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Northern Star (1837-1852), 10th February 1849, Edition 1 of 3, Page 7

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      MONDAY , Feb . 5 . BOTTLE OF LORDS . —Lord Fortescce , as Lord Steward ' of the Household , communicated to their lordrhips her Majesty ' s most gracious answer to the loval address of ttaj House . > * TlieiIar < iuis ofLAX 3 POwxEgave notice ihat , on I Fridav next , he should move for a Select Committee to inquire into the administration of the Poor Law I " TheSJdnnan and Secretary of the North Wales UsferaBirir ^ flrsK Ido ^ Sconnected with the accos ts of that comf 2 s = 52 K £ !^ rtw 1 3 ered to be printed , and the parties directed to attend at the bar on Monday next . Their lordsMpstb ^ adjourned . „

      HOUSE OP COMMONS . —J'BirniflE . —ausPESsiox of the Cossiirntios is Imukb . —Mr . J . O'Cosseu . tegged to call the attention of the House to a document which he held in hfe hands , and which under the peculiar circumstances of the ca 3 e , he hoped would turn out to be a breach of the privileges of the House , and a fabrication . Thi 3 document purported to have been presented to both House 3 of Parliament by command of her Majesty , and to contain a copv of a letter from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to the Secretary of State for the Home Department , and « iie should conclude the remarks he had to offer by moving that "William Clowes , the printer , be called before the House to answer , for himself and his instigators ^ for offering ¦ w hat he ( Mr . O'Connell ) considered an insult to the House .

      The Speaker here interrupted the hon . member , and informed him that a document presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of her Majesty , could not he considerod ' as violating the privileges of the House . Lord J . IttssEix begged to say , that the paper referred to by the hon . member , was an authentic document , and had been presented to Parliament by command of her Majesty . Mr . J . O'Conxell then said , he was reduced to the necessity of moving the adjournment of the House , and supposed that he should now be perfectly in order in proceeding with his observations . ( Oh . ' oh' ) The hon . member was proceeding accordingly to insist that the letter was of an unconstitutional " and tyrannous character , when Mr . IL Diiummoxd rose to order , and requested the opinion of the Speaker -whether these observations related to the question of the adjournment . ( Hoarhear . ) \

      . m The Speaker was of opinion that they certainly did not . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . J . O'CoxxEii hoped it would be allowed that they did , when he went on to state his conviction that it would be for the dignity of the House , with the liberty of the subject at stake , that they should adjourn to site consideration to this matter , and be prepared for the debate upon it on the next night . ( Oh , oh I ) If the House inherited the spirit of its predecessors , and proved itself nobly jealous of the constitution , it would consider whether there was not in this document grave matter for the impeachment of the noble lord who signed it ( Oh !) The noWc lord asked to have tie constitution suspended in order that he mi g ht prevent the seeking a constitutional object ; and he asked this under the pretence that he desired to put down an agitation which was

      well known to be utterly extinct . He ( Mr . O'Connell ) was sorry to say _ that he had not met with much encouragement in calling , as he had been dob « , upon English Liberal members for help in opposing the threatened measure —( hear , h « ar ) ;—yet they would rather die than submit to it in England , and if they themselves proclaimed a separation in constitution , how could they blame the wretched insurrection of last July ? Had not those some claim to consideration who , like himself , in Ireland did all in their power to prevent insurrection ? The Imperial Parliament , indeed , had Ireland under their foot now ; but " Xought can escape the vigil long Of him who treasures up a wrong . " It was their hour now—( Oh I)—but the hour of Ireland mig ht come ; and when it arrived , the people of Ireland would have this measure in bitter

      remembrance , ( Oh , oh !) The Speaker inquired who would second the motion , when after a pause of a few moments , Mr . Ghattax said—I do not rise to second the motion , but I wish —( Laughter , and cries of " Order , order . " ) The Speaker announced that there was no question before the House , and directed the clerk to read the list of members who had claimed to be excused from serving on election committees as being upwards of sixty years of age . The list wa 3 read accordingly ; and Lord J . Russell , Sir G . Grey , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer were also ordered to be excused while holding office . Sessional Orders . —Lord Sobs Rcssell moved some new sessional resolutions , with the view of accelerating the progress of public business of the House . The particular resolutions which may be characterised ns substantially new are ( as afterwards amended ) to the following effect : —

      " That when any bill is presented by a member , pursuant to an order of the House , or brought from the Lords , the question that it 'be read a first time , ' or that it be ' printed , ' shall be decided without debate or amendment , " That when a bill has been partly considered in committee ( except supply or ways and means ) , and the chairman has reported progress and asked leave to sit again , and the House has ordered its sitting on a particular day , the Speaker , when the order is read , shall leave the chair -without putting the question . ' ' That at the close of the proceedings of a committee of the whole House on a bill , the chairman . shall report the bill forthwith , and the amendments shall be received without debate .

      " That the House will not insist upon its ancient undoubted privileges , in certain cases , with respect to any bill brought or returned from the Lords with amendments affecting any pecuniary penalty , forfeiture or fee . " The noble lord detailed the reasons upon which these resolutions were founded , and the advantages -which might be expected from their adoption , in expediting public business , without limiting the power of " free discussion . Mr . Gocunrnx , Sir IL Ltgijs , and other members suggested alterations in the wording of the resolutions ; and Mr . Hrare felt the pulse of the House as to the limitation of speeches—a proposal , he said , he had made in the committee , but could get no member to second it ,

      At a later period of the evening , however , Mr . M . Grcsox interposed , and adopting a * suggestion thrown out by Mr . Hume , moved a 3 an amendment a resolution fimitingthe duration of all speeches to one hour , except in the case of a member introducing an original motion , or a minister of the crown speaking in reply . Some difficulty was offered to the putting of this amendment in point of form , ¦ which Mr . ^ Oibson dexterously avoided by moving the omission of the whole of the original resolution except the first words , filling up the hiatus "with the ¦ words of his amendment . Lord J . licissEK . saw much public inconvenience 35 likelv to arise from the proposition , and put the

      case of " a charge brought against a government department , and supported by statements extending over a three-hours speech . It would be obviously unjust to deny the representative of that department equal facilities to make his defence . If they adopted the hour limit , it should apply to all parties alike , on ' usticcwouldnotbe done to the individual ; while if they limited every one they would liardlv in all cases ' do justice to the subject . Mr ! Ttxie thought the habit of long speaking was owing to the growing perfection of reporting , sr . d suggested that the evil mig ht be abated by shorteningthe reports . Mi-. Hume considered an hour sufficient to say all

      that need be said on anv subject . Sir R . Peel would rather leave the matter to the discretion of members themselves than lay down acy arbitrary rule . If members would agree to avoid repeating facts and arguments advanced by others , much time might be saved . He hoped Mr . Hume -would do this in future , and showan example to ftther members . Mr . IlniE was quite willing to enter into an agreement never to speak longer than twenty minutes if the rishfe hon . baronet would do so too . This offer which occasioned considerable laughter , was not , however , accepted . Sir E . Lvcns spoke against the proposition . Mr . CouDExhad no faith in any mere tmderstanaing to limit the duration of speeches . He would limit the time of speaking by a positive rule , in order to save the time of the House , and its reputation with the country .

      . .. .. „ Mr . Sewdegate remarked that if the House reused to give due attention to great public questions , they would be discussed by assemblies out ol doors , and leffislation become the mere record of passing events . , . , „ On a division Mr . Gibson ' s motion vias lost , by a Ewjority of 9 G to 62 ; » nd the orders , as amenaeu , *« e asn-eed to . t ,. „_ . The Ambesa—Lord Habbt Take brought up " « report on the Address to her Majesty . On the lotion that the report be read a second time , The indulged

      Marquis of Gbaxbx begged to be With the attention of the BboSl ' for a few * f " < f - *« laboured under a very strong conviction that tne "peeehitf her Majesty did not convey a fiar reme-^ tation of the condition of the country with reter-V * "e to the manufacturing interests and the agncul-«« al districts . ( Hear . ) With respect to the onus-?* of all allusion whatever to the distress in the tp ^ tural districts , he could not suppose that her j ? Jesty ' s sovcrnment were altogether ignorant of we realit y ^ and tlic depth of tfcrt distress , wtat

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      then , could be their object . in making no mention 01 allusion to it in the speech from the throne ? ( Hear . ) Did they think that the conviction which was brewing in men ' s minds that the Free Trade system had been a complete failure would bo crushed by such an omission ? He recollected the prophecy made at the time of the passing of those Free Trade measures , that wages were to be raised , and that bread was to be Lad at half price . How had that prophecy been fulfilled 1 He held in his hand a statement of the condition of the agricultural classes in the nei g hbourhood of the country where he lived and as it was very short perhaps the House would allow him to read to them the difference in their condition now , and what it was before the Free Trade

      measures passed . The wages in Leicestershire and Lincolnshire were now reduced from 12 s . to 10 s He took a family to consist of five individuals—a husband , wife , and three children—and lie preaumed that they consumed half a stone of coarse flour per week . The price of flour , when the wages were 12 s ., was 2 s . 2 d . per stone , making for these five individuals 5 s . 5 d . He presumed that a labouring man would consume three pounds of meat a week , at 6 fd . That would be Is . 7 Jd . a week . Tho total expenses , therefore , of the flour and meat would be 7 s . OJd . He now took the prices at the present moment , the wages being 10 s .: The two-and-a-half stone of flour now at Is . lOd . would be is . 7 d . ; and the meat at 5 Jd . would be Is . 4 Jd . the total being

      os . Hid . The reduction , therefore , in the price would be Is . Id ., but the reduction in the man ' s wages was 2 s . ; so that he was worse off now than he was before by lid . ( Hear , hear . ) _ The truth was , what was required to meet the evil of the present day was employment ; but all the legislative measures of late years had tended to reduce emplovment at home , and to transfer that employment to the foreigner . How could the farmer be expected , with wheat at 45 s . per quarter , to lay out capital upon his land , particularly now when competition was staring him in the face . Mr . Baxkes exposed the unfavourable indications of the revenue , at which the House was perversely called upon to express its satisfaction .

      Mr . M . Gibsox retorted upon the country gentlemen , who , he contended , were taking an extraordinary course with reference to their tenant occupiers . They did not ask for protection , and they censured the government for proposing retrenchment and economy . How could they then hold themselves up as friends of the tenant occupiers , who would be relieved by retrenchment and a reduction of taxation 1 Sir J . TiKBELtcontendedthatin noticingihe omissions of the Royal Speech hon . gentlemen were doing only what the noble lords opposite had done when they used to tear Royal Speeches to pieces . Seeing the indecent haste with which the government had adopted the financial scheme of the hon .

      member for the West Riding , it might be imagined that they -were actuated by a desire to vamp up his character as a prophet . If ministers adopted the hon . member ' s plan , the least they could do was to give him a place on the Treasury bench . The government might depend upon it that the agriculturists -would not be destroyed without an effort being made in their behalf . Meetings on an extensive scale were about to take place in the agricultural districts , and the cause 01 the Landed interest had lately obtained the aid of some noble converts in another place . Was it fair that agriculture should be exposed to competition with the whole world when at the present moment several articles of manufacture were protected by a duty of 10 per

      cent ? [ A member on the Ministerial side . — " . Not cotton articles . " ] He did not allude to cotton ; some persons had nothing but cotton in their heads . ( A laugh . ) He had felt it his duty to support ministers in their estimates hist session , but in consequence of their conduct upon that point he would support them no longer , and would regard the proceedings of his right hon . friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer with great caution . Mr . Wobehousb , Mr . Fbewex , and Mr . P . Benxet , in succession , drew a lamentable picture of the disastrous effects of the policy of the late and present Ministers upon the agriculture of the country . Mr . Hume complained that the speech from the Throne was engrossed with foreign aflairs , to the

      exclusion of domestic topics , as if we were the police officers of the world . He then touched upon the various grievances of the United Kingdom and the colonies , which he ascribed mainly to the limited basis of the representation in this country , and concluded by moving certain amendments with reference to the rebellions in Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope , and the discontent in British Guiana , the Mauritius , and other British colonies , to the excessive amount of taxation , and to the state of the representation . ) The amendments were seconded by Mr . Bankes , and supported by Mr . S . Crawford , but were negatived , after an attempt on the part of Mr . Crawford to divide the House , Mr . Hcme declining to do so .

      The address was then agreed to . The Irish Poor Law . —Sir W . SoMERViLMthen rose to move for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the operation of the Irish Poor Law . Such a committee had been moved for List vear , by Colonel Dunne , and the government had been unmeritedly blamed for resisting that motion ; for at the time when it was made , the law had not been fairly tested . But it was far different now . They had had a year's trial of the Act , and he now came fovvard to ask for a committee to inquire into its operation . The government -was blamed by the Opposition for not at once bringing

      forward a measure for the alteration of that law . But , had it done so , it would have been blamed on all hands for not complying with the pledge which it made List year , to grant a committee . Inquiry by a committee had now , in his opinion , become necessary . He could assure the House that the government * did not ask for this committee for the purpose of delay . 3 fo time should be lost , after its deliberations were completed , in bringing forward such measures as the exigencies of the case might appear to warrant . He concluded bis brief statement by moving for a committee . Mr . Trench characterised the law as universally detested hi Ireland .

      Mr . Fagax observed that but for the famine -which had desolated Ireland for the past three years , the rate hi Ireland would not have exceeded 5 d . in the pound . It did not now , taking Ireland generaUy , exceed 2 s . Gd . or 2 s . 9 d . in the pound . The agitation now going on against the law in Ireland was more attributable to the pressure of the rates than to any serious defect in the law itself . It was a law just in principle , and calculated to be beneficial in its operation—although the famine had rendered the rates for the present oppressive . If the law was not satisfactory to all parties , the fault was more in the circumstances of the times than in the

      law itself . Major Blabkaix approved of the course now taken by the Irish Secretary . But he would impress this upon the House , that , in framing a poorlaw for Ireland it should not take Ireland as at present circumstanced , as the basis of its action . Mr . Bright also approved of the appointment of a committee , treating poverty as the curse of Ireland . Let them adjust the poor-law as they would between district and district , it would never suffice to relieve the Irish people , so long as one moiety of them subsisted upon the other . It would not do simply to relieve , they must also diminish the poverty of Ireland , ere they could effect any real good to that country , this they could only do by dealing

      with the Land question in Ireland as they should do . In dealing with it , they should make the poor-law a stimulus to the better cultivation of the soil . Mr . Stjlffokd concurred in every word that had fallen from the honourable member for Manchester . Instead of relieving , a poor-law would only augment the povertv of Ireland , unless it were so framed that in its working it would stimulate to the better employment of the land . Mr . Sadleir , Sir G . Obey ; Mr . Herbert , Sir L . O'Brie . v , Mr . MeNSEM ,, Mr . Grattan , Mr . S . Crawford , Mr . St . George , Mr . P . Scrope , and Col . VxnmE , participated in the debate , -which ended in the appointment of the committee , and the House adjourned at half-past twelve .

      TUESDAY , Feb . 6 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —This House satfor a short time and disposed of some formal business . Lord Campbell laid upon the table a Bill for the Amendment of the Law of Marriage in Scotland ; and a Bill to Amend the laws for the Registration of Births , Deaths , and Marriages in Scotland . Both bills were read a first time . On the motion of the Lord Chancellor , the present system of engrossing public bills was referred to a select committee . _

      HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Lord J . KB 8 SMX gave notice that he would on Monday the 19 th inst ., move for leave to bring in a bill to alter the form of the oath to be taken by members of Parliament ( in other words , a bill for the removal of Jewish disabilities ) . The noble lord then , in reply to a question put by the Earl of Lincoln , observed that there ¦ would be no objection to laying upon the table of the House , on an early day , copies of the papers connected with the grant of Yancouvers Island to the Hudson ' s Bay Company . Mr . Horsmax put a series of inquiries relative to church reform , and Lord John having had since Friday to reflect , announced that in the course 01 the session he would introduce a bill altering the constitution of the Ecclesiastical Commission , and providing for a severance of the episcopal and common funds . On the subject of cathedral establishments he intimated that lie did not intend to

      legis-I ^ rd Paxmerstox stated , in reply to Mr . ¦ Rsight that there had been recent alterations in the tariffs of Brazil , but that they would not take rffect until the 1 st of Jan ., 1850 , and that they had not been made in consequence of any measures of ^ rsrrwiox orTHE Habeas Corpus Act rs lrabtsrxxsw * « rose tQ moye for leavc t 0 S £ fcS& S watinuQ * " *¦** ™ t ] mG *

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      * e act passed last year for the suspension " of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland . -In so doing , he observed , that the Government was sensible , that : the extraordinary powers , the continuance of which / for an additional period , he was abontj to -propose , should nofbe required , at the hands of Parliament , unless a clear case of riecessify for them were made out .. They were , in their-nature and operation ,, exceptions to the constitution , and could only be justified when necessary to preserve tho-public tranquillity , and maintain the . constijtiition . The act passed last July had . beciiytjinost instrumental in preserving the one and maintaining the other . That act would expire on . the " 1 st of March , and the government now felt it incumbent

      upon it to ask for its continuance . The right hon . gentleman then proceeded to state the grounds on which he proposed to continue it . The circumstances in which Ireland was placed last July , fully justified the enactment of the measure in question , nor had the anticipations formed of its result been disappointed .. But the circumstances under which he proposed its'continuarice , were , widely different from those ulldefwniijn Lord John Russell had proposed its efla ^ fifterifc " There were ho parties now in arms against the-Or own in-Ireland , but the secret organisation which stimulated to the late insurrection was still more or less in existence , whilst the spirit of disaffection was-yet prevalent , particularly m the districts which were tho scene of the recent

      insurrectionary attempt . To show that it was no " mock insurrection , " as some hon . members had asserted it to be , and , at the same time , to demonstrate the extent to which organisation and disaffection still prevailed , the right hon . gentleman quoted several documents , amongst which was the letter of a Mr . M'Ghee , which had been copied some time ago _ by the press of this country from one of the ^ ew ' York journals . Looking , then , at this ovganisation , which was only in abeyanco , if not in actual operation , and at the spirit of disaffection , which in some districts of the country , scarcely courted concealment , the government felt bound , in order to prevent a recurrence of the insane insurrectionary movement of last

      year , and to restore , as far as possible , confidence and security to the well-afiectcd in Ireland , to demand of Parliament the continuance , for a further limited time , of the extraordinary powers recently intrusted to the Lord-Lieutenant . The spirit in which-Lord Clarendon had already exercised the powers confided to him was a guarantee that their operation , if continued , would be strictly limited to the necessities of the case . He then read the greater _ part of the Lord-Lieutenant ' s letter , to show that it was his Excellency ' s opinion , founded upon the most ample information , that the continuance of tho powers in question was absolutely indispensable to the maintenance of tranquillity in

      Ireland . As to the time for which their continuance was sought , it was the anxious desire of tho government to limit it to the shortest possible period . . He would , therefore , propose that the act passed last July should be continued for a further period of six months , and concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to that effect . Mr John O'Conjjell moved , as' an amendment , that a committee , consisting of twenty-one members , be formed by ballot , to examine such documents as might be laid before it ; and to report to the House its opinion upon those documents , whether the continuance of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act be a measure necessarv to the tranouillitv of

      Ireland at the present tune . The proposal of the continuance of the act was solely based upon the Lord-Lieutenant ' s letter , -which , in his opinion , gave anything but a fair picture of the exact state of things in Ireland . The real object of the bill was not to prevent the recurrence of insurrection , but to strike down constitutional agitation in that country . In other words , it was a blow at the constitution , not only in Ireland , but also in this country , and honourable members might live to regret the sanction which they were about to give it . He opposed the measure , first , because it was one of coercion ; and next , because tho plea of necessity had not been made out .

      Mr . Feargbs O'Conkob said he did not feel much astonished at the right hon . gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department making such a proposition to the House , when he saw so much difficulty on the part of the hon . member for Limorick in finding a seconder for his resolution . He ( Mr . F . O'Connor ) had listened with great attention both to the right hon . gentleman and to tho hon . member , and he should say that the right hon . the Secretary of State brought forcibly to his recollection the story of the lawyer , who said he would much prefer to have a good subservient jury to the best case that ever went before a court . The right

      hon . gentleman had altogether abandoned his- case , and relied entirely . upon the subserviency of the House to destroy the last remnant of Irish liberty , but before he animadverted upon the case of the right hon . gentleman—if case it . could be called—duty compelled him to repudiate tho odium sought to be cast upon Mr . M'Ghee and others , who were insultingly called refugees , but who were really banished men—banished by the tyranny of the government , and the training and duplicity of that party to whom the hon . member for Limerick belonged . Mr . John O'Consell . —Kb , no .

      Mr . O'Connor . —I repeat it . It is easy to put party or ministerial construction upon words ; but what did the hon . member ' s father mean when he asked for a petition from five hundred thousand fighting men , the prayer to conclude with an humble appeal to this House 1 Mr . John O'Connell . —No , no . Mr . O'Connor . —Nothing easier to deny , but I heard it with my own ears . ( Hear , hear . ) And did the hon . gentleman forget that in 1843 , when moral force was at a discount , that he stated to his hearers , in Conciliation Hall , that , if that their last appeal to the Saxon Parliament failed , he would be found in the front ranks of the Irish invading army , and would lead his countrymen to death or glory , Mr . Jonx O'Conxell . —Kb ,. no . Mr . O'Connor . —Then the Times lies and all tho

      Irish papers lie , and that was impossible , as whoever read a lie or even a prevarication in a news . paper ? ( Hear , and laughter . ) However , he would pass from the consideration of that part of the subject into "which , he was provoked by the ungenerous assault of the hon . member upon those who had risked their liberty in opposing ministerial tyranny . The hon . gentleman quoted a speech of Fox , but he appeared to forget that there was a difference between a minister seeking power and a minister exercising power : that when Pox made

      that speech he wa 9 in opposition , and relied upon professions of constitutional loyalty for his passport to the Ministerial benches . He would now turn to tho consideration of the speech , of ihe righi hon . Secretary for the Home Department—if , indeed , speech it could be called—and he would ask that House if it had ever fallen to their lot to hear a more vague , incoherent , weak , unsatisfactory , and inconclusive appeal ? ( Hear , hear . ) Well ' yet , nevertheless , the English <* entlemen who sit upon this side of the House will ° ive their assent to the measure because it is a Slow at Irish liberty in which they are willing to aid the government in the hope of stabbing English

      liberty . Kow , what was the case of the right hon . gentleman . Firstly , echoing the speech of the noble lord , who moved the address to the Queen , he savs—We admit that at present there is perfect tranquillity in Ireland : but Lord Clarendon , the Saxon Ticeroy of the Irish people , in the distant horizon , sees the dim shadow of rebellion . And the Minister gravely says to the House , will you impugn the vision of this far-seeing oracle ? will you deny to this great statesman those powers , extraordinary and unconstitutional as they may be , the necessity for which looms in the distance ? tranquillity you must take as Iho-womu ofiusumction , therefore , I retir e tne

      violation of the constitution as a means of derenceandean vou doubt his sagacity ? says the right . hon . gentleman . That was his first proposition . His second was a . most enthusiastic laudation of the constabulary of Ireland . He eulo gised their loyalty , praised their bravery , and extolled their patriotism , while he appeared to forget that he was thereby weakening lus charge of Irish disloyalty , and was establishing grounds for remedial instead of coer-S measufes . Was he not aware that this very constabulary was composed of Catholics , and does SWstoSnium prove that Catholics can be satisfied , nay , patriotic and loyal , when they are placed ina situation to earn their bread bo matter how re-DU < mant to their feelings ? Hear , hear . ) The S ^ position of the right hon f . ^ " ^^ that t £ e lord-Lieutenant required the measure to he lauca 10

      carry out his Irish policy , but ueaurmo ffilSfojWthe House . ' In fact , it was » comnlete surrender of ministerial power and rcsponsi-£ t " a Saxon Viceroy . No remedial measures , ^ mand for those remedial measures . Silence &S 3 feaSS ^ 5 ^ foundation tf legitimate Irish AaffecUon TVKMtthe Whi"s required agitation , who then fos-S itf Tvhmi agTtation . no matter how violent sl ^ SSS ^

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      2 fino l W dOpend u P ° serrilo . Irish » up-£ S * -, S ^ r Ji * Wh 0 n - . tyaany . coercion , and on'KSofiWirrT ' - *^ ^ depend hnn ilw + ° , ldLn = l . wtlemen and thonjrht thev suppose , however weak the Irish partv may be ! nSi r ' tllat % ™ lldst V th « current of thn 2 lv ff ^' o 11 lnIreland ? What was to be SSnSSIPS * . , Saxon autocrat t-it had not been defined by the right hon . gentleman . But he would explain it . It was this—Smtif any , tho most healmg or beneficial measure was proposed for Ireland which required agitation to enforce it nnon thii

      House , the supporters of that agitation would become the victims of the Viceroy-public opinion would be checked—national disquietude and dissatisfaction would rankle silently in the breasts of E « Z " tuthe . aggrcgated feelill g would become too powerful for the Viceroy and the Ministers . Who now will , dave to agitate for legitimate purposes / If it is not illegal , it becomes unconstitutional , and you constitute the Saxon Viceroy the Saxon gaoler-general , and if his authority is impugned he says ;_ . « Rely entirely on mo . I am the constitution — -

      .... , , '" I am Sir Oracle ! And when I ope my mouth let no dog bark . '" He told them last session that the suppression of public opinion would lead to secret societies and associations , while its free expression would enable Pf ; S ° und judgment of the many to curb the folly ° i \ t t " . * ' contin "C this power in tho hands of the Lord-Lieutenant , and who then will dare to complain of famine , ejection , or tvrannv ? If he does not violate the law , he violates the Viceroy S constitution . -Well , but the right hon . gentleman has attempted to furnish evidence from documenta printed in New York ; but if the opinion of the House is _ to be governed by the usual rules of evidence , nhe right hon . gentleman destroyed his own case . It is a legal maxim , that if a portion of

      a letter is read , its whole contents . must be read , as one part may neutralise or qualify ' another . Tho right hon . gentleman , however , unguardedly read a portion , which , from his own ministerial knowledge , he was enabled to refute , ' and did refute , and , therefore ,, that whole document must be rejected ; but then the right hon . gentleman knows that the shortest sentence , however qualified by the whole , will be accepted by this House as a valid and substantial indictment against Ireland . Then we have the prospectus of a new newspaper , to appear when tho tyrannicalta'ty expires . Then . we have an anonymous epistle , of course , from tho most loyal , creditable , and well-disposed gentleman in Ireland , and who will dare to impugn his veracity ? ( Hear , hear . ) I vouch for it , says the right hon .

      gentleman—but did the House ever hear , or did the world ever hear , of a bad Irish landlord when his characteror his evidence was necessary to sustain ministerial tyranny ? Ask any Irish gentleman in this House if ho is a bad landlord , and what will be the answer : "Jfo ; I amthe . hestinthecountRy . " Ask if any tenant has been tyrannically ejected . The answer is "Hb . he was the greatest vagabond in the country . ' 'Let them look to what was passing around . Whenever terror was to be struok into England , Ireland was made the scapegoat ; whenever war was to be waged with opinionln England , Ireland was to be maae the battle-field . ' But , however weak the Irish party might bo in this House , —however weak the Irish interest mi ght be in the sight of the government , he warned them that they could not go on

      destroying the constitution of , a portion of this country , when on tho Continent now ' constitutions wore being granted every day--constitutions in harmony with the advancing spirit of the age . There was one thing , however , in which ho agreed with the right honourable gentleman the Home Secretary , that it was not to this House or to this government , but to their own landlords « r resident gentry that the Irish were to look for protection . But what were the facts ? The right honourable gentleman knew well that the Irish gentlemen fiere would support him in any measure against the liberties 01 Ireland . Well , lot them stop the progress of public opinion , and what were they to expect ? Why , clubs and secret associations , and plotting and conspiracy . Were they to give to public opinion its full scope , they would find that what was

      right and good and sound and wholesome in that public opinion would absorb , and put down what was bad and wrong and vicious . He wished to ask this question , would government daro to behave to England as they were behaving to Ireland ? Did they forget the letter of Ton \ \ oung , of the Home Office —( laughter )—to General Napier , asking him to take the command o / the Brummagems , in case every other moans of agitation were to fail ? ( Oh , oh , and laughter . ) But the noble , lord sitting there ( pointing to tho Treasury benches ) and sitting here ( pointing to tho Opposition benches , ) is a very different person—as different as night from day . ( A laugh . ) As for himself , he had been taunted with loyalty . ( Loud-laughter . ) But he had to ask , what was the meaning of

      loyalty ? Was the loyalty of a Minister ot the Crown , who went down every quarter-day to the Treasury to pocket his salary , tho same sort of thing as that which was to be expected in the case of a poor alien in blood , language , and religionthe victim of grinding middlemen—oppressed by a dominant church , and tyrannised over by the unconstitutional acta of an arbitrary government ? ( Oh . ) Honourable gentlemen said " Oh . " Was not Ireland , a Catholic country , subjected to the tyranny of a Protestant church ? He certainly had expected this session to have heard something in the royal speech about tho endowment of the Catholic clergy . But the noble lord dared not introduce it . The time , however , when a reform in this respect must take place , was possibly not so far off . What Catholici ? 1

      * T 1 1 . ll ^ ll *___ J .. _ T — av « nr > i » ism was in Ireland , the religion of the Jews was 111 Berlin / and the house knew what had recently happened 111 Prussia . When the Berlin insurrection broke out , the English press charged the Jewish proprietors of newspapers in that city with being the romentors of rebellion , and marvelled at the fact as the disabilities under whicn they previously suffered had been all removed . But is this House not aware that those very disabilities engendered that morbid feeling , that rankling hatred against the system which imposed them , and that those feelings were naturally transmitted from generation to generation , from sire to son 1 Though the disabilities may be nominally removed , the dominant ascendency conferred upon the oppressor still remained in force , and so it was in Ireland . You talk of

      emancipation , you talk of equality , but still the badge of inferiority exists , and a people nine-tenths Catholics , are still suffering under the statutory enactments of the dominant faction . ( Hear . ) He rcn-retted the absence of the right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth , who formerl y twitted him with his want of loyalty , and if he had been present he would have asked that right hon . baronet what identity of loyalty existed between the pampered squire , possessing lands by the title of conquest , and that of the alien in language , religion , and blood , made tributary to a dominant State Church ? Where would he find tho loyalty of him who paid willing dues to hi 3 own priests and forced contributions to the alien—the man who was transferred from the lord in fee to the middleman , and handed over , if charged

      vrith criminality , to a jury of Protestants ? ( Hear , hear . ) What was the case of Ireland ? Tho owner of the soil let to a middleman , he abandoned his duties ; the middleman became his substitute on the magisterial bench , and in the grand jury room , and to justify his own tyranny he maligns the cliaracier of his injured serf . Therefore it was the . injustice of the Saxon law that constituted the minister's greatest difficulty —» difficulty which ho would vainly hope to allay by repeated acts of coercion . This rankled in the Irish mind , and to prove Irish hatred of Saxon law , he would instance Irish feeling thus : Suppose a Protestant parson to be hated and despised in his parish , yet so inveterate is the Irishman ' s hatred of Saxon laws , that every man would ioin that unpopular parson in resisting law .

      ( Hear , near . ) It was ridiculous totalk of the law s justice , and tho law ' s impartiality , He ( Mr . O'Connor ) was once professionally employed for the crown , but not by tho crown , in . the case of General Sir George Bingham ; tho crown refused to prosecute and he did prosecute . lie struck off from the jury panel the inveterate Orangemen , and Mr . Justice Moore , in a rage , declarea that he had never seen so unconstitutional a use made of tho prerogative of tho crown , but mark the difference when Young Irelanders are to be tried . The defendant sat on the bench with the judge . He was found guilty . The judge turned to him when the verdict was . pronounced , shook hands with him , fined him sixpence , and the judgo and the criminal left the court in tho same carriage . Hon . gentlemen laugh at such an ' acfc

      of partiality and injustice , when the criminal is to their taste , but their loyalty prompts them to revile such an act when an Irishman is the subject , lie warned them that , however they might seek to tranquillise Ireland , they would r . ever succeed until they had dislodged the ascendency of that church , which now , as the conquering church , domineered over the people . The House had heard of the necessity of preserving the dignity and authority of the law in Ireland . But how had they shown their strength , and he would add , their impartiality , upon a recent occasion * . Why , when two Americans had been incarcerated , they were at once set at liberty , upon the demand of the American minister . Thus , while Irishmen wero imprisoned , Americans were

      allowed to escape . Such had been the weak and vacillating policy of government : and it was after such displays that they expected loyalty in a starving people . Does the House recollect the inducement held out by Mr . Canning for transferring the government of Ireland to England ? He said : " We all . admit that you have grievances that ' should be remedied , while it is impossible to apply those remedies in the midst of Irish , agitation , therefore remove discussion from those troubled scenes to that calm and quiet arena where public opinion will have its influence , and legislation will be guided by tho sound judgment of this House ; and this was the manner in wliich tho present gOYernmcat proposed to redeem tho pledge of that

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      minister . He contended that the conduct of England towards Ireland was . is bad as had ever been that of Russia to Poland . Had they ever heard of a million of Poles dying of famine ? Tlio time was come , however , when Ministers must reflect' ujion those things . How did it happen that , with the most fertile soil , the most . ceni .-il' climate , and tho most industvio us population in the world , there existed in Ireland more misery—more want—more famine , than oh any other spot of tho whole earth . ( Oil !) He saw hon . members sneering—he heard them murmuring and muttering—what did he care for that ? Not one farthing . ( A laugh . ) No—ho looked to public opinion . He saw them now attempting to resist the financial reformers ; But what were they doing in all other countries—what wero they doing in ¦ Republican France ? And hero let them not be mistaken , he never was a Republican — lie never would be a Republican— -that was , unless ho very mucli altered

      us mind . ( Shouts of laughter . ) " But what must be the popular opinion of th . it form of government , UQging of it by the efforts which were seen to flow from it in other countries ? The people wished for a reduction in the army and navy . They were told that they could not have it because England was a monarchy , ( Oh , oh . ) Yes , could they hold up their monarch y and point to it as effecting the same reforms and reductions which were taking place under tho Republic in France , both in the armv and navy of that kingdom ! Would they be able much longer to stand against such pressure from without ? The gentlemen of the " standstills , the gentlemen of the " wait-awhiles , " and the gentlemen of the " go-aheads "—( laughter )—seemed all to be absent . Nevertheless , he would tell them , that their recent Free Trade legislation would be the ruin of Ireland . The right hon . baronet the member for Ripon laughed . Sir James Graham . —ffo , no ; I differ from you in opinion only .

      Mi . Feakous O'Connor was glad , at all events , to sco the right honourable baronet in his place . He snpposed that he had been left on duty by his party as a sort of sentinel until they camo back again . ( A laugh . ) He would tell him and the House , however , that he ( Mr . F . O'Connor ) would much prefer the Free Trade measures , and measures of concession of the late colleague of the right honourable gentleman , to the Free Trade measures and concessions —which wero merely bidding for power—of the noble lord opposite . ( Hear . ) As for Ireland , sho wanted no reliof—she only wanted justice . They dealt with any description of property , save that which belonged to a landlord . So much for Ministers in office . What had been the policy of Ministers when out of office ? They had first encouraged , nay , created , revolution in this country , and they now blamed their followers in Ireland . '

      " Cum duces faciunt talia , quidnon militesfacient ?" He believed that any difficulty of which tho Irish had to complain was traceablo to the conduct of their landlords . The old system was to feed the landlords by patronage—to cultivate their estates by patronage . Now the noble lord was afraid of them . Why , let them go home ; ho was not a man much attended to by tho House—hig opinions were not very popular , but the House would remember that he had proposed Poor-laws for Ireland in 1834 , with a tax upon absentees , with labour premiums , farm premiums , and other similar inducements to improved cultivation . Ho held that the House must compel Irish landlords to give leases in perpetuity , then they would not have crowds emigrating every day , and taking with them a great deal of the

      disposable capital of . the country . What would be the effect of tenure in perpetuity ? A letter had been published the other day from Mr . Charles Coulthurst , who managed the estates of Sir Nicholas Coulthurst , in Kerry . This letter related to circumstances as far back as 1818 . There was then a large farm upon tho estate , from which not more than £ 600 a year could be realised . Mr . Coulthurst undertook to get £ 1 , 000 tojv atmvun for it , if he were allowed to let it hi small portions and in perpetuity . What was the result ? Why they cleared annually £ 1 , 350 from the land in question , whilo there was not a man connected with the locality now who was disaffected to government : to use his own words , an old woman would colleet the rent ; the presence of an agent was never

      required for thirty years ; the tenants paid their rent by letters of credit ; they took their money out of tho old stockings , expended it upon reproductive labour ; the estate , he says , would sell like a debenture in the market , £ 100 , 000 being expended upon it in building improvements , and over £ 40 , 000 in reclamation . Then he gives you another instance of the value of leases in perpetuity ; he says , that in the parish of Coachford , you can pitch a stone from little domain to little domain ; that there the poor rates are 2 * d . in the pound , while in a neighbouring parish they are 7 s . 6 d . Well , then , will this not convince you that every grievance of the complaining landlords is the consequonces of their own neglect of duty , and , instead of passing laws to enable them to grind the faces of their unfortunate

      tenants and labourers , pass a law to compel them to cultivate their land upon the reproductive system , and then Ireland would be tranquil , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer will not be obliged to come to you for supplies to relieve Irish distress , oonsequent upon landlords' neglect of duty ? ( Hear , near . ) He was sorry tho noble lord , the Secretary for Foreign Affairs , was not in his place , as he should have complimented the noble lord upon tho soundness of his domestic and pacific policy , as he had turned his sword into a ploughshare , or rather into a spade , as he Was upon the digging system , and the result of which was , that he had nearly doubled the value of an estate in less than two years . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , why did not they compel all

      Irish landlords to do the same ? Why so fastidious with what was called the vested rights of landlords , tho unjust use of which caused millions to starvo ? Again , see what Mi * . Hamilton , a most experienced practical and large agriculturist says , of the difference between a mere casual holding and perpetuity of tenure : —He says , a farm which would now let badly for £ 15 a year , would fetch £ 20 upon ft leaso in perpetuity , : ind would be worth £ 50 in ten year 3 . Well , these are the lazy Irish , the Irish who wero invited—nay , compelled—to emigrate ; and then , when they accepted tho invitation , the Times , the mouthpiece of the party who wanted to depopulate the country , turns round in horrorandin sorrow , and asks—What is to become of us if we lose

      the hard-working laborious Irish . ? Who trill pave our streets , who . will carry the hod to the coping stone ? Who will be our wharfingers , our coal-heavers and scavengers , if we lose our laborious Irish labourers . Sir , this subject may bo uninteresting to the right hon , the Secretary for tho Home Department , hut he has proved that he wants instruction upon it , and it is positively indecent for him to remain in conversation with tho whipper-in , exhibiting levity and disregard , while I am giving him the information he requires . ( Hear , hear . ) He ( Mr . O'Connor ) regretted the absence of the hon . aind gallant member for Middlesex , who taunted him last session with making constant reforence to his prophecies—but , ungeared , he would refer the House to another of his predictions . He told tho

      House that America , excited by the strong feeling and angry passions of expatriated Irishmen , would look with an anxious eye to the emancipation of their country . Let them beware of its realisation . In Canada they were tottering , and because at too great a distance to receive domestic armaments to put down colonial inquietude , tho Governor-General was obliged to proclaim a general amnesty to all political offenders , and to apply the royal domains to colonial education . Was not that a system of terror ? and did tho noble lord hopo to rock his little cradle , with his mangled Constitution , in the midst of surrounding convulsion and revolution , where Constitutions were being framed upon tho basis of progressive knowledge , instead of upon the caprice of ministerial necessity . ( Hear , hear . ) Let

      them look to Prussia , the great Protestant kingdom of Europe ; let them read tho address of Mr Harkort , the chairman of tho Berlin Conservative Election Club , and there they would find tho foroshadowing of Protestant England ' s Constitution ; ho says , " See what the king has done for you , he proposes to allow the flock to elect their own shepherd , to make education national and imperative , to divide the royal domains into peasant allotments ; he tells you that the monies spent in excitement would have located 6 , 500 hard working men upon their peasant allotments ; and he tells you that parsons , jobbers , and lawyers , looking for places , livings , ami pveaitotsWpa ^ wovo occuywd iu taking care of themselves , and had no timo to take care of the people . " This was a truism , and he ( Mr . O ' Connor ) for one , wished that there was not a lawyer or placehunter in that House . Wero they ,

      in the face of facts I 1 K 0 these , then , to bo tow tnat government could not interfere in such matters ? Were government not to make regulations between landlord and tenant , when on those regulations depended the tranquillity and prosperity of the country ? But it was hopeless to look to tho present government . They were powerful in opposition—thoy were powerless in office ; and he hoped to see thorn soon again in the situation which they wero destined by nature to fill . ( A laugh . ) Then they would be men who would stand up for economy — men who would drive the right hon . baronet , tho member for Tamworth , from office wero he to propose anether Arms Bill . Such would bo the policy of tho noblo lord in opposition ; but how long would it last after he had crossed to the Ministerial benches ? ( Hear , hear . ) There had been an allusion made by tho noble lord who moved the address to the Chartists .

      They were told that the Chartists had been put down last April . Now they had neither been put down then , nor were they put down yet . ( Ob , oh . ) Lord Jonir Russbii . pointed to the clock . Mr . O'CoNNon continued : Sir ,, tho noble lord has directed my attention to tho timc-tablo ; porhaps I have exceeded my hour , but I was the person last session who suggested tho limitation of speeches to that period ; last night I voted for it , and ho voted against it , therefore I hope in turn Jw will bo crif i « al

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      in its observance . ( Laughter . ) He had little more to say . . Uould 10 God that he had it in his power to stop the progress of the bill before them ! Svii . it could be more intolerable , more unjust , and more unconstitutional than that tho Homo Secretary should come down to the House and tell them that all was tranquil , but that , nevertheless , ho entertained certain anticipations of further ; disturbance , and that , in consequence of those anticipations , ho asked for an extended limit to tho arbitrary powers now in force ! What !_ was Ireland always to bo governed by ministerial antici p ations . Let them Beware , however , of this fresh attempt to put down public opinion in Ireland . They had lately luid many examples that what was called criminality one day might be accounted patriotism the noxt . Ho

      would conclude by reminding them that tho day would yot como when the criminal should stand in tho awful presence of that Great Judge , into -whoso councils neither tho dictum of the cabinet , tho partiality of the judge , the quibble of the official , nor the prejudice of the jury , would dare to enter ; where crime would be such , but not by construction of human law , political ingenuity , or fanatical hypocrisy . ( Hear , hear . ) Air . E . B . IIoche , in offering his opposition to tho bill , also maintained that no case had been mado out for its re-onactincnt . It appeared from Mr . M'Ghee ' s letter , which had been relied upon by tho Home Secretary , that Ireland would have been revolutionised last year , but for tho interposition of tho ftonian Catholic priests . The priests wcrenowas loyal

      as they wero then , and quite as capable as before of rescuing Ireland from revolution . Of what , then , was the government afraid , seeing tLit they had such influential guardians of tho peaco in Ireland ? The motion of tho right honourable gcntloniftli was founded , not upon a proved necessity , but upon a ftim 9 y pretext . If tho government were in earnost , it might regenerate Ireland without taking a penny from the people of England . They might greatly economise in conducting the government of Ireland , and apply the savings thereby effected to the sociaV and material improvement of the people . 13 ut coercion , and not relief , had ever heen the fate of Ireland ; and such , it appeared , it was still to be . Mr . EAOA . vfelt it to bo his duty to give tho

      measure his strenuous and continuous opposition . Ireland could not be ruled by insurrectionary acts and measures for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act . Admitting that last year thero might have been a semblance of a reason for suspending that act , there was certainly none now . 'J J 10 object of the government was to suppress the expression of , public opinion in Ireland , and to crush an agitation which had solely for its object tho repeal of au act of Parliament . Instead of striking at the root of the evil , Ministers confined their attempts at cure to the symptoms of the disease . He did not wish to pursue a factious course , but would join his fellowmembers in any opposition , within the forms of the IIousd , which they might consider it advisable to offer to the hill .

      Mr . Giuttax 3 aid that tho suspension of tho Ha-) O . tS Corpus Act was a hazardous experiment ; it had often been tried and » s often fililed , There was nothing in the character of the people of Ireland to disqualify them for the enjoyment of liberty , — " The fault , dear Brutus , is not in our stars , But in ourselves , that we are underlings . " In former cases how did the people of England act ? Did they ever suspend the liberties of their country upon such a short notice , or without proof ? Did not Mr . Pitt and Lord Castlereagh como down to the House with large bags filled with letters and sworn informations before the Habeas Corpus Act w « 3 suspended ? In 1700 Mr . Pitt appointed a committee on the subject ; in the following year thero was one in Ireland , and documents were laid on tho table to show the necessity of the act being suspended . All that was wanting here . Tho

      government followed advice that was not serviceablethey followed advice that was anti-Irish ; and so > ong as they excluded from their councils men who knew something of Ireland , it would be impossible to manage the affairs of that country . They themselves had not timo for it , and the consequence was that their measures were adopted in haste . Thero was hesitation at the outset , and precipitation at tho end . He contended that this measure was unnecessary . Tho Irish had no idea of calling in a French or an American anny—they were silent and quiet . The Lord-Lieutenant had sagacity enough to distin ^ tish between qiiictndo and affection ; but not between forco and affection . He had heard it said that England must be feared beforo she could be loved . That was the motto now , and this measure was the illustration ; but he would say , let her be loved before sho was feared . He maintained that Ireland did not deserve this

      measure . The house was in laughter on tho previous evening when they spoko of insurrection in Ireland . There had been none . It existed only in the minds of interested individuals , -who could " get up an insurrection at any time . If they would pay him for it , he would get 0110 up in forty-eight hours . ( Laughter . ) He remembered hearing when ho was a boy the cry of " permanent pay "—that was the cry of the Orangemen—and it meant that there was to bo a Catholic rebellion got up , so that the corps would be increased and there should be permanent pay . IIo suspected something of tho same kind at this time . The government had mado it the interest of men to do mischief ; and it was a horrid —a hellish system . He knew from men in Dublin Castlo that it had been done , not merely by tho

      Whig party but by the Tories , though he was told that they never carried it to such an extent as his "Whig friends , Let them not manufacture spies . Let Ireland be governed b y greater talent , and not by a second-class set of Ministers dressed up from , some old clothes-shop . ( Laughter . ) The Lord-Lieutenant said that the peoplo of Ireland showed nothing of a repentant spirit . They had done nothing to repent of ; for , could it be said that tho people of Ireland , the gentry , the Roman Catholic clergy , had joined in the insurrection , as it was called ? Why , there was no such insurrection , no overt act was proved ; and the lawyers were obliged t

      violent proceedings ; he separated from them , and , in his conversations , expressed opinions very different from those whom ho was charged with intending to excito to insurrection . He had heard O'Brien charged , in that House , with having gone to Franco to solicit French aid , but M . L ;\ mar ' tuio had indignantly denied it . Did the Lord-Lioutenanfme . antosay that agitation was to cease—that thero was to be no discussion of measures which thoy _ considered wrong and wished by legal and constitutional means to repeal ? All history proved that that should not bo done , and ho believed that if it wore the disease would bo aggravated . They might put down repeal , but they would set up separation . "What charm was there to Ireland in tho connexion with this country ? Why should he , as an Irishman , like tho

      English better than the French ? The French were as well mannered—as agreeable . [ An Hon . Mem ber . — " And as good looking . " ] He did not tlunk so . ( A laugh . ) Ho liked the honest face of an Englishman better than those mustachioed fellows , begging the hon . gentleman ' s pardon . [ The hon . member , as he said this , slightly bowed to Mr . Muntz , who was sitting near him , and a hearty laugh rang through the house . ] It happened thai ; on that day there was to be tried in Ireland an individual who had been in gaol seven months . The Attorney-General of Ireland was an ablo man , he knew , but -with his unbaptised spaniels he was unablo to obtain convictions . How was it that ho could not instruct them to succeed ? Ho was obliged to get wiicked iurics to convict . Oh ! if tho

      Attorney-General wero there he could mako the blood fly from his heart , and tho light from his countenance . ( Laughter . ) Of 177 jurors impanelled to try one of the political prisoners ( Mr . Duffy , as we understood ) , 135 wero Protestants and only 43 Catholics , four of whom were tradesmen in the employ of tho Lord-Lieutenant and public contractors . How could Irishmen bo in love with law bo administered ? He entreated English memher 3 to stay away from the division to-night , and save at the same time the liberties of Ireland and their own reputation . Would they repeat in Ireland the scones that occurred in Lord Ca _ stlcrc . ig h ' s time , when men were incarcerated without any proof whatever of their guilt ? He declared that ho would rather that martial law should be

      proclaimed in Ireland than that Parliament should go on this way , suspending the constitutional privileges of lua countrymen , lie felt that be couM move those who now heard him to tears if he were to relate what lie had seen in the course of a recent tour which ho had made through a portion of Ireland , —if ho wero to describe the ruinous devastation , the houses destroyed , the landlords ruined , and the tenants flying —( hear)—and now they vero foing to add a climax to the sufferings and degraation of his unhappy country . Irishmen know how to die as well as Englishmen ; Englishmen knew how to dio on tho field of glory , but let not Irianmen die in a ditch with dishonour . ( CheeJs . J Mr . Chishoim A-vstet could not concur either in tho motion submitted by Sir Geo Grey , or in the amendment proposed by Mr . 3 . O'ConnoH .

      Adroitting the correctness of nearly all tho statements contained in the letter of the Lord-Licutcnant , tho case mado out in that document was utterly insufficient to justify sueh a measure as that proposed . H « would , therefore , notrotofor it , nor would ho vota for the amendment , aa ho considered that the inquiry which it contemplated would be fruitless . In committee , however , Bhduld the bill over roach that stage , he would propose » omo alterations , which , if adopted , would tend to mitigate its seventy . Tho last member gave some account of Mr . M'Gheo . llo described him as an enthusiastic young man , who , up to tho 25 th of last February , when tho news arrived from Paris , had been engaged in restraining the ardour of his younger fellow-countrymon , ai « i had been , as ho had shown by his writings and declarations , a high Tory . What ho had done > udm had heen done under tho effect of excitement . " The man was a poet —» good poet—but only 9

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      i-i - " * -- —^—Imperial pariiamrot

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      i ¦ ¦ ¦¦¦¦ - ¦" - ¦ - ... ¦ .- ;¦ -- -- - . i- . ¦ ¦ ¦ .,.. * ' •¦* ' .. .... .. ¦> .-. . ¦ . ¦ ¦ " ¦¦ '¦'•¦ '¦ „ * ' ¦ * ' ' " ' *'" . '' Fkbbtjaby 10 , 1849 . ^___ - __ THE NORTHERN STAR

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 10, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1509/page/7/