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    ' : ' CHAPTER I . Ibe wealth of a country depends upon the prosgfiEttr of agriculture and industry , the development rfj Commcrce at home and abroad , and a just and equitable distribution of the revenue . There is not ops of these different elements of prosperity whieh ji . not undermined in France by an organic defect . All jadepynd cut minds acknowledge it . They dhTer ^ 0 ti ^ y in regard to the remedies ' to be applied . V 3 I . gricui . tcre . —It is a-retred that the extreme dfiruibility of property lends to ruin agriculture ; and jet the re-enactment of the law of Frimogenipffo , which maintained the great estates and fifroured the cultivation of the soil , is now an

    imv :. EXTINCTION OF PAUPERISM ! r-T : BT rHISJB NAPOLEON LOUIS HONATARIE .

    Possibility . We may congratulate ourselves in a ¦ a $ itical p oint of view that it is so . ^ 'Jsdcstrt . —Labour , the source of all wealth , has jiather system , organisation , nor aim . It is like a . IB&chme working without a regulator , and totally ¦ Ijiconcerned about its moving power . Crushing iwtween its wheels alike men and matter , it depopulates the country , crowds the population into nar--3 § j [ w spaces without air , enfeebles both mind and iJiody , and finally , casts into the street when it no ;| ohger requires them , those men who , to gain some-;? S 6 ing , have sacrificed strength , youth , and existence . ^ Iake " a veritable Saturn , manufacturing industry ^ fe vours its children and lives but upon their destruction ; must we , however , to ward off these evils

    ¦ fjpiiject it to aii iron yoke , deprive it of that liberty ~ cn which it alone nourishes , and in one word slay it , f&ee ause it slays others , without calculating the imjihense benefits it confers ? AVe believe that it will Jte sufficient to cure its wounded and avert ¦ wounds . | It is urgent to do so , for society is no fictitious being . lit is a body composed of flesh and bone which cannot ^ prosper , unless all its component parts are in a state of ^ perfect health . We must have an efficacious remedy yjbr the evils endured by industry . The welfare of 'the country , the voice of humanity , and even the interest t f government imperatively demand it . ¦ Home Commerce—Sutlers , because industry

    produces too much in comparison with the slender irequital it gives to the producer , whilst agriculture Hoes not produce sufficient . The nation is thus composed of producers who cannot tell , and of famished consumers who cannot buy . This loss of . balance causes the government here * as in England , to go to China in search of some thousands of consumer ? , whilst there are millions of French , or English , who are Etri pped of everything , and who , if they could purchase sufficient food and clothing , would create a commercial movement much more considerable thin that caused bj- the most advantaocous treaties .

    Fokeigx CoMMERcr . —The causes which affect our exportationsaretoo closely allied with politics to speaK of them here . It is sufficient for us to say , that the quantity of merchandise which a countrv exports , is always in direct relation with the number of millets which it can discharge against its enemies -when its honour or dignity command it . The events which occurred in China , sufficiently attest that truth . We will now speak of

    TAXATION . France is one of the most highly taxed countries in Europe . It might be , perhaps , the richest country if the public revenue was distributed hi the most equitable manner . The levying of taxes may be compared to the action of the sun ' s rays , which absorb the moisture from the earth , to distribute it again in the form of ram over all places requiring water for fecundity or produce . AVhen this restitution operates regularly , fertility ensues , but -when heaven in its wrath , scatters the absorbed vapours impartially in storms , whirlwinds and tempests , the germs of production are destroyed , aud sterility results , for too much is given here , and too little there . Still whatever may have been the beneficial er Injurious influence of the atmosphere , almost always at ihe end of { he year , the same < piantity of water that has been taken is returned .

    The distribution alone makes all the difference . When it is regular and equitable , abundance is created . "Wnen it is prodigal and impartial , scarcity is the result . The same effects are produced by a good or a had administration . If the taxes annually levied from the people are expended in a non-productive manner , such as in the creation of sinecures , the erection of sterile monuments , and the support of an army in times of peace , more expensive than that which conquered at Austerlitz , then taxation becomes a

    crushing burden ; it exhausts the country by taking without returning . But if , on the other hand , the national resources were employed in creating new elements of production , in re-establishing the equilibrium of wealth , in abolishing miserv , in stimulating and organising labour , and , in short , in curing iimse erils which our civilisation brings in its train , then assuredly taxation would become for our citizens , as a minister said one day from the tribune , ill ? very left of all invcttmenU . In the budget we must find the first starting point of any system which has for its aim the amelioration of the working classes . To seek it elsewhere is

    n chunern . Savings * Banks are no doubt useful to the better class of workmen , they afford them an opportunity of making an advantageous use of their savings , or suj ) erfluiti < .-3 ; but to tin : numerous class who ~" have no superfluity , and consequently no means of saving , the system is altogether worthless . To seek to mitigate the wretchedness of men , who have not sufficient food , by proposing that they shall annually put aside something which they have not got , is tit her a derision or a follv .

    What should be done f ITere it is—our law of equality relative to the division of property ruins ni'iicultuiv . This inconvenience must be remedied by an association , which by employing every idle arm shall re-create great estates and increase * cultivation , without causing any disadvantage to our political principles . Manufacturing industry continually draws the populations into towns , and enervates them . We must recal those into fields , who are too numerous in towns , and invigorate their minds aud bodies in the country . The working classes possess " nothing . We must make them proprietors of the soil . They possess no wealth save in their arms . We must employ these , so as to make them useful to all .

    The working classes are like Helots in the midst of a Sybar ite people . We must then give a position in society , and bind their interests to the soil . Finally , the working classes are without organisation , attachments , ri ghts , or prospects . We must give them both rights and future prospects , and elevate them in the scale of society by combination , education , and discipline .

    Chapter II . To accomplish a project so worthy of the democratic and philanthropic spirit of the age , SO necessaiy for the general well being , and so useful to the repose of society , three things are neces «» ry .- —1 st , A law . 2 nd , The advancement of funds from the budget . 3 rd , Organisation . 1 . THK LAW . There are in France , according to official agricultural statistics , 9 , l < . W , uiK ) acres of uncultivated lands Belonging to government , to borouchs . or

    individuals . These heaths , commons , or pasture lands yield a vorv . small rent of eight francs an acre . They are like sunk capita ] , beneiitting no one . Let uw chambers decree that all these uncultivated lands shall belong in right to the working association , on condition that they annually pay to the actual proprietors the same amount which they receive now . let them consign the idle acres to the idle arms , and these two unproductive capitals will spring into life , ihe one operating upon the other . Then the means will have been discovered of

    mitijratinff misery by enriching' the country . So as to avoid" the reproach of exaggeration , we will suppose that two thirds of these nine millions of aeres caii be given up to the association , and that the remainder may be either unarable or occupied by houses , rivers - , canals , < te . There will remain e , 127 , ( KiO acres to lie cleared . This work would be rendered possible by the creation of agricultural colonies , which when scattered all over France would form the basis of a single and vast organisation , of which all the poor workmen »» j . be members although not individual proprietors . "

    2 . TliE ADVAXCE OF FU . VDS . ,: i he necessary advance of money for the creation ,- ( A these colonies oueht to be furnished by the state \ ^^ OSf ^ Ssil ^ } 4 ^ ^ - ^^ SSS 5 r TvorWn , wonM ^ di ^ ct benefit . At the end of ^ ton years the Government mi ght levy a land tax of . . ; « ght indiums of francs or £ 320 , 000 / without eountt ing the natural increase of indirect taxes , which ? . always augment in proportion to the consumption j . winch expands with the general comfort of the . f-. people . ^ Thi s advance of three hundred millions of franca £ would not then be a sacrifice , but a magnificent ing _ , ^ stniciit of money ; and could the State on eontem-> - p wtingthe grandeur of the obieet rPf «« it whiUt

    g annuall y expending forty-six millions of francs in C : Syen V $ cr Punishing attack * made upon pro-& ffi " , tf sacrificing every year three hundred « SfT . ° fe te ? chin ? the trade of soldierl ^^ ll ^?? •^^* SSSv » s ^ r ^ s ^ 'srt ^ SvSrr : ni * -n , «« d to WM the ttS ¦ ¦?!<• - < I ?

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    3 . ORGAXISATIOH . The unorg anised masB are nothing , united they are everything ; without organisation they can neither speak themselves , nor make others understand them ; they cannot even receive or act upon a common impulse . On the one hand , the voice of twenty millions of men , scattered over a vast territory , is lost in echo ; on the other , there is no language sufficiently stronoand persuasive to spring from a central point , and bear to twenty millions of consciences without recognised mediators the severe doctrines of power . The reign of castes is over . They can only govern now by the masses . It is therefore * necossarr to organise thorn , so that they may reduce their wishes to form , and discipline them , so that they may be directed towards , and enlightened upon their real interests .

    To govern , means no longer to rule the people by violence and physical force , but the art of conducting them towards a more glorious future , by appealing to their reason and feelings . But since the masses need instruction , and the government requires to be restrained , and even enlightened , as to the interest of the greatest number , it is absolutely necessary tliat there should be in society two equally powerful movements : the action of power upon the mass , and the re-action of the mass upon power . These separate influences cannot act without collision , except through mediatort , who at once possess the confidence of those whom they represent , and the confidence of those who rule .

    These mediators would possess the confidence of the first , the moment they were freely elected by them ,- and they would deserve the confidence of the second , the moment they filled an important place in society ; for one may say in general , that man is that which the functions ho performs obliges him to be . Guided by these considerations we wish to see created between the workmen and their emplovers , an intermediate class enjoying rights legally recognised , and elected by the whole mass of workmen . This intermediate class would form the corps of managers or overseers . We should like all the working-men to assemble in their respective communes every year , and proceed to the election of their representatives or overeeers in the proportion of one to every ten workmen . Good conduct would be the sole qualification .

    Every manufacturer , or farmer , or any tradesman whatever should be compelled by law to have a manager whenever he employed more than ten workmen , and to pay him double the amount of a common workman . These managers would perform amongst the working classes the same duty that non-commissioned officers do in the army , they would compose the first step in the social hierarchy , stimulating thelaudablc ambition of all by showing them a recompenso easy to be obtained .

    Elevated in then * own estimation by the duties they had to perform , they would bo compelled to set an example of j ; ood conduct . According to this plan , every ten of the workmen would contain within themselves the germ of . perfection . To ameliorate the condition of men , you must always place before them some attainable object , which may at once be honourable and honoured . The question of giving an impulse to tho mass , of enlightening them , of appealing to them , and of causing them to act , is found to rest simply in the relation which one bears to ten . Suppose there are twenty-five millions of men , who exist b y labour alone , there would be two millions and a half managers or of intermediate agents , to whom they could appeal with greater confidence , because they participate at once in the interests of those who obey , as well as in those who command .

    These managers would he divided into two classes The first would belong to private industry , the so cond would be employed in the agricultural esta blishments ; and we repeat that this different mis sion would be the result of the right of direct taxa t . inn hv all the workinw-claases .

    Chapter 111 . AGKICtTLTCKAI . COLOXIBS . Let us suppose that the three preceding measures have been adopted . The twenty-five millions of actual workmen have their representatives , and the fourth part of the agricultural area of France is their property , supposing they did , as they most assuredly would in the end , purchase the actual proprietorship . In each department of France , and in the first instance , wherever the uncultivated lands were , agricultural colleges would be established , offeriug food , education , reli g ious instruction , and work , to all who required them , and God knows tho number is great in France . These charitable institutions , in the midst of a selfish world , abandoned to the feudalitv of money , ouirht to produce the same

    beneficial effect as those monasteries which flourished in the middle ages , in the bosom of forests , amidst warlike men and serfs , forming the germs of enlightenment , peace , and civilisation . There beinfi ; but one national association , the unequal distribution of the uncultivated laud , and even the limited quantity in certain distircts , would be no obstacle . The poor of one department could remove to the colony of the next ; or cultivated lands might be purchased which , although unprofitable to individuals , mig ht be advantageous to an association . The great benefit of combination arises from the equal distribution of aid , and the mitigation of misery , without that constant excuse of inhumanity being * adduced , "Oh ! the pauper does not belong

    to my parish . " Agricultural colonies would have two ends to fulfil . The first would be to support a vast number of poor by employing them in the cultivation of the soil , ic . The second would be to afford a temporary refuge to the floating mass of workmen , whom theprosperity of trade once called into activity , and whom its stagnation or the improvements in machinery plunged into the deepest misery . All the poor , all who were out of work , would find in these colonies means of employing mind and body for the benefit . of the entire community . Thus there would be in these colonies , independent of the men , women , and children , strictly necessary for farm Labour , a great number constantly employed in reclaiming new land , and in erecting new establishments for the old and infirm .

    The advances made to the association on its ulterior profits would allow of the employment of a considerable capital in these neeessary expenses . When private industry required hands , it would seek them at those central depots , and it is clear that the workman who was always sure to find a living in the agricultural colonies , would not accept ot private employment , unless the latter presented greater benefit * than the former ; hence a remunerative scale of wages would always he maintained .

    To stimulate an exchange , as well to excite the emulation of the workmen , a levy would be made on the profits of each colony , to create a capital for each workman . A real savings bank would thus be formed , from which the workman , at tho moment of Ms departure could draw the balance due to him , which would be regulated in amount by the length of his employment , his zeal , and his good conduct . The labourious man -would be able to amass , in a few rears , a sum sufficient to ensure his living during the remainder of his life , even out of the colony altogether . To define our system better , we shall have recourse to a comparison . A large river flowing through a country is a general cause of prosperity ; but sometimes too great an abundanee , or a scarcity ofits waters , give riBe to inundations , or produce

    droughts . What ought to he done to remedy those two calamities ? The Site furnishes us with an example . —Yast basins are dug , in which the surplus waters remain , and from which they flow when there is too little , maintaining a constant level , from which results abundance . Well , we propose a similar thing for the working classes , whose flow of industry may be at once a source of ruin or fertility , according as its course is guided . We demand , for the floating mass of workmen , vast places of refuge , where their minds and bodies may be equallydeveloped ; refuges which , when the national activity is partially superseded , shall preserve the surplus unemployed labour to restore it again in proportion to the general emand .

    We demand , in one word , veritable labour reservoirs , which would always maintain at it * level the industry of the country . The managers or representatives of the workmen would become the regulators of that continual exchange . The managers in private concerns , alive to all the wants of their cinployBrs , would share with the magistrates the right of sending to the agricultural colonies those whom they could not employ . The managers of the colonies , aware of tho capacity of each individual , would endeavour to procure advantageous appointments in private establishments for those who were required there .

    Several practical inconveniences might attend this exchange ; but what institution does not present the same in the beginning . This one would possess the immense advantage of augmenting popular instruction , of g iving the mass a healthy employment , and of teaching them agriculture ; and would establish , as a general custom , that which the manufacturing of sugar from beetroot and silk manufacturing Lave already introduced , viz ., the alternate exchange of field labour for that of the factory . The managers would be in the proportion of one to ten , as in private business . Above the managers there would lie directors , whose duties would be to teach practical agriculture . These directors would be elected by the workmen and managers combined . Hofore they were eligible they would require to produce plwf of a practical knowledge of acricul-

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    ture . Finally , above the directors , managers , and workers , there would be a governor for each colony . He would be nominated by the united directors and managers . The adminstration would be composed of tho governor , one-third of the directors , and two-thirds of the- managers . EVery . year tho accounts would be published , laid before the general assembly of workmen , and submitted to the general council of the department for their approval , who would likewise have the right to diaensrge the manager or directors who had exhibited any incapacity . Every year the governors of colonies would have to proceed to Paris , and there , under the presidence of tho Minister of the Interior , discuss the best

    means of employing their funds , for the general benefit of the association . Every beginning is difficult . Thus we have not discovered the means of creating these agricultural colonies economically without establishing camps where , in the outset , our workmen would be in barracks like our troops . It will be understood that as soon as the receipts surpass the expenses the barracks would be replaced by moro healthy buildings , erected according to a matured plan . Accessory buildings would then be added to afford the members of the colony and their children both civil and religious instruction . Finally , vast hospitals would bo built for the infirm , and for those whose age made labour impossible .

    A severe discipline would reign over thece colonies . Life would there be salutary but rough , for their object is not to hatch idlers but to ennoble men by healthy and remunerative labour , as well as by moral education . The workmen and their families would be treated in the simplest manner possible . Lodging , food , and clothing would be regulated by the army tariff , for military organisation is the only one which is based at once on the comfort of all its members and the strictest economy . These establishments , however , would-not be military , they would only borrow from the army its admirable order , and that would be all . The armv is simply an organisation . The working

    class would form an association . These two bodies differ in principle and object . The army is an organisation which , requiring to execute blindly and with promptitude the command of the chief , ought to have for its basis a hierarchy , beginning from above . The working classes form an association , whose leaders would have no other duties except to regulate and execute- the general will , its hierarchy ought then to result from election . That which we propose , then , has no connoxion with military colonies . So as to make our system moro palatable , we are about to glance at the probablo receipts and expenses of an agricultural colony . Tho calculations are based on official returns .

    Every one will understand the difficulty of drawing up such a budget . Nothing can be more inexaet than a detailed appreciation of the rent of land . We do not pretend to have foreseen all . The best provision , says Montesquieu , is to try and not see too much . But if our figures may give rise to various interpretations , we shall not admit that it is so with the system itself . It is possible , notwithstanding the care we have taken in our valuations , that we have omitted some expenses and receipts , or estimated the produce of tho soU too high . But these « mi » - sions do not damage in the least the fundamental idea winch we believe to be just , true and fruitful of good results . The following simple reason will prove it . Generally speaking , the rents of the land are divided into three parts , without counting fiscal duties . The first goes to support the workmen ; the second is the farmer ' s share ; and the third enriches tho proprietor .

    In our model farms the working class would have these three products for themselves , They would comprise within themselves workmen , farmers , and landlords . These advantages would he immense , and more especially so , beoauso , in a well-established association , the expenses are always less than in individual business . The first part would enable many poor families to lire in moderate comfort . The second part would form personal deposits , as we formerly stated , and the third would supply the means , * not only of erecting houses of refuge , but would unceasingly augment the capital of society , by the purchase of new land . In that consists one of the greatest advantages of our system , for any system which docs not contain within itself the means of constantly increasing is defective .

    It may lead to good temporary results , but when that effect is realised , the evil it sought to destroy is renewed , and it is as if nothing had been done . The Poor Law and the Union Workhouses in England furnish a striking example . Here , on the contrary , when the agricultural colonies shall be in full action , it will be always possible to extend their territory , to multiply their establishments , and to create new workshops . The sole obstacle to this increase will momentarily spring from the demand for labour made by the

    individual manufacturers , of wliieh they can make a more advantageous use . The cultivated soil will not be abandoned on that account . The excess of workmen will enter the labour market , and remain there until some new stagnation in trade drives them back upon the- agricultural colony . Thus , whilst our law of equality divides property more and more , the working-man ' s association would reconstruct large estates and stimulate agriculture . Whilst manufacturing industry was attracting the people ceaselessly to the towns , the colonies would recall , them to the country .

    When there was no longer sufficient land at a low enough price in France , the association would establish branches in Algiers , or even in America . It mi g ht one day invade the world , for wherever there was an acre of land to clear , or poor to nourish , it would be thero with its capital , its army of workmen , and its incessant activity . Let them not accuse us of dreaming of an impossibility . We have only to recall to mind the example of the famous English East India Company . What is it but an association like that which we propose , whose results although astonishing are not so favourable to humanity as that which we call for with all our heart and soul . Before we penetrate so far into the future , let us calculate the probable receipts aud expenditure of these colonies .

    CnxBjsefi IT . BECEIPTS AkEP EXPEXDlTtnE . According to our suppositions , the working-men ' s association would have to claim two-tlurds ot uncultivated lands , or 6 , 127 , 000 acres . To ascertain how much these acres would yield , if subjected to proper cultivation , without any being left fallow , we have made the following calculation . The number of acres of cultivated lands in all France , is ... ... ... 19 , 314 , 741 The natural and artificial prairies ... 5 , 774 , 745 Total ... ... ... 25 , 080 , 486 The rough value of the produce of these lands is , For the arable soil ... ... 3 , 479 , 583 , 00 /) For the prairies ... ... 66 « , 38 a , 412

    Total ... ... ... 4 , 145 , 946 , 417 The average produce per acre , for seed or prairie lands , would raise to 165 francs per acre . On the other hand , there are in France 51 , 568 , 845 domestic animals of every kind , which g ive a rough produce of 707 , 251 , 851 francs , without comprising the value of meat consumed . Taking one with the other , each head of cattle produces fifteen francs , and as those animals are fea on twenty-six millions of acres , it will make two for each acre . We may say that the average produce of each acre is 195 francs , 165 from

    land , and thirty from the animals . Our « , 127 , 00 ( acres put into cultivation or pasture , would yield from the rough produce of the soil 1 , 010 , 955 , 000 francs , and from the produce of animals 183 , 910 , 000 , making a total of 1 , 104 , 705 , 000 francs . Deduct from that sum the amount which these lands now produce , vk ., 54 , 709 , 304 francs , and the territorial wealth would be augmented by 1 , 140 , 055 , 636 francs . Let us now estimate the expense . To assist our calculations , let us suppose that the lands to be cleared arc equally spread over each political

    dm-We would have then to divide the number of acres by eighty-six , which , would leave for each department , 71 , 241 acres . . . ., Fixing twenty years as the time after which all these lands should be cultivated ; there would be for each department 3 , 062 acres to clear annualh . The number of hands required for this work , could be regulated thus : one workman would on an average clear three acres annual y , as he can do two of wood-land or four of turf . Bat " ™ calculate sickness , and likewise , that after the se calculate sicnuusa , mm »™ ,- '"\> ; : in -ttenu be t

    , , , cond year the workman would obliged «« W to the cultivation of the soil , and assist the agricul SiS families , who would be annually augmenting SS ^ SHttfiSiXESI SK &St ^ lKffS- SS SSS&as ^ aT * in

    I- , V thrqtshPl'S and TWeiKJ « »« w" " «•"' , ~~ , - If ' * t Stem where the pastures are replaced by the new sjstein jnc y ^^ u green crops lequniD e ^ W ( f ' have calculated two Be required each jeai ^ 1 ) Ca 3 tS , F nuS ^ dKffi the number" of cattle to UrafcUh they had cleared during the pr « - efl SW the interval of twenty years , the co-

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    lony would have its receipts and expenses progressively increasing . * r e The receipts , without counting the first government advances would be composed of the periodical augmentation of 3 , 502 acres , and their annual increases m value for admitting that each acre yields o : ie hundred and ninety-five francs , the lands would not produce that amount , except at tho end of three yjars , and after four years of cultivation . That is to say , each acre after being cleared would vield the first year sixty-five francs , the second one hundred and thirty , and each succeeding year one hundred and mnety-fi ye francs . As for the expenses independent of tho first outlay the expenditure would becontinually renewed , Buchas for the payment of 1781 workmen " and 120 f amilies , the rent due to Boroughs or individuals , seeds , outhouses , managementand 7124 beasts to purchase

    , , . Besides there would be each year a regular increase in expenses caused by the maintenance of one hundred and twenty new families , and the erection of barracks to lodge them . Each workman would receive the pav of a soldier , an falml . » that of threo workman . Clothing would be cheapar for the working men than for the soldier ; but we will calculate it at the market price . Each man would annuall y cost , including every thing , three hundred and eighteen francs . The managers would receive the pay of non-commissioned officers ; the directors that of officers ; and the governor that of a colonel . Until tho colony yielded profit , all the workmen would be lodged in barracks constructed like military ones . These immense healthy constructions , built on a small scalo , would contain ten men and their overseers , or one family .

    In many departments thero are similar barracks near the sugar manufactories . In making the calculations winch we hare placed at the end of tho book , it would be found that with an advance of threo hundred millions of francs , the receipts and expenses of our colonies would at the end of twentytliree years he as follows : —* Annual reeeipts francs 1 , 194 , 694 , 800 Expenses 373 , 622 , 278

    Profit 816 , 072 , 522 296 , 400 families and 153 , 106 poor workmen would be supported . France would be enriched by twelve millions pf cattle . Finally the government might lay on the rough income according to the present rates , about thirty-soven millions of francs .

    Chapter V . RBVIEW . In the summary view we have given of the benefits , we have kept within the truth ; for the cultivation of a fourth part of the uncultivated lands would not only increase by n , quarter the rough revenue of France , hut this increase of wealth would give to all branches of national industry an immense stimulus , which it is more easy to understand than explain in all its details . Not only would these colonies prevent in twenty years , more than a million of human beingB from languishing in misery , not onl y would they support a host of workmen in connexion with agriculture , but the annual exchange of 800 millions of francs worth of land products for others would increase

    consumption ana improve the homo market . ' This demand would present an outlet for all the fruits of industry more considerable than the most advantageous commercial treaties could effect , because the 800 millions of franca value , surpass by 15 C millions the value of all ourexportations , which only amount to 644 millions of francs . To make this reasoning more apparent and to show the vast importance of the home market , let us suppose these agricultural colonies were not within our territorial uoundary , but separated from the continent by an arm of tho sea and a line of custom-house officers , and that

    they were nevertheless compelled to have no commercial dealings except with France . It is clear that if their agricultural produce realised profits of 800 millions of francs ; that sum would be exchanged for various continental ¦ produce . We believe , that increased home consumption favoured by the general augmentation of wealth and comfort , would remedy more than anything else , those evils of which certain classes complain , and above all that it would diminish by one half , the sufferings of tho vino growers by making their food cheaper .

    In fact it may be presumed that these colonies from ' the nature of the soil , will produce grain and cattle , rather than wine . But by augmenting the quantity of wheat , and of flesh meat , they would lower the price of common necessaries , and increase consumption by putting them within reach of the working classes . On the other hand , the increased comforts of society would add to the number of those who could drink wine , and consequently improve general consumption . France produces 36 , 783 , 223 hectolitres of wine , without counting brandy . It consumes . ' 23 , 578 , 248 Exports .. ' . 1 , 351 , G 77

    Total ... 24 , 020 , 925 Deduct this sum from the production , and there will remain 11 , 853 , 298 hectolitres unemployed . These figures demonstrate , not only the mischief but the remedy . They prove the superiority of the home market over the foreign , for if through the means we have pointed out the stimulus given to the home market would only increase consumption , by one-tenth part , which is not improbable , the increase would be 2 , 357 , 824 hectolitres which is double our exportation . On the other hand , if our government succeeded , and we aro far from anticipating it , in increasing our exportation , one-fifth part of that augmentation would only be 270 , 334 .

    Labour which creates easy circumstances , and those again which add to consumption , form the real basi 8 | ofa nation ' s prosperity . The first dut }' , then , of a wise and able . minister , is to endeavour by improving agriculture and the condition of the masses to increase home consumption which is now very far from its height . ¦ _ Speaking statistically , each inhabitant of France annnally consumes 271 hectolitres of wheat and barley which make 328 rations of bread p er head per annum ; of butchers' meat twenty kilogrammes ; of wine seventy litres ; sugar 3 . 4 kilogrammes . This means humanly speaking that thero are in France millions who eat neither bread , meat , nor sugar , and who drink no wine .

    The rich consHme 305 rations of bread instead of 328 ; 180 kilogrammes of meat instead of twenty ; and 365 litres of wine instead of seventy ; and fifty kilogrammc 8 of sugar instead of three and twofifths . * We do not produco sufficient , wo do not consume enough . Instead of seeking consumers in China let us increase our territorial wealth , I / it them employ all the idle arms for the benefit of all the wretched and industrious , and let them not forget that France , which has been so richly endowed by Heaven , contains within herself all the elements of prosperity . It is a stigma upon our civilisation to think that in the nineteenth century the tenth part of our population should be in rags and perishing from want , amidst manufacturing produco which cannot be sold , and agricultural supplies which cannot be consumed .

    To sum up . The system which we propose is the result of all the ideas which have emanated from the most able political economists of the last half century . In Mr . Gouin ' s Statistical and Official Agricultural Keport , page xxviii , the minister declares that the greatest progress to be obtained is by reclaiming the waste lands which do not yield more than eig ht francs per acre . ' Our project realises thatidea ! Everyone anininted by a lovo for his species demands ' justice for the working classes , who seem to bo disinherited of all the benefits of civilisation . Our project confers upon them all that is calculated to improvo the condition of man , comfort , education , order , and the chance which is afforded every ono of elevating himself by his own merit and industry .

    Our organisation tends to nothing leBS than the making , m the course of a few years , tho poorer classes the rieheBt association in all France . Now the reward of labour is left to chance or violence . The master either oppresses , or the workman revolts . According to our system wagea would be fixed , as all human things ought to be regulated , not by force , but according to the just equilibrium established between the wants of those who toil and the necessities of those who provide work . In the present day all flock to Paris , which as a cenire absorbs all the energies of the country ; our system without injuring the centre , would carry life to the furthest extremities by bringing into action eighty-six new systems , working under the direction of the government .

    What is wanted to realise such a project ? One year ' s pay of the army , fifteen times the Bum given to Ameriea , or an expense equal to that employed on the fortifications of Paris . This advance would after twenty years , bring back to France one thousand million * , to the working classes eight hundred millions and a rerenue of thirty-Kevcn millions of francs . Let the government put our project into execution , modifying it according to the experience of men well versod in such complicated matters , and who may supply useful hints and cast new lights upon their . Let it take to heart the great national interests . Let it establish the eomfort of the masses , on an immovable basis and it will become immovable itself . Poverty would no longer become seditious , when wealth was no longer oppressive it is a great and hol y mission and worthy of man ' s hig hest ambition , to strire to subdue human na-* A Litre is .. , 2 , 1 . 133 pints EngliBh . Hectolitre .. .. 2 , 0 . 41 » gallons . Julop-ammo ,, ,, : » JD , jo ^ $ flnwlmw ,

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    turc , to heal all wounds , to sooth tho sufferings of humanity by uniting the people of the same country in one common interest , and by accelerating that future , which civilisation will sooner or later usher in . In tho beginning of tho last centuiy La Fontaino uttered this sentence , which is too often true , but always sad and so destructive of society , order , and

    ^»—~———— — —— i i in - ~*»» hierarchies . " I tell you in plain French our or r . ny is our master . " In the present day tho aim of . ivory wise government should be to bring about : t t ^ uie when it might be said , " Tho triumph ot Christianity has destroyed slavery . Tho triumph of ihe French revolution ha » destroyed servitude , ai «' . tho triumph of democracy has destroyed pauperism . "

    CALCULATION OF THE EXPENSES AND RECEIPTS OF AS AGRICULTURAL COLONY . 25 francs £ 1 . ; 1 , 000 Francs £ 40 , ; 1 , 000 , 000 £ 40 , 000 . AT THE JKXD OF TUE 1 TH 8 T YEAR . Expcuses . France . RwiY-fl , 1781 Workmen at 318 francs 500 , 358 120 Families , one as threo workmen ... 114 , 480 100 Managers at 80 francs 0 , 840 19 Directors at 1 , 800 francs 34 , 200 One Governor 6 , 000 Value of Seed ... , 82 , 638 7124 head of Cattle , at 36 francs 30 cents ... " [ '" ' .. . 257 . 8 SS Outhouses . ... 100 , 000 Management , \[ "' "' . " . ' , ' ... 10 , 000 Rent " '"/ . '" \ si tso 7 102 barracks 21 , 060 130 ditto for families 12 , 000 Government Implements of husbandry 50 , 000 gift . Total 1 , 203 , 272 l , 2 SKS . iT 3 £ XI \ E . \ SE 8 E . YD OF flECOSD YEAR . Expenses . Francs . Rooeipts . France . Same expenses as year preceding ... 1 , 210 , 212 120 Kew Families , 1 Director , and 12 Managers 110 , 712 120 barracks 12 , 000 Rent of new land ... 31 , 807 Implements 5 , 000 Government l . HO . TOl Management , &e 2 , 500 IVoduco of S , 5 d 2 acres W , <> a 0 1 . 37 S . 231 1 . 37 .-VA 31 END OV THIRD TEAK . Expenses rb before 1 , 373 , 231 Governmont ... . „ 851860 Addition 108 , 019 Produce of 3 , 562 acres 4 ( W , C > 60 Produce ot same at 65 francs 231 , f > 30 1 , 546 , 250 1 , 510 , 209 B . VD O ¥ FOURTH VKAR . From Govornment 32 i > , 0 ? 9 3 , 56 ' 2 acres , at 195 francs { KM /> 90 Expenses 1 , 540 , 250 Sflme at 130 4 ( i 3 , 0 GO Additions 168 , 019 Same at 65 231 , 530 Total 1 , 714 , 209 Total 1 , 714 , 369 ESI ) OP F 1 FIH YEAB . Expenses 1 , 882 , 283 lUvenso of former years ] , 7 H , 269 Gradual increaso ( KR . . 3 G 0 2 , 408 , 859 1 , « S 2 , 288 Profit 620 , 571 Attheoiidof tenyoarsthe Revenue would be 5 , 881 , 309 The Expenses - 2 , 722 , 383 Profit 3 , 158 , 92 ft At the end of twenty-three years tho Expenses would be 4 , 402 , 578 The Revenue 13 , 891 , 800 Profit 9 , 489 , 327 TAKE EIGHTY-SIX DEPARTMENTS ASD THE RHSULT WOULD BE : — Annual Recei pts ] , 104 , 094 , 800 Expenses of 86 Colonies 378 , 622 , 278 Profit 816 , 072 , 522

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    INQUEST AT ST . PANCUAS . On Thursday afternoon , January 18 th , Mr . O . J . Mills , the deputy-coroner for Middlesex , and tho jury cmpannelled on the body of John Joseph Coster , one of tho children who had diod in St . Pancras Workhouse on his removal from Tooting , re-as sembled at the Elephant and Castle , King ' s-road , Camden Town , furthor to prosecute their inquiry . Mr . John M'Gahbt , the clerk to the directors oi the poor of St . Pancras , was tirsfc re-called , lie said—The engagement with Mr . Drouet for farming out the children was not a contract in writing . Mr . Drouet promised to appropriate a particular building to the St . Pancras children ; there was to be necessary ^ Yal mth with regard to the bedding , and

    THE ADJOURNED INQUESTS ON THE CIIIL DREN REMOVED FROM TUE TOOTING INFANT PAUPER ASYLUM .

    they were only to sleop two in one bed . Mr . Drouot , in case of sickness , was to supply all modicmes , medical treatment , and nurses . The sum agroed to bo paid was 4 s . Cd . per week . Before the directors agreed with Mr . Drouet for that sum , they considered whether that was a sufficient sum , and found that it was Is . per wcok more than they could be kept here for . The Foreman . —And thus rob us ratepayera of Is . per week for each child . The Coro . veu , —The question is , whether any party should be allowed to make a profit out of these children . There could be no doubt that every ounce of food which Mr . Drouet could save would diminish his expense with regard to these children , and

    thereby increase his own profit . Evidence continued . —The lirst report as to Mr . Drouet's establishment was on tho 8 th of June , when some of the children complained that they did not have 60 much to eat as in the workhouse , and that several had run away . On tho 11 th of July , a report was presented by Mr . Douglas , approving the cleanliness and general management of Mr . Drouet ' s establishment . On the 22 nd of August , a report was received from Mr . Johnson , one of the district medical officers—that he had been called to sco the boys Joseph Sherrard , aged cloven , and Henry , aged nine , who had been removed up here from Tooting . Tho former had a wound in his log arising from a kick , which would not have been

    produced in a child in a sound state of health . The wound on the other child ' s head was alleged to havo been inflicted by the schoolmaster . The children were staying with their uncle and aunt in William ' s Mews , and were both in a very low and emaciated condition . In consequence of the receipt of this report , the hoard of directors sent down Mr . Robinson , the workhouso surgeon , and Mr . Johnson , to Tooting , to examine tho St . Pancras children . Mr . Robinson ' s report bears date August 28 th , and after enumerating fifty-eight cases of ophthalmia and other diseases , chiefly eruptions , contains tho following important paragraph : — " I did not fail to notice , from the examination of the above boys , that they had undergono a change , nortainlv not for the better . Tho general

    characteristics were wasting of the limbs , debility , boils , < t € . Although some fifteen or twenty , upon leaving the workhouse , were more or less indisposed , I am prepared to say they were not so dclicato generally as they are at present . As to the cause which may have operated to produce this alteration , perhaps recent removal from friends and change of air , may have contributed , but the symptoms arc decidedly characteristic of bad food or an insufficiency of food . With regard to the cases of the two children—Sherrard ( one of whom is since dead ) Mr . Johnson has reported , and I need not add anything to that report . I think a great deal ' of severity—not to use a harsh term—has been exercisod by tho masters and others in authority , as well as some out of authority , towards the boys . " II . C . ItODI . VSON , " Surgeon to St . Pancras Workhouse . "

    The Conoxr . n . —Jfow , ivh : tt resolution did tho board come to hi reference to this report of their medical officer ? Mr . M'Gahey . —Mr . Drouet was directed to attend the board , and having had bo . th Mr . Johnson ' s and Mr . llobinson ' s reports read to him , he p ledged himself to institute a most rigid inquiry into any alleged ill-treatment of the children . The first report of the committee who went down to Tooting , after the outbreak of the cholera , stated that fiftyseven children had been taken ill , and that eleven had died . That they had met Dr . Addison , of Guy ' s Hospital , and other medical gentlemen , and that every care had been paid to the children , and steps taken by Mr . Drouet to alleviate the disorder .

    The Coronkb said , this report entirely differed from that of Mr . Grainger , the medical superintending inspector of the Uoard of Henlth . Mr . M'Gahey said , that the circumstances had materially changed between the Tuesday and the Friday , the day Mr . Grainger went to Tooting . The St Pancras children were removed , under tho advice of the Hoard of Health , on Saturday week last Mr . Thomas E . Baker , one of the directors of t . hp nnnr . said he had had twenty-four years'

    experience of the cholera as a military surgeon in India , and had seen hundreds of oases . Had visitod the children several times . When I first wont some of the boys complained that they had not had enough to eat . We made no examination of the boys with their clothes off . I considered the ventilation of the dormitories generally good . The Coboskb . —It la a most singular fact , that , whilst all these children who have heen farmed out at Mr Drouct's have fat and ruddy faces , indicating tho most robust health , under their clothes their bodies presented a most poor and emaciated

    appcar-Mr . Bakeh continued . —I am not aware that the children ha d flow used for making their porridgo at Tooting . The Cohoxer . —The fact is that such gruel was nothing better than bill-stickers' paste ; and there can be no wonder , under such a diet , that tho children have pot-bellies and are emaciated . Can you tell tho jury the cause of the outbreak of cholera at Tooting ? Mr . Baker . —When I went down on the Tuesday I went into the sehool-room , and I was at oiic ' o struck with the atrocious smell , and directed tho master to open the windows , which face the northp -a . sti The master gaid . it would be go cold , and

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    added that the wind had been blowing from tho north-oast for aevcral days . Here was the secret The -windows had been cloHcd , and the children had themselves produced the poison which destroyed them . That , in my opinion , was the main cause . Mr Edward Putt , agent to the directors of tho poor of St . Pancras , was called to show what the computed cost of the children was in the workhoutfe preTious to their removal to Tooting , TYhiub amounted to 3 s . 7 < 1 . per wcok . John Woodholse , one of the boys , wax nest examinod . —lie said : I was eent to Mr . Drouet ' a from

    St . Paucras workhouse in May last . I knew de-Ceased , Joseph Coster . When he went to Tooting he was in good henlth . He had ihe itch after he had been at Tooting about two months . None of tho St . Pancras boys had the itch when they went there . Coster had sores all over his ribs , and many other boys had sores about their backs and arms . Some of the boys had bruisos about their bodies by being knocked about by Mr . Harding , the schoolmaster . A . boy named Harris was violently beaten by the schoolmaster with a thick stick for telling his mother that he had been previously ill-UBed . A nurse , who overheard the conversation , told the schoolmaster . The ^ sticK with which the boys were beat-en was thicker than that candle . Harris complained

    to Mr . Drouet of having been violently beaten , and . Mr . Drouet told Mr Harding he would not allow it . Serer . il boys ran away , and when they were brought back they had their heads shaved as a punishment * When the gentlomen came to visit us we had clean shirts put on . When tho gentlemen asked us if we had enough to eat , we all , except two or three , said " Xo . " We had not enough bread to cat . We onl y had . bread overy other day for dinner . I do not think we had the proper quantity allowed . We did not all have a knife and fork at dinner , and those who had not got them , ate their dinners the best way they could . We always had gruel for breakfast , and I think it was made with flour and water . I never had bread und milk there . We always had

    meat on Sundays , Tuesdays , and Fridays , but I don ' t think any of the boys had a proper allowance of meat . The ' soup days are the best dinners . The St . Pancras food is far hotter than at Tooting , and we get more to eat here . I would sooner be here than at Tooting . Somo of the Chelsea boys were beaten by the schoolmaster for telling the gentlemen of the Chelsea Hoard they had not enough to cat . Those boys names aro Rowe and Cutler ; but Cutler is now dead . After such complaints were made the boy * were put upon short diet . We had no difference in our clothes in the summer and the winter . We had no flannels on until the day before wo came home from Tooting . I went out to work at hay-making in the summer , with twenty-four other

    boys , in Mr . Wakms hclds . I received no wages for it , nor do I know if any one else did . The boys sometimes slept three in a bed , and when they wet the bed they aro put four in a bed as a punishment , and had to laj- on cold oilcloth , with a straw bed underneath . I have known boys bo hungry that they have got over the palings to eat the stuff out of tho pig-tubs and tho wash given to the pigs . Thomas Woods , another boy ten years of age , said I -would soonor be at Ht . l ' ancrae Workhouse than at Tooting , bocauso I did not got enough to oat thero . Wo did not have enough bread there . When the gentlomen came and asked us if we had enough to eat , I said "No . " I know where the hog-t « b was , and

    have seen boys go and pick things out of it and eat them because they woiv hungry . Jane Alford , aged sixteen , examined . —She comp lained of the insufficiency of food . We were not warm enough , as the clothes given us were not sufficiently thick . I was afraiu to complain of not having enough food , because the girls said , if I did Miss May , tne matron , would box my ears . If I was to go back there again I should like more meals . When we washed we had no towels , and had to wipe ourselves on our pinafores . Kone of the . St . Pancrag girls could cat Mr . Drouet's gruel , as it was made ? so salt ; and it was made of flour and arrowroot and water . We had dry bread and water instead . Wo lad bread and milk in St . Paneras workhouse .

    Isabella Gamiow , another girl , corroborated the evidence of the hist threo witnesses . In answer to the coroner , Mv . 'M . 'Gaiikt observed ^ that Mr . Drouot for some timo refused to take the girls on account of some interference on theirpart , and he begged to read to the coroner and jury tho following letter from Mr , Drouet , by which they 1 would soe tliat the I'oor Law Board were responsible , for the St . Pancras girls being sent to Tooting *—" Tooting . Nov . 10 , 1848 . " Sir , —Richard Hall , Esq ., Poor Law Inspector ,

    in company with — . Tufncll , Esq ., one of her Majesty s inspectors of pauper schools , have this day visited this establishment reEpecting the pauper girls of St . Pancras coming here . I am directed by tliem to inform the directors of St . Pancras that they are satisfied I have accommodation to receive the pauper girls now in the workhouse . " It will therofore rest with the directors to inform mo when thoy wish them received . " I am , Sir , your obedient servant , " To Mr . M' Gahey , " B . T . Dbovbt . " Clerk to the Directors of St . Paneras . "

    The CoitOKKK observed , that this clearly showed that the Poor Law Hoard did exercise an authority ovor Mr . Drouet ' s establishment . There being no further evidence , Mr . Mills , in addressing the jury , said , ho thought that the evidence clearl y indicated that there wero two parties really culpable , viz . the manager of Mr . Drouet ' s establishment . a » d thoeo who had p laced the children there , if the jury wore clearly ot opinion that tho oholera , of which thoy had died , hid been produced cither from want of food , or from the nature of the food , or from any other treatment they had rocoiyod at Tooting . The room was at eight o ' clock cleared of strangers , and after a discussion lasting nearly two hours , tho jury returned tho following special verdict unanimously : —

    "We find that John Joseph Coster died from malignant cholera , that disease occuring in him at a time when he was suffering from the et i ' eots of inefficient diet , deficient warmth of clothing , and impure air at Sumy-hall , Tooting . And tho jury add to their verdict an expression of their regret that tho directors of tho poor of St . Pancraa did not bind Jlr . Drouet , the propriotor of Surrey-hall , to fuiflt his duty to such a large number of children as tfw

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    | J January 27 , 1849 . ______ ..... THE NORTHERN STAR . 7

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 27, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1507/page/7/