—upon a thought , produces That which makes thousands , perhaps millions Quuk . / BIBO . V . -. _ _ ™ n-nn „ , „ __ S

      CHAETI SM A XD K E PUBLICAXISM . THE FRATERNITY OP NATIONS . Brother Proletarians , The cause "which too sufficiently excused the non-appearance of my usual letter in last Saturday ' s Star still operating , though in a mitigated form , would hare induced me to abstain from writing—at least , until next week—had I not felt it my duty to offer some observations on the letter addressed " To the Chartists , " by Mr , O'CojfXOK , in last Saturday's paper .

      If I clearly understand Mr . O'Coxxoit , I perfectly agree with the sentiment he Las expressed in the first paragraph of his letterthat a right understanding between a party and its recognised representative , is most essential to ensure the omvard march of the said par ty , and the success of its principles . If in the rants of a party , differences of opinion arise , such differences may be

      reconciled , provided those who dissent from each other candidl y state their sentiments , and conduct any discussion that may ensue thereon in a spirit of fraternity . As long as human nature shall remain what it is , it will he unreasonable to expect all men to think alike . For enemies—whether political or personal , public or private—to disagree and to wage war against each other , is a thing of course . But the best of friends will sometimes differ

      upon questions both speculative and practical ; such differences would , however , never be productive of evil consequences , iftheparties disputing would act fairly by each other . It is well understood that I am no advocate for the " mealy-mouthed" system of dealing with an enemy . I am in the habit of calling a spade , a spade . But when dealing with Mends—true friends , I mean—I would always wish to express my dissent , when compelled to disagree , in the language of courtesy and good feeling . My rule is well expressed in the good old convivial toast : — " Grape shot to our friends , and chain shot to our foes . "

      Mr . O'Cossor ' s expressed anxiety for a '' thorough understanding" between himself and all other true Democrats , is for me . sufficient assurance that I may freely comment on his letter ; applaud where I can , and dissent where I must . I fear ilr . O'Cosson has teen misled by some fool or designing knave , otherwise he would hardly have written a letter for the purpose of warning the Chartists against an alleged attempt to form a Kepublican party , or create a Republican agitation . I am well acquainted with the several sections of the Democratic movement ; I am well-informed of

      the sentiments of all "who impart shape and tone to the popular feeling ; I have correspondence with many of the Chartist leaders at present suffering the miseries of incarceration ; and I " speak by the card" when I say , that the idea of superseding the movement for the Charter by a Republican agitation has no existence , save in the fertile imagination of those who appear to have misled Mr . 0 ' Con'NOPu Certainly , Republicans abound ; but they are not the men to throw " the apple of discord" amongst the Chartists . If that charge applies to any persons , it applies to those who have supplied Mr . 0 'Co >*>" o » with false information .

      The true Republicans ofthis country , whilst very properly expressing their sympathy for their Republican brethren of the Continent , quite as properly keep their mouths shut as regards this nation . They know that "the pear is not ripe , " and "they bide their time . " That is not all . The true Republicans value forms of Government only so far as those forms are calculated to arm the people with j > oteerthe power necessary to enable the masses to work out their social emancipation . They Jaiow that the mock power of a gilded puppet—whether in pantaloons or petticoats—is a matter of very small importance compared irith the veritable , the gigantic , the ( at

      present ) omnipotent power of the " kings of gold " —the traffickers in human labour—the bloodsuckers of the children of toil . Considering , therefore , that the question of "king , or no king , " is a matter of—to say the least—secondary importance , and one , moreover , the agitation of which would , at the present tune , be premature , and consequently impolitic , no true Republican would have thought of raising that question at this time , had Mr . O'Coa'AOB ' s letter not appeared . That letter containing sentiments which I am sure a large number of my brother Chartists dissent from , I think , as one of that number , that I am bound , as an honest man , to show wherein and why I differ from Mr . O'Co >*> "OK .

      I have already corrected one error mto which Mr . O ' Coxxor has beeii misled , expressed in the assertion that some attempt is being made , or abont to be made , to create a Uepublican agitation at the expense of the Chartist Movement . I shall now proceed to notice—1 st , Mr . O'Coxxoit ' s idea of the manner in which the agitation for the Charter should be conducted ; 2 nd , his version of Republicanism j and , 3 rd , bis advice to the Chartists respecting then * attitude towards the people of the Continent .

      I agree with Mr . O'Coxxon , that it would be folly for any man to pretend to predict the political and social consequences of the enactment of the Charter . But I am not prepared to censure those who believe that the shortest road to the establishment of the Charter is through the enli ghtenment of the people as to the social value of that measure . The events of last year proclaimed , trumpet-tougued , the necessity of imparting knowledge to the masses , if possible , before their acquirement of political power . The blunders of the " Provisional Government" and the intrigues of the rich would , both

      combined , have failed to damage the glorious victory of February , provided the people had been sufficiently enlightened to have elected an honest Assembly . Unhappily , common sense had not preceded common Suffrage . Still the French Revolution of 1848 has been fruitful of good as well as evil . I am sorry that Mr . O'CoxxoR should speak of the French Constitution as " a bagof moonshine . " That Constitution , with all its faults—which are neither few nor trivial—is , nevertheless , the Charter , and something more—something more in the way of good , I mean . If Mr . O'Coxxon

      means that the first general election , under the provisions of that Constitution , is likely to give birth to an Assembl y no better than the present , I share his anticipations ; but even that will not prove the Constitution " a bag of moonshine . " I am not at allconfident that a& 3 t , or even second election , r aider the provisions of the Charter , would produce a House « f Commons containing a majority of real Reformers . But even though , with Universal Suffrage , the people should elect a Parliament of Peels and Cobdess , Russelis and Sib-THOBPs , such an exhibition of popular

      madias would not stamp the Charter " a bag of moonshine ; " it would only prove that the people ' s heads were filled with an incomprehensible substitute for brains . Still the legal erisfc ence of tie Charter would be " a great feet . " The people would possess the power to tore themselves , and , perhaps , time would to ppl j them with the necessary sense . So ^ jF the French , thanks to the Revolution of x ^ ary , they possess the suffrage . Their " * lbenpon then- own heads , if , under their y blican Constitution , they allow themre sto be driven as sheep to the slaughter , aen , if they would , they might 1 » free !

      Untitled Article

      Mr . O'CosxoBsavg ;> t ^ n there as much class-distinction , uax . w " ^ t ^ X' , pular discontent , as in any monnres ,, . m th ° 5 ° . - ,, There is " class distinction , " there * " si ^ SJ , and there is discontent" in Amsfiea , but certainly not so much , nor anything near so much , . as ln many monarchies . I believe Ireland is a mov archy The alleged state of society hi America , used b > " ^ - O'Co . vxok as an argument against Republicanism ' is also made use of , by our opponents , as an armiment against the Charter . Their cry is "Look at America I Behold the results of Universal Suffrnqe — slavery , ' class-distinction ? ' sufferin g and 'discontent . '" But neither Chartism nor ° Repubhcanism are to be damaged by such arguments . The existence of slavery , cfass-diatinction , suffering , nf i ? o f ° » tent ! £ ? Qerica > ies % *<> the Wickedness Of the few and tho ignorance of the manv ; but the principles of Eternal Justice proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence , are true and riorious . nevertheless . ° ' The examples of popular folly cited by Mr . O'Coxxon , such as the French Dourimr out thrirhlnnrt fnr mS" 2 u ^! 2 J ! SL ^! . < Sd Sil'Si ' iS

      -Napoleon , only illustrate the fatal consequences of popular ignorance . It should , therefore , be the first duty of a democratic teacher to labour for the extirpation of that ignorance . So believing , I should be very sorry to see the agitation for the Charter confined to the discussion , illustration , and vindication of the " six points . " Even though it were possible for such an agitation to win the Charter , it would not prepare the people to make a good use of their power when obtained . More than that : I am impressed with the conviction that the Charter never will be won until the masses are made to comprehend all that its possession wonld enable them to accomplish for themselves —socially and politically . A Trades Union , a Benefit Club , a Land Society , holding out certain tangible and immediate advantages , is each more popular than an association that has the obtainmeht of the Charter for its object . Why ? Because the masses do not understand the vast and

      veritable benefits they might derive from the Ciiarter , were it Jaw . In my opinion the free discussion of all social and political questions ¦ which , wonld , or should occupy the attention of a Parliament elected by Universal Suffrage , will be the best means of stimulating the millions to struggle for the Charter , and the best means also of preparing them to make a wise useof that Charter when niade the law of the land . I cannot but express my astonishment at the views ilr . O'Coxson seems to entertain concerning Republicanism . Mr . O'Coxxor says : — "If a speaker gets upon the platfornvand says : 'I am a Republican , ' he may be cheered , but neither he nor his audience know the meaning of the term . " If this is true , the more need is there that Republicanism

      should be discussed , in order that the people may understand the good or evil of that system of government . But I venture to believe that the Chartut ? , at any * ate , aremucli better informed of the meaning of Republicanism than Mr . O'Cosson imagines "; and , furthermore , I venture to assert that they entertain views thereon widely differing from those entertained by Mr . O'Coxso * . I may add , that the earnest , sober-minded Republicans , are not in the habit of advocating Republicanism on public platforms . Any man who comes before the people , a candidate for their confidence on the strength of a Republican cry , should be questioned by his hearers as to what he means by a Republie . If an impostor , his answer will reveal his iguorance Or his knavery .

      Mr . O'Coxxor is in error in asserting that America never was a Monarchy , and that , therefore , Republicans were not arrayed aspiinsfc Monarchists , and Monarchists against Republicans . America was a part of the British Monarchy , and at the commencement of therevolutionthere iwwastrongparty for continuing theconnexion ofthe colonies with England , fortunately , thatparty was in the minority , and naturally and justly suffered confiscation and proscription for their hostility to the rights and liberties of their countrvmen . Until within a few years

      past , a large sum of money was annually voted by the Ikitistt Parliament to compensate the "American Loyalists" for their sacrifices in the blessed cause of the British Monarchy . At this moment I am unable to say whether that annual vote has been continued to the present time . Those who can refer to the " Miscellaneous Estimates" of 1 S 4 S , may satisfy themselves on this head ; at all events I am confident that , until very recently , the American Monarchists figured amongst the devourers of the taxes wrung from the plundered labourers ofthis country .

      Certainly no man , in the possession of his senses , will think of condemning the Swiss Confederation on the strength of Mi-. O ^ Coxxor's striking anecdote of . 1 lusty innkeeper cuffing a peasant who , I suppose , was not quite so lusty . Mr . O'Coxxor , to have given his story the slightest weight , should have shown that there was no law in the cauton to punish a man for assaulting another ; or that there was a law positively permitting a landlord ( i . e ., innkeeper ) to cuff . i peasant ; moreover , he should have shown that if Switzerland had been under Austrian rule , " landlords" would not have been allowed to cuff peasants . Otherwise , this cuffing story goes for nothing . "Were I to " cross the frontier" I could supply Mr . O'Coxxor with no lack of anecdotes of cuffiugs , and far worse than cuffings , suffered by peasants and others , under the blessed rule of the Austrian Monarchy .

      Let those who admire Monarchy remember the massacres of Galicia ; reflect on the hellish cruelties committed by the Anstrians in Lombardy ; picture to themselves the storming of Vienna , the bombardment of Cracow , Lemberg , Prague , Ac , « fcc ; and last , not least , imagine , if they can , the present state of Hungary—drenched with blood , desolated by fire , and afiiicted by horrors to which I will not give a name—all the work of Monarchists . '—all thi . i ifor .-e t } ian hell produced by rujiaw who but execute t ) ie command * of a still worse monster , a Monarch . 'Emperor by the " Grace of God . ' " Mr . O'Coxxor has been in Belgium—I have not ; nevertheless I take exception to the very charming picture he has drawn of the loyalty of the Belgians ,

      and then- social happiness . I can assure Mr . O'Coxxor that a very numerous Republican party exists in Belgium ; indeed , in Ghent—the Manchester of Belgium—the working men are , to say the least , quite as much Republicans as the working men of Manchester are Chartists . I have reason to believe that the peasantry are not in favour of Republicanism . Why ? Because , with the exception of the peasantrv ' of one other nation , they are more priestridden tnan any other portion of the Catholic population of Europe . The priests keep Leopold on his throne . Mr . O'Coxsousays , the Belgians " have all but the Charter . " But if they are to be admired on that account I think the French , who posscss the Charter entire , and something more , are

      still more entitled to our admiration . As regards the happy condition of the Belgians , I believe that all that Mi-. O'Coxxok asserts is warranted by all that he saw . But how much and how far did he see ? I vcrywell remember that in the time of tho potato-famine , the newspapers represented the peasantry of Belgic Flanders as suffering scarcely less than the people of Ireland . They were represented as being utterly destitute , and roving through the country in large bands , taking food by force wherever they could find it . Mr . O'Coxson , addressing the Chartists , says " The difference between a Monarchy , as you understand it , and a Republic , is simply this—that in the one case the head is called Kin ? , and derives his

      title from descent ; while , in the other case , the head is called President , and owes his title to election , " &e . Mr . O'Consor proceeds to avgue on the evils of the American system of electing a President every four years ; and , in opposition thereto , gives his reasons for preferring a Ring , or at least the election of a President for life . Here I may observe , that the principle of Elective Monarchy was not found to work well in Poland ; and all the objections to the svstem formerly in use amongst the Poles , as regards ' the appointment of their kings , apply to the election of life-Presidents . God forbid ! thatMr . O'Coxxor should ever be placed in the fatal position of being called upon to give his casting-vote on the question of a Presidency . ¦ ± ^ that

      I cannot agree with Mr . O'Cossor , even with the Charter , it would be a matter of no importance whether the Pope , the Devil , or the Pretender sat on the throne . I believe , notwithstanding that the Devil has many friends , that a majority woud be averse to his rule . The Ilomans—sensible people that they are—seem to be in opposition to Mr . O'Coxxob as regards the Pope , and when Rome kicks out the Pope , it would be a shabby nation indeed that would accept his Holiness for lung . ± or my part , I should be as little disposed to accept the Pretender—such a Pretender as Louis-2 < apou 50 . v , i mean-as either of his rivals . Every one to his fancv , as the man said when he kissed the cow ; Dut , with * all deference to the tastes of others , I have no inclination for either Pope , Devil , or Pretender . wvuiiumvu ivi **» n »* v . * «¦¦ " ^ "j — — * _ _ j Crnnm difler

      Mr . O'Cossor says : " There would be no - ence—not a particle—between Monarchy and a Republic , provided the power behind the throne was greater than the throne itself . " Of what use , then , the "barbaric splendour of a throne at wj Or why have a President for life , or for four years ? Mr . O'Coxsor seems to be unaware of the fact , that his version of Republicanism is out of date . It was correct , perhaps , sixty years since , but the true Republicans of the present day — the men of W « future—reject President as well as King , and will no more vote for one than the other . All Mr . O'Co > -sob * s reasoning , therefore , against Presidential elections every four years , falls to the ground . A principal object of the Republicans , henceforth , will be to prevent the possibility of the peop le committing such a blunder as the French pl easantry committed in December last , when they elected that thing , Loms-SiPOLEOX , to the President ' s chair . With no such chair , there -will be no fear of having

      it badly filled , or of seeing it transformed into a throne , . Toe length to wuictt this letter has already eatended , compels me to offer tha shortest posstBle «« ame » t on llr . O' Cossob * s advice t&t&e Cn » taSt 3 >

      Untitled Article

      ''? to wSw lh > Je * sll 0 Ula assume towards O'cJff ? ° a - nat . - If r understand Mr . O ^ e of KPl ' fi ? advi - ,, thattbat attitude should be SL ; fi 8 lX nsu ?* % W H l « true that " no otlior peopleon the face of the earth care three straw * l ° ° J U > you mav thank yourselves for that .- You have done nothing worthy of a people for your own reedom , whilst , on the other hand , your fathers weie ttie willing accomplices and tools of the opnrcssors of Europe , and yourselves , though repentln M >! ° others' follies , have not shown a hearty syinpi ? tny lor those who avo struggling to redeem themseh ™ ""om the tyranny imposed by continental tyrants , wu . were aided an 5 sustained ' by English force and Erf ^ &h o

      nor hare imposed burdens on their posterity , to put down freedom in France . Bear in mind , too , thatyouf rulers will not follow Mr . O'Coxxon ' s advice . They will either interfere or prompt Others to interfere to put down thefriends of Freedom . If they abstain from plunging a dagger into the heart of ' Liberty , they will at least , like Judas , betray her into the hands of her enemies . If you " wean your minds from the consideration of foreign questions , " and quietly allow your rulers to unite with the league of tyrants , now re-forming for the purpose of reducing the nations to their old state of slavery , tho people of the Continent will . justly hold you responsible , and regard you as participators in the criminality of your rulers , and " the curses of hate and tho hisses of scorn" will accompany the name of " Englishman" throughout the globe .

      It has been by some one observed , that that man is not to be envied who could stand upon the field of Marathon and not feel his pulse beat quicker , nor his blood flow with greater warmth than when treading any common spot of earth unsauctified by the blood of the brave and free . But that man is still to be less envied who can behold unmoved the straggles and sufferings of his contemporaries , those struggles and sufferings being for the self-s . imc object as that for which the Greeks , fought , died , and conquered—Fbeedom . When I behold a nation bursting the shackles of ages , releasing herself by ono great effort from forei gn thrall and domestic oppression ; asserting the freedom of the mind as well as of the body , by casting off the tyranny of priestcraft alongwith the fetters forged by kings ;—when I behold that nation , betrayed by its treacherous chiefs , and pretended friends , and abandoned by its ancient ally , determined , notwithstanding , to defend its born

      new- liberty at any cost , and then , when I turn my eyes homeward , I am lost in wonder , sunk in shame , at the apathy , the selfishness , the slavish spirit of my own countrymen , who have neither the virtue to imitate the Italians , nor the generosity to fly to their help—no , nor even utter a prayer for their victory ' . Mr . O'CoxNOR wouid encourage—I would dispel —your fatal indifference io " foreign questions . " That Mr . O'Connor meam well , I am sure ; but in my heart and soul I dissent from his doctrine—I proclaim a doctrine the reverse . I tell you that a blow struck at the liberties of one people is intended to strike down the liberties of all ; that " he who oppresses one nation is the declared enemy of all , " and that "Men of all countries are brothers , and ought to vield ono another mutual aid , according to their ability , like citizens of the same state . L'AMIDUPEUPLE . March 8 th , 1849 .

      Untitled Article

      FINANCIAL REFORM . On Monday evening a public meeting of the inhabitants of Bayswater and Xotting-hill , convened by the Committee of the Metropolitan Financial Keform Association , was held at the Prince Albert Tavern , Notting-hill . Mr . Dunford was voted to the chair . The Chairman said , in reference to the majority against Mr . Cobden ' s motion for financial reform , that no less than 350 of the members were directly or indirectly interested in the maintenance of our war establishments , and the remaining 300 . interested in the continuance of the plunder which was carried on in the name of the church . ( Ilear . ) In the list of those members who voted with the majority againt Mr . Cobden's motion , were the names of Sir De Lacy Evans and Mr . Wakley . ( Laughter . ) > ow these gentlemen , and many more who were in the

      majority , and whom he could name , were hitherto believed to be the friends of the people and friends of reform ; but now they had proved themselves the contrary , it was to be hoped that their constituents would bring them to an account for their conduct , and insist upon their resigning into better hands the trust that had been placed in thcivs . ( Cheers . ) He then submitted to the meeting the following resolution :- " That the thanks ot the Sbtting-flill Financial Reform Association are justly due , and are hereby given , to Mr . Cobden , and tiie seventy-eight members of the House of Commons who supported him in his endeavours to rescue the country from the ruin into which it is being forced bv successive augmentations of our warlike and police establishments , andthe enormous increase ot taxes and place-holders . " , W . MAmRusE . Esq . seconded this resolution . entire

      Mr- Sekle observed on the necessity for an and absolute parliamentary as well as financial reforn .. There were many men en-aged in comme ce SVould rise and clamour for Snancial ^ reform because they would derive personal benefit fromrt . tBisiiti tension m j loctrine was a true one . ( Cheers . ) SlSHlfsr ^ si " ¦ J ™ *?™ h ! K ot-they would ask no more , ^^ ^ fthev wanted they could then get without jmatelse thej **« ^ b (} ^ wiclotgato hy !^« s ^ *^ e

      Untitled Article

      ' ^ a ^ &vtcS ^^ * r , kind of bo to proseoiite owMil ^ ' Jtet oi - whlch ! ihould sold their votes-T ?^ HH ^ ei'oltf ( tfJ-d to have faction ; ' : ¦ > , « - **^ aHWw savc gvoat satis " Tl ^ S ^ lf ^ Sf Eed the meeting . toParlianiJn f 01 PiZTfi ; ' " 1011 ' " * Petition bv Mr . B Osbo ^ o ¦ ° i t 0 be P «»™ ted meeting henXS UMnunouri J ¦**** ™ o I " I « II

      Untitled Article

      waste lands , a considerable portion of which mHit bo made available to give immediate employment . Moreover , they had tho statement of tho most accredited authorities that if tho crown lands were sold they would fetch upwards of twenty millions . They might be made a more profitable source of revenue to tho crown by allowing them to bo let at a fair rental . Sir John Sinclair had said our land was not two-thirds cultivated . Ay , but it was asked , will you interfere with private property ? Did not Parliament interfere with private property for railway purposes , for the improvement of towns , and when it brought in an Irish Encumbered Estates Bill ? ( Loudc [ ieerSi ) Then lot us not be met with this senseless cry of interference with private property . Then with respect tothe second elementthat

      , or skilled labour . The tcna of thousands who now thronged our streets were ii sufficient proof of outhnvmg a superabundance of that element . With respect to capital , they proposed to raise that bv way of loan from the imperial ti-easurv . The higher classes by Exchequer bills do this to support tlieii- pwn interests , and surely it is more justifiable when it wonld save millions from starvation . ( Great Cheering . ) He thought the millions given to Ireland should have been spent in setting her population to work at self-supporting employment , and if tho government had so employed it , sure ho was instead of their now requiring £ 50 , 000 , they would be in : » position to return that amount . ( Much chccrinc ) Government found money for tho blacks , and surelv they could not object to find one million , five him * .

      dred thousand , to permanentl y employ the whole Dritish population . ( Repeated cheers . ) He would show how they proposed to continue these elements Let them , then , suppose , as the basis of a plan , that l , 00 f families of five each betaken from 10 of our principal towns , and let each individual have one acre ; that would be 50 , 000 acres ; and all practical men agreed that it inquired £ 10 pCr acre to commence their practical operations . That would amount to £ 500 , 000 . It would require £ 750 , 000 to erect the necessary dwellings and sluices , and then it would require , say £ 12 ( 1 , 000 to purchase the necessary machinery requisite to combine manufactures with agriculture ; and as the men would require to subsist during the time they were employed at the early state of their proceedings , if 10 s . pev

      weelc were allowed to each family for six months ( and they ought not to have less ) there would be a further sum of £ 130 , 000 , making , in all , £ 1 , 500 , 000 . Thus , by applying these three constituent elements of wealth , immediate employment might be given to largo masses of the unemployed . There were many schemes before the people for bettering their condition , and amongst others the Cobden one , for curtailing our expenditure , and reducing our armaments ; to this he had no objection , as lie thought a man was much more useful with a spade in his hand than a musket , but at tho siime time let it not bo forgotten , that every man

      discharged from the avmy , was an addition to tho supply in tho unemployed labour market . It was fallacious on the part of any government to expect a people to be loyal , whilst that government stood between the people and the means of existence—( tremendous cheering ) — if employment and the means of existence were not found , we must expect to hear of convulsions . The question was not now , whether this King or that Pope should rule , but how can the people be best employed , and obtain the greatest reward for their labonr ? Mi . Walton resumed his seat amidst loud and long continued applause .

      Mr . A . Campbell seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously , Mr . Kaltiiouer moved tho adoption of a petition to the House of Commons to the following eftecfc : — b " That youv petitioners belong to the industrious working classes , whose only means of subsistence depends upon the demand for their labour ; and that considerable mumbcrs of your petitioners are sulferi"g the greatest prviations for the want of useful employment , while the other portion are obliged to lc % 7 heavy contributions on themselves to $ ipport those who are compelled to go idle , to save them from starvation or the workhouse ; that the demand for their labour , and the wages they receive are becoming daily scarce and uncertain , which deprives

      your petitioners of obtaining the means of subsistence . That your pctitionei-s , as well ns the working classes gencrall , are , under the present management of society , compelled to be idle , and suffer all its direful conscquccccs . That society is deprived of the benefits of their labour , and the revenue of her Majesty ' s government considerably diminished . That your petitioners are tho friends of order , the protectors of property ; that for the preservation of the oneand theprotcction'of theother , your petitisners respectfully implore your honourable House to consider a remedy for the evils under which ycur petitioners now suffer as the best and surest means of preventing those convulsions which must inevitably follow from excessive poverty arising ' rom compuf-SOl'V idlesness . Your petitioners are fully satisfied

      that tbe remedy is simple and effective , and its immediate application within the power of your Hon . House . That it consists of a well-devised system of home colonisation , uniting in due proportions , land , labour , and capital , for agricultural , manufacturing , and commercial purposes : the whole to be under the direction of those who have most experience in their respective branches . Your petitioners , therefore , pray that tJiat your Hon . House will introduce a bill sanctioning the establishment of home colonies , and that sufficient capital be supplied , by way of loan , from the Imperial Treasury for that purpose , being the best and most profitable means of giving productive employment to our numerous but compulsorily unemployed population . " Mr . Wintox seconded ths motion , which was carried unanimouslv .

      Mr . J . Wilson moved the second resolution : — " That , for the just protection of labour and the fair profits of trade , a labouring protecting board should be established for the purpose of regulating , from time to time the prices of labour , aud thereby preventthe ruinous competition among employers , and the demoralising and destructive effects on the working classes . ' Mr . Brisck seconded the resolution . Mr . CGoopfellow , in suppprting the resolution , showed the competition preva'ling in the

      manufacture of army clothing . Here , said he , are the inmates of workhouses , prisons , penitentiaries , &c , &c , brought to bear against the independent labourer . ( Hear , hear . ) Ay , he blushed to own it , in this land of Bibles and Prayer-books , the so-called independent labourer was made to compete with the pauper and felon . The actions of our very religious rules strangely belied their preaching . ( Immense cheering . ) He asjeed not charity but justice . Charity was for slaves , justice for freemen . ( Tremendous cheering . )

      Mr . Drlaforce moved : — "I hat the petition be engrossed , signed by the chairman , and presented to both Houses of Parliament . ' Mr . Ham ^ bx / seconded the motion ( which was unanimou ly adopted . Mr . Thomas Cooper having been loudly ca led for said , he was thinking thatas no particular member ot the House of Commons had been named to present the petition , the renegade of Tamworth would do , seeing that he had recommended that a transfer of property shonld take place , that the wilds of Con eniara , under commissioners , taking " an enlarg d view of the matter , '' should be appointed to tran fer them with justice and equity . ( Laughter . ) Well all we require is that the wilds of England shall le 11 transferred wiihiustieeandeqiuty , " tal ! inga >» "

      enlarged View of thi matter ' of cours ' , —( Iau » hterJand there were Wenty-two millin acres of them . ( Hear , he .--r . ) He agreed with the last speaker , but could not agree with ths fiist , who was ( ksirous of excluding politics altogether , ( here Mr . Walton rose to deny this , and disclaimed party politics . ) Mr . I Cooper did not wish to quairel with him ; he was a Chartist , as well as he was—sure they all wore . ( Tremendous cheering . ) True he did not mow handle the awl , draw the thread , or bend over the last now , but he worked hard with his head , but sti 1 he never could forget his origin , or the condition of the operatives of Leicester , the town in which he was born . ( Cheers . ) A baronet had cal'ed on him to ask him what they wanted the Charter for . He

      had told him as a means of obtaining and cultivating the land in order to live . ( Loud cheers . ) He trusted they would couple the Charter with their movement . ( Loud cheers . ) He moved that Sir It . Peel present ihe petition to the House eI' Commons . Mr . Waltbb , Cooper seconded the motion . The resolution was unanimously adopted . On the motion of Mr . Campbell , seconded by Mr . Walton , a vote of thanks to the meeting wa < given by acclamation to the chairman , who , in acknowledging the compliment , Save fifty pounds to the funds of The Nati nal Organisation of Trades , for the Industrial , Social , and Political Emancipation of Labour . " This test of his sincerity was greeted with prolonged applause . The meeting then quietly dissolved .

      Untitled Article

      I hat is the q > . ' « tion . Are we , I would Mk , f 0 contmue the poor » % as * 've and crouching slaves of ouiaj kimaters ? A . ^« I ^ ientl , to sulm . it to to 1 for them or a p , ttanu ' *** fr ° f being adequate to procure the bare necea , < 1 " . to say notli { ni Of the mm ' forts of life ? Are w > weekly to bear Sth crow species of insult , scot . ' "" contumely , lest cur murmurings might give offp nce to those lords of iron , who regard us as mei ' e nie c"anical uutomatons that were sent here for the * ' ° Purpose of raising th » m up to the dignity and sph * n £ j ° ur of princes , and upholding them in such a state ** ° t God forbid . Let us once more unfold the ban ner 0 f union , for bear in mind ( notwithstanding the K ^ ures of past struggles ) , it h the only means by whi ^ we Ci n ever expect to secure to ourselves anything opproach ' ng to a fair remuneration for our labour . ^ Pi then , brethren of Glasgow and Holytown , it is J ' ou that must first lead the van in tins go' -d work . . fyriirire looks to you , the miners of Scotland look to" you ;

      Let it not be said , that with iron at 56 s . a ton , miners are working for little more than 2 a . in m'any places , whilst the highestdoes not exceed 3 s . ada * y . You have now an organ of the press that will atten ^* tively publish reports i-f your grievances , such as you may furnish the editor with , or of the proceedings of your meetirus , resolutions , Ac . ; this is a great advantage , and cannot bo ton highly ai predated . I trust that the miners generally will follow up the resolution agreed to by the delegate meeting at Iilackquarry . Glasgow , a few weeks since , viz ., te support the North British Express . Let us so far adopt the spirit of exclusive dealing as to support that portion of the press only who advocate the rights ot industry . 1 had intended to make a few observations on the . restriction of labour , but have already occupied more space then 1 had intended , but with the editor ' s permission I shall address you next week . Duncan Robertsov .

      Untitled Article

      THE SHEFFIELD RAZOR GRINDERS . A pub'ic meeting of the association of han-1 loom Linen Weavers w : » 3 held t Mr . George Utley ' s , on Monday night , when the committee of the trade , reported that £ b had been given from the funds , and . 430 lent on loan to the Sheffield committee , to ena-We them to prosecute tho writ of error , which terminated in the favour of Drury . Marsilen , Bullos , andillall . On the motion of Frank Mirlield , seconded by John Hughes , the conductor tlie committee waa approved of . Proposed by John Fairclough , atid seconded by M . Woodward , " Tha % the trade empower their committee to advance a further sum of £ 20 to the Sheffie'd committee , to defend Drury , ; uid brothers , at the ensuing assize * . Carried . Mews . Hawksworth and 11 berts returned thinks on be-Imlfof the Sheffield committee . Charles Currie , chairman .

      At a public meeting of the nhabitants , which was addressed by the delegates from Sheffield , Messr . " . Hawkswonli , Roberts , lliehard Taylor , Frank Mirfirld , and others ot ' Burnvley , it was resoved : " That , i- is the duty of the working men of Barnsley to enter into a general subscription in aid of the Sheffield committee to defend Drury , Marsden , Bullos , and Hall , at the present assizes ! The town was divided into districts , and Mr . Richard Taylor appointed to obtain collectors to receive contributions . Mr . Williara Fullerson handed in eight shillings , received from a lew friends , towards the defence .

      Untitled Article

      Westmixsteb Hkform Society . — On Monday evening a meeting- of the members of this society took place at the York Hotel , Wellington-street , Covent Garden . Mr . Gecson in the chair . The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read iind confirmed , several new members were proposed and admitted . The chairman called the attention of the meeting to ; i fact strikingly illustrative of the extraordinary inequalities exi . stinj * in their present representative system . In tho Tower Hamlets there were 18 , 743 registered electors , by whom two members were returned to Parliament . Now he held in his hand a list of fifty towns , the number of registered electors in which ' amounted to- 18 , 511 , or 237 less than the Tower Hamlets , yet they returned no less than eighty-six members . ( Hear , hear . )

      It was stated that in several parishes in Westminster , meetings ivcre in progress for the purpose of petitioning for a repeal of tho window-tax . —Mr . Austin regretted that while the inhabitants of Westminster were making very great efforts to procure a diminution of the public burthens , they should have returned ; i representative to Parliament , who thought it his duty to oppose Mr . Cobden in his attempt to reduce the army and navy estimates to the footing of 1835 . Sir Do Lacy Evans was a soldier , and pui'h . ips could not conscientiously support Mr . Cobden in carrying out that portion of his- financial scheme which referred to the army ; but the electors of Westminster had conscientious dntius to

      fulfil also , and if they were wise , they would not again return a man likely to be influenced by professional predilections . ( Hear , hear . )—The meeting , after having been addressed by other speakers , was adjourned . Uki'K . u , ov thk Wksdow Tax . —On Tuesday a meeting of tho vestrymen of St . James ' s , Westminster , was held , Mr . Churchwarden Geesiii in the chair , to petition for a rcpc . il of the window-tax . The petition having been adopted mm . con ., it was resolved that Mr . Lusliington , M . P ., be requested to present the petition to the House of Commons ; and after some uninteresting business , tho vestry broke up .

      The Aihhtiiatiox Movement : —On Tuesday evening a meeting of the inhabitants of Farringdon Ward was held in the British School Rooms , Harpalley , Farringdon-strot't , to adopt a petition to Parliament in favour of Mr . Cobden ' s motion for treaties of arbitration to settle international disputes instead of war . Mr . Fry took the chair . The petition , having been read , its adoption was moved by Mr . M'Cree , and unanimously carried . Thanks were p : \ ssed to the chairman , iizid the meeting separated . Ukpeal of Malt-Tax . —Meetings for the repeal of this tax have been held at Doilcaster , Dorking , Cliolmsford , and other places . Oxford Pauu . vmbstaky asm Financial Rv . fosm

      Association . —A meeting was held on Monday , when a report was read by the secretary , and adopted , as also a petition to the House of Commons , urging the necessity of a large and immediate reduction of the national expenditure , with a view to a corresponding diminution of the burden of taxation ; and praying also for tho substitution of direct in lieu of indirect taxation , so that all classes may be assessed according to their income . A vote of thanks to W . P . Wood , Esq . M . P . for Oxford , for Iiis consistent support of Mr . Cobdcu ' s motion on . the 2 GUi ult ., was unanimously carried .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE CHAItTlSTS OF D ALSTON , CUMBERLAND . Brother Democrats , I am informed that you desire to put me in nomination as one of the candidates for the representation of Cumberland , in ' the forthcoming Coavention . ' I ffel myself flattered by your preference , Ihe more so as it tells me that I still enjoy that confidence tvhich prompted you to elect me your delegate to the first Chartist Convention which assembled ten years ago , in the memorable year 1839 . But in the first place , I must observe , that up to . this timp , no Convention has been summoned . A Convention has been sueeestpd by Mr . O'Connor , but up to this time the Executive have not deliberated , ard of course not decided on that suggestion . In the event of a national delegation being con .

      vened , I fear it would not be in my power to place my humble services at your disposal . Last year I was elected to represent Nottingham iu the Char * tist Convention—I did so . but with extreme difficulty ; the performance of my duties as a member of the Convention , in addition to the duties of my office in . connexion with the Northern Star , being much more than one man ' s work . Hence , I was compelled to decline the nomination ot delegate for Nottingham t ) the ' Assembly . ' And hence , I must very respectfully request that you will not submit my name to the suffrages of your ( and uiy ) brother Chartists of Cumberland . 1 say this with some reluctance , for I remember with pleasure and gratitude my former connexion with the good Democrats of the English border counties .

      This answer is given publicly instead of prlvatek , in accordance with your request . A severe fit of illness prevented this reply appearing in last Saturday ' s Star . With sincere respect and gratitude , I am ,. Brother QemoMWs , For ' the Charter and no surrender / Yours ever faithfully , G . Julian Hablsey . Northern Star Office , March 8 th , 1849 .

      Untitled Article

      ^ S ^ fflggffi'SSS SifRffi ? CAL EMANCIPATION OP LABOUR nJt ^ fV \ S <> f puvnoymeii tailors , comprised of those who work in shops , and thoio who wovk at home was held at the boach and IIokm Silver-strCGt , Golden . sa . uare , on Monday evenin * ' to take into consider ation the propriety ' of joinin g crowtr y > ThD kr " e r 00 m ™ 3 ensc £ nimousft MlSTL ° T' ? , e workM ' ' ns linfl - r ? 2 7 * . e chair , and said ho accepted IIiH ^ nf I ° P . resi ( 1 > ng over so numerous and invorEandwlT' / * > ™ one of the home ZhM ^»» : i ™ . in . aristocracy in the trade ,

      jS ^ p ^^ u-jg--^ Xt j ^^ s ^^ S r | ' trusted , with a spirit of determination to protect labour . ( Loud cheers . ) We S ^ i bcr ! . that u was circumstances over ™ tZ jT l , thert 0 had no «> " *«>' . thnt have S ^ Wmi ° tho . sli » 'cs of capital and the victims ? J « wiffi , ? , petltion J our legislature had made the workhouse the test , and consequently the operative was reduced to the lotvest obb of mise . ° ?; nd degradation . He had much pleasure in introducing Mr . A . Walton , missionary from the parent society , to address them on the objects of the proposed Organisation . ( Loud cheers , )

      Mr . Walton- said , after tUe Trades petition , which it would be remembered was presented to th ° i I ] 1 se of Comm ° ns by Lord Ashley , had been laid before that assembly , the necessity was discovered that a constitution embracing their fundamental rules should be framed ; the several Trades delegates had set about the matter in earnest—the fruits of their deliberation he held in bis band , and with their kind indulgence , would endeavour to explain its principles to them , although when he told them it embraced those two great principles , Home Colonisation , and Universal . Suffrage , sure he was , that they would agree with him , when he said a clever man would be well employed in expatiating on them in a course of lectures . ( Hear , hear . ) In

      the language of their first rule , they held the land to be the gift of the Almighty to t ' lio people , " and consequently did not admit of the ri ght of sale of ifc , but simply that it should ho hold in trust for the benefit of the people producing « i rental sufficient for governmental purposed , ( Hear , hear . ) Many of the trades had already taken up this question , ami they wished tho public land to be dealt with in the same manneras land was now dealt with that was required forrailroads or other public purposes , namely—that an Act of Parliament should be obtained sanctionin g its use , for the purpose of self-supporting Home Colonies . Their second rule contained that great and all essential principle , Universal Suffrage ; and surelv no intelligent ,

      rightminded man , would deny to hia fellow creatures who was non-convicted of crime , and who had arrived at twenty-one years of age , the right to vote , and who , ho boldly asked , was better calculated to exorcise that pririlese wisely and well , than the intelligent mechanics' of the United Kingdom ? Their- third principle was national education , ? jy which he meant a good secular and scientific education principle . Their fourth embraced " a representative currency , " which should be forthwith issued by tho government , find be equal in amount to the wealth , offered in exchange . The legitimate use of currency was to enable a man when he had made a coat to go to the bank , obtain its symbol or representative , which should enable him to ' so to

      the store and get what he required in exchange ; let this be once effected , and from that moment they might date the emancipation of labour . Their next principle was that " Great Britain nnd Ireland contain a superabundance of land , skill , and capital , to profitably employ , and comfortably support more than double its population . The government should introduce a bill establishing self-supporting Home Colonies , and this he ( Mr . Walton ) held to be the best way of finding employment for the unemployed , combining as it did the primitive elements of wealth , land , skilled labour , and capital . The next principle was , that the application of machinery should be made available to the interest of the whole community . Another of their principles declared the necessity of fanning local boards of trade , under the

      superintendence of a Minister ofLabour , who would act as an impartial arbitrator between the employer » nd the employed . ( Hear , hear , ) The eighth article declared that most excellent principle-that taxation should be equalised , by substituting for all other taxes a graduated Property Tax . " He was happy to tell them , then , organisation was progressing ; since he attended their preliminary meeting a body of shoemakers , numbering upwards of seven hundred , had sent in their adhesion ; and he trusted they wou d have the co-operation of the tailors . He trusted to see the trades act with a spirit which would carry the conviction home to the powers thit be—that the working classes were not to be trifled with when they were in earnest . Mr . Walton resumed his seat amidst great cheering .

      Mr . Reardon then moved the first resolution : — "That the journeymen tailors present do hereby form a branch or lodge of the National Organisation of Trades , for the industrial , social , ami political emancipation of labonr . " After a few words from Mr . Barker ., the resoluti » n was put and carried unanimously ; after which , Mr . C . P . Goodfellow , was elected delegate ; Mr . Williams e ' ected secretary ; and after votes of thanks to Mr . Walton and the chairman , the meeting adjourned till Monday evening next , at six o ' clock .

      Untitled Article

      m PUBLIC MEETINGS , THE METROPOLITAN FINANCIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORM ASSOCIATION . The following address to the people of London lias been issued by the council or the above association : — Unrivalled in population , wealth , and intelligence—its individual sympathies always enlisted on the side of progress—London , the first to suffer from tlw eyils of lllisgovernnicnt , has usually , and with : i few brilliant exceptions , been the last to unite for their extinction . To remove this reproach—to collect and combine the scattered and slumbering elements of political power whieh abound in the metropolis , in aid of the gathering force of public opinion in the provinces—to create , for the achievement of Financial and Parliamentary Ilefonn , u legal , powerful , and comprehensive organisation — constitute the end and aim of this association . Strictly constitutional in

      its objects , the agencies employed will be such only as are recognised and permitted by the . law . Its first efforts will be directed to strengthen the hands of the people ' s party in the House of Commons , and array public opinion in aid of the removal of obstacles which ' stand at thu very threshold of progress . Its practical character will be found in the assistance it will be enabled to afford to the existing machhiery , established for watching over ai . d conducting the registration of liberal voters resident in the metropolitan counties , cities , and boroughs , combined with the adoption of an efficient plan by which « its members may become freeholders and voters . Although deeply impresssed with the conviction that no great change tending to lessen or destroy the exclusive immunities enjoyed by the privilegCU classes will bu permitted , until the portals of the constitution are sufficiently

      widened to admit that large portion of our fellowsubjects who are not more unwisely than unjustly excluded ; yet , feeling that the burdens under' vrhich the industry of the country is daily groaning , and the mischievous effects produced upon all classes by the present unequal and viciously contrived system of taxation , are evils which require prompt attention and immediate remedy , the agitation in favour of Financial lleforni will receive at the hands of the Association its willing and vigorous co-operation . While , however , cordially uniting our exertions with those of our fellow-reformers for the attainment of financial ameliorations , the great questions of Parliamentary Ketorm will not be suffered to remain in abeyance . The wisdom of conceding modifications in the political system , to meet the altered circumstances by the increasing number , wealth , and intelligence of tho people , has been instanced

      singularly by the fact thatwhilc Europe lias been convulsed with the throes of revolution , the storm which has swept away dynasties and governments , ruined commerce , and destroyed credit , has passed over this country , leaving- its institutions , its property , and its great iuterests , comparatively unscathed . It cannot be doubted that the enlightened policy which conceded the two great pleasures , the Reform Act and Free Trade , lias reaped its rich fruits in the general tranquillity of the conntry , the stability of its credit , and the extent of its resources . The necessity of adopting a similar policy at this moment will be urged upon the legislature with great earnestness . Such a measure of Parliamentary Keform will be asked for as will fairly entitle the people to look for its fruits in a large extension of the franchise and the complete independence of its exercise—the means of education placed within the reach of all—the extinction of monopolies ' , unlimited freedom of commerce , and the total abolition of exclusive privileges—an untaxed and unfettered press—the removal of

      all undue influences from the House of Commons—public appointments thrown open to talent , integrity , and fitness , instead of , as now , tlie price which the government of the day pays for active support or hostility forborne— and the reformation of all those abuses in onr political and soci .-il system which have hcen too long upheld . The machinery which the association will put in motion will be of the simplest character ; a president and a council selected from the members will constitute the governing body , The efficiency and power of the association can alone be found in the number and the earnestness of its members . The nucleus of a powerful political organisation is now formed ; it remains with the reformers of the metropolis t o vindicate themselves from the charge of indifference to the great interests winch are involved in the ascendancy of C'Jie . 'ip ( Hid responsible government , by giving to the people ' s cause the inestimable advantages which result from the combined power of union and numbers . By order of the Council , Joshua 'Vt ' Ai . MSLEr , President .

      Untitled Article

      EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR . HOME COLONIES . A great meeting of the Trades of London , at which more than two thousand operatives were present , was held at the Hall of Commerce , Threadneedle-street , on Wednesday evening , " to take into consideration the distressed condition of the trades of the metropolis , and the working classes generally , with a view to petition parliament to sanction the establishment of Home Colonies , as the best and most efficient mode of giving immediate employment to the numerous , but compulsory unemployed of our population ; nlso to consider the propriety of petitioning parliament for the establishment of local boards of trade . " Mr . L . J . Han'sahd took the chair , and expatiated upon the objects for which the meeting had been convened .

      Mr . A . Walton moved the first resolution , which was as follows - . — " That as Great" llvitain and Ireland contain sufficient land and capital to employ and support , under associational arrangements and skilful directions , several times the * number of their present population , the government supported by the legislature , should be called upon to pass an act for the establishment of self-supporting home colonies , combining agricultural , manufacturing , and educational arrangements , for employing the present unemployed of the in < lustrious _ classes , and thereby prevent the increase of pauperism and crime

      which now threatens to overturn the whole institutions of society . " It was the desire of tho association that this question of employment should not be made a question of party politics , but that they should receive the support and co-operation of persons of all political creeds , who thought it desirable that a more extended field of employment should be afforded to the working classes . The trades' delegates in Manchester were commissioned to ascertain the correct condition of the trades of that dis - trict , and they showed that it was worse than it had been in former times . It appeared that the number of artisans and mechanics in London was 200 , 000 , andonc-thivd was employed at wages totally inadequate to obtain for themselves and their

      families a sufficient supply of the necessaries of life . One-thirJ was half employed , and the reniaininn third was obliged to accept relief at the wort house . Benefit and trades societies Iwd been compelled to withdraw their funds from the savings banks , and apply them to the keepins their members from starvation . Many trades had expressed a wish that some means of employment might be found ; amongst such trades might be enumerated the several building branches , carvers , gilders , tailors , shoeivwikevs , &c , &c , &c . While recently at a meeting of weavers , he had heard one of their members most truthfully declare , that body to be one living mass of starvation , ( Hear , hear . ) The problem as to how the people might be profitably employed , might be easily

      solved , fonts immediate application was at once within thepowerof the legislature . All that was required was simply the combination of the three primary elements of wealth , viz ., land , skilled labour , and capital . Let them examine how for they had these valuable elements of human happiness . They had the authority of M'Culloch , Sir John Sinclair , Sheriff Alison , and other eminent statists , that if the land of Great Britain and Ireland was properly cultivated , it was capable of sustaaninnf from 120 , 000 , 000 to ^ 30 , 0 (^ , 000 of a population . If that were tru « y how- . eosae is to pas * that such large masses Of the peej ) feWre in a state- © f destitution ? An answertb | Ip ? ' ^ uestion musi bo sought from tba-lipsof tWrniaiater , and the-Jegislature must be made to acJht&tbeQnestionof Mour . ( Loudeh «« sO Th& Cause * was . that tho l ^ d « as looked up a $ &sfc thft $ < $$ & .. Ttej had . tTOfifr-ftto million aotea , < t >

      Untitled Article

      One Missixo . —The Rev . F . Coyle , in a lecture on memory , delivered at Adelaide ( reported in the South Australian llegister ) , instanced stage-dswers , whosa memory of orders and directions givsn them is je markable . He once rode outside uhh the owae * and driver of a stage from Troy to , the land of the Knickerbocker ; the driver could not have had ; fesa than fifty parcels and messages to deliver i » y the way ; but ue was at a loss , no had forgottoa one parcel , but , "ding him if he eonld rcmembw wliat it was . " At length tho stago arrived at his own door , when- his children came rushing out with a " Welconie home , Fa ; but , oh , where did you leave Ma V " May I be teoiotally scotched , t ^( 4 'hQ "if I hain't forgot Sal ! " That was the , missing parcel

      Untitled Article

      ¦ ? ¦ TO THE CO \ T ; AND IRONSTONE MINERS iu iw ^ - LANARKsmRE ( From the North British Exprtss . ) Fellow-Workmen . -Considering the improved state of the ir on trade , and the great advance on the price of iron , I nm more than astonished to think that no portion of our trade seems as yet inclined to move for a rise of wages . We have had now eighteen months of keen adversity , and really it u time we were beginning to inquire whether or no we have learned anything from the admonitions of that « tern teaeber that may be of service to us in future . We have formerly experienced the benefits matting from association . We have likewise felt the manifctu * grievances which our abandonment of union has entailed on us : and as the- last eighteen months I have afforded us sufficient time for reflection , we might now he prepared ta decide whiek is ihe best for u » to adhere to . Are- ¦* & to attempt a reorganisa tion of our bod y ? or are we to reaaain as we are ?

      Untitled Article

      Am erica is March 10 , 1849 . tup xt ^^ __^ j : __ THE ^ NOjmiERN STAR ; ' ^ ' ' "" ' °

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 10, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1513/page/5/