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  • Departments (2)
    • TO THE CHARTISTS.
    • FREE TRADE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. t&btu TRADE AND ITS CONSR-
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      TO THE WORKING CLASSES . —— i- My Fkiends , Editors , tract writers , authors , statesmen , and politicians , invariably call attention to predictions which they never made , and would establish their title toknowledge npou those predictions . Hence , wefind that every foreign corres pondent of every newspaper in the kingdom , reminds his readers that he foretold such and such events—the fact being that those

      correspondents had predicted , not the events that did occur , but the events best suited to the papers for which they wrote . Hence we find that , during the Quixotic war of Charles Albert , the correspondent of the " Times " who appeared to be camp-follower to the Sardinian monarch , eulogised every step taken by the Sardinian King—represented him as a Roman hero , and his arrangements as masterly and complete ; but when the tables were turned , the same correspondent depicts his former royal hero , as an imbecile , an idiot , and a Quixote .

      With these numerous instances of editorial latitude befure you , you must naturally be sceptical as to any reference made by a public man to Ms past predictions and anticipations ; and ; yet I am bold enough , and confident enough , to invite your attention to every one of my propheciesconceroing FREE TRADE . In 1834 , when Mr O'Connell all but dared the Irish liberal members to oppose the

      measure then brought forward , I did , nevertheless , oppose it , and thirty-seven Liberal Irish members were compelled to vote with me ; and from that period to the present moment , I have never relaxed my opposition to this greatest breach of nations ! faith . I represented it as the keystone of the social arch , which , if once struck without securely propping the centre , must result in the ruin of the whole

      social fabric . I showed you plainly that the National Debt and national confidence were based upon Protection . I showed you that the poor rates were based upon Protection—that rents were measured by the standard of Protection —that wages were regulated by Protectionthat mortgages / incumbrances , marriage settlements , personal liabilities , house rent , and taxes of every description , were regulated by Protection—and I showed you that the Labourer would be the first to suffer from the shaking of the foundation of this social fabric . I showed you that three years , at least , of casualty , uncertainty , and despair , must take place , and that those who had capital to live upon during this period of fluctuation , and who made the laws , would be able to dictate their

      own terms to those who live from hand to mouth , and had no share in the representation of the country ; and I predicted—Firstly , —The disappointment . Secondly , —The distress and suffering ; and Thirdly , —The impossibility of averting a revolution , unless the change was accompanied , fnot by the unexplained " timely and prudent concessions" so mysteriously hinted at in the celebrated Russell Edinburgh missive —but such timely and prudent concessions as would preserve the social distinction of classes according to the new standard of policy—that

      is , that presuming 15 , 000 Z . a year to represent the head class , and 30 Z . a year to represent the last class ; that the first-classman ' s property reduced to 10 , 000 * . a year , and the last-class man ' s property to 20 / , a year , should be made as available to the wants and requirements of each under the new system , as the former amounts were under the old system . And this , I showed you , could be only accomplished by a complete revision , not only of our system of taxation and expenditure , but of our Labour system ; and this done , I proved to you , that all classes would still maintain their relative

      position in society . However , the Free Trade question was made a political "CRY , " and , as I predicted , its most injurious result has been the election of several of its advocates to represent the system in Parliament ; and every one of whom live , thrive , and prosper , not upon legitimate profits made by trade , but upon their ability to cow Labour , to crush Labour , and reduce the wages of the Labourer .

      It is very true that all my writings and my speeches have been confined to one organ , and read only by one class ; but then I wish the friends of the system to understand , that what has created revolution in every country , has been either the misrepresentation or the nonrepresentation of the wants and will of the industrious classes ; and , ctmous to say , the farmers of England look upon me as a violent Free Trader , though I have always opposed the measure , while the Press and the middle classes of England have represented me as a destructive physical-force monster , although I have invariably denounced the system , and have shown to you most unequivocally how every physical revolution has ended ia a middle class ascendancy , and Labour ' s prostration .

      Let me now recall to your recollection the effect of the first Free Trade measure—aamely , Sir Robert Peel ' s Cattle Tariff . When that measure was being debated in the Housb of Commons , befure the Easter recess in 1842 , and when a little breathing time was demanded to take the opinion of the country during the recess , Mr Wakley read a letter of mine from thfi "Northern Star , ' ' predicting what the effect of the measure would be , and honourable members responded by a laugh . I predicted that

      the effect would be a glut of meat through panic—that the farmers , apprehensive of the arrival of foreign stock that did not exist , would overstock the meat market ; and that I was right , was at once established by the fact of meat almost instantaneously falling to little more than one-half of its previous price , and much that would not keep beingthrown into the Thames . Now that was panic . There was no surplus of cattle in England , but the farmers feared there would be , and they all rushed to market .

      Well , while ^ the measure was under discussion , all the London journals sent their Commissioners abroad to take stock of Continental countries that could trade with England in that commodity , and one and all assured us that the fears of the English farmer were ridiculous and foolish . Firstly . Because there was no surplus of live stock in any of those countries ; and , Secondly . Because the expense of transit would swamp the speculator , I answered those two absurd propositions by reminding

      you—Firstly . That a surplus of cattle did not exist in any country , because cattle , like wheat , could not be stored , and that ; the feeding of a surplus stock entailed expense . Secondly . That although an Act of Parliament might establish a tariff , it could notcompelforeign cows "to go to bull , " and that , consequently it would require full five years before the effect of the measure could be felt in England ; and , Thirdly . I explained upon the Free Trade principles— " Where there ' s a demand there ' s a supply "—that the shipping interest would verv speedily furnish a competitive cheap transit for an increasing trade . I use these arguments for the purpose of apprizing you of the effect of the system of com-

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      plete Free Trade , which it is said comes into operation in February next ; while I contend , and upon the same basis , that it is at this moment in full operation . Nay , more , that from the present time till February the price of wh eat will not be measured by any possible Free Irade standard , but b y English panic . Corn is a thing which can be brought cheaply from other countries ; and all other countries—and especially America and Canada—ha ™ Wn nret » W Evoa t ,,.. ^ ... i . ; .. ,., , ...........

      janng for the advent of Free Trade . And the 7 ™ , ers , of England , with a perfect knowledge «* the large supplies abroad , will dread the competition from this anticipated glut , and will consequentl y overstock the marfcet from this period to the dreaded time . But there is anoth er and perhaps a more cogent reason for resuming such a result—it is said that the harvest of this year was gathered in such a damp state as will not allow of its being long kept on hand .

      1 think I hear the Free Trader exclaim , " Why this is the very result that we antici-) ated from the measure , THIS IS CHEAP BREAD . " True , but it is only one of the trinity , for what becomes of "hi « h wages , " and « plenty to do ? " And how often have I told you , that cheap and dear bread are relative terms , and that the man without a penny to buy the cheap loaf , is in aworse condition than : he man who can pay a shilling for the dear oaf .

      Let me now come to the question of RECIPROCITY—the basis , the only basis , upon which "timely and prudent concessions " could be established , We hear much about England ' s glory , and her national faith , but let me now show you that her National Debt , her taxes , and her rents , and every engagement that I have before mentioned , is based upon what is called Protection , and , therefore , I call it the keystone of the arch . The rents of this country are mortgaged to the fundholder , the tithes are estimated by Protection , and the taxes are measured by the same standard ; and as the rents of the empire amount to more than the national expenditure I will deal with that item first .

      Rents are measured according to the price of wheat , presumed to be insured by a tax upon foreign corn , and the rate by which rent is established we will call 60 s . a quarter , or 7 s . 6 d . a bushel—that is , that it would not pay the foreigner jto grow it , pay the duty , risk freight and insurance , at a less amount . If we then average the yield of England lowly at twenty-four bushels , or three quarters to the acre , and if the competition of foreign corn reduces English produce to 5 s . 6 d . per bushel , and it will r educe it much below that mark ,

      this will be the result—every English farmer will lose 2 s . per bushel upon the produce of his land , or 48 s . upon each acre . If , then , we estimate English rents at lZ , per acre , we find that this loss increases the rent to 31 . 8 s . per acre , or more than trebles it . But , says the Economist , " . wheat is not the only thing produced in England . " True , but the price of wheat establishes the standard value of gold , and of everything else ; and the rent of grass land , upon which a blade of wheat may never be grown , is regulated by the presumed price of wheat .

      This you may say is the landlord ' s view of the question , ultimately . Not so , however , it is firstly the labourer ' s view , because the farmer will not employ him ; it is secondly the farmer ' s view , who will become very fractious and disloyal , before he allows his all to go ; and it will , thirdly , become the landlord ' s view , when he is called upon to pay tithes , taxes , poor rates , mortgages , provisions for younger children , personal and judgment debts , out of unoccupied land . Well , but again , the Free Trade manufacturer exclaims , " What ' s that

      to us , they are the very class whose rights and privileges we sought to destroy . " Perhaps so ; but what becomes of their trade when the staple trade of the country , employing more hands than all others put together , is paralysed and in a state of perfect stagnation ? Will the landlord employ as many servants ? Will he be as good a customer to the several trading classes ? Will he be as good a mark to the creditor , whether national or personal ? Will the farmer be as good a customer , or will the pauper in the workhouse be as good a customer to those several traders ?

      That is only one view of theLan . dlord , Tenant , and Labour side of the question . And next comes the most gloomy . It is this : —So far from these reduced rents and reduced prices ending with the injury they inflict upon the landlord and the tenant the poor rates will increase in the exact ratio in which the landlords' and tenants' poverty increases ; and according to their inability to spend in the mp , nufacturing market , will the profits of that class be measured ; and according to the abilit y of all , will the national exchequer be measured ; and according to its stability , will be measured the loyalty of bishop , parson , soldier , sailor , landlord , tenant , manufacturer , operative , labourer , banker , merchant , shopkeeper , and policeman .

      Aow , depend upon it that it must , and will come to this ; because ascendancy , equality , comfort , and contentment , and not preference for any system ., constitute the bonds of allegiance , and the ties of affection . But I shall proceed to show you the folly of placing any reliance upon the meaning attached to the words of a man looking for office . When Lord John Russell wrote his letter from Edinburgh , he knew no more about the question of Free Trade than he does now .

      You have been governed by an entangled system of policy , which has been tortured into intricate political phraseology ; a minister is not expected to talk sense ; he submits a riddle to the country , and asks the country to solve it ; but will he solve this riddle ? If the national faith was pledged to the fund-lord upon the understanding that protection for domestic produce should be the basis of that faith , can that faith be kept if the basis is taken away ? in

      other words , does any man in his senses , or does any man , except an official receiving his quarterly salary for juggling , believe that a pound can be paid out of ten shillings ? And , if lie does not believe that , or if the conjurors cannot accomplish that , must it not be plain to every ma n with a grain of common sense in his head , that the fund-lord must go without his dividend—that the mortgagee must go without his interest—the parson without his tithes—or the landlord must go without his dinner ?

      Now , observe that the landlord is still the man possessing political power ; and rest assured that a few rebellious landlords , surrounded by the sturdy yeomanry of England , would become a much more dangerous army than the whole corps of shivering Free Traders . The landlords had no concert , —the landlords could only act together in tne House of Commons ; but the bluster , the noise , and the promises of the Free Traders , had its effect out of the House of Commons , and in the House of

      Commons as well . Many landlords went with Sir Robert Peel , never understanding the con sequences that would result from Free Trade ; others were chicken-hearted , and dreaded the threatened revolution in case ' of resistance ; while those whose estates were mortgaged , or whose properties were small , measured their allegiance to the Free Trade minister by the political , rather than the agricultural , " standdard . One said , "I have not £ 4 , 000 a year , nor £ 400 a year , if my debts were paid , there *

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      fore I will sacrifice the scanty agricultural revenue to the political salary received on quarter day ; besides , I have poor relations for whom I may secure bishoprics , livings , commissions , places of some kind , or pensions . " Others have said , /' My father lives , and is health y ; I have been brought up in expensive habits ; my politics differ from his , but they are the only bait for the Downing-street trap , so here goes ! ' r You will unders tand , then , that Free Trade was carried by a Ministerial juggle , by delusive promises and bluster , and by timiditythe Leaguers promised and blustered ; the land ! lords got frightened , and' surrendered , But youhaye not 8 een the veritable commencement of Free Trade yet , It was made a nnli . ^^ - ,-.-: ...

      tical question , as all questions are-and fellows who had jumped from their clogs into Spanish leather boots—from dung carts into carriages —and from the sanded floor to the Turkey carpet—had the insolence to designate every man aB a Tory who opposed their Free Trade agitation . The question of Cotton , from its importation to its exportation , is perfectly understood by all financiers . We have tables without number , showing us profit and loss—what can be safely given for the ra * r material—what . can be paid for labour to manufacture it , expense of machinery , fire , oil , candles , casualties , and all the rest of it ; but we have no table suhmitted

      to us of the farmer's liabilities—in a great measure depending upon natural causes , over which he has no control . Let me give you one . Suppose we take M'Culloch ' s estimate of land under cultivation at twelve million acres ; in that case , what I contend is this : that the difference to the farmers between a fine weather harvest , and such as we have just had , amounts to over six millions of moneythat is , if a farmer has a hundred acres of

      grain—the difference between saving that grain in fine weather and catching weather , will be over 10 s . per acre . I estimate it very lowly , as you would find if you understood the expense of bad harvest weather to the farmer . I make no estimate for several items , but I merely take the difference of saving , leaving the difference of price , consequent upon damage , wholly out of the question , and those six millions confer no benefit upon anyone .

      A Lincolnshire farmer , a Norfolk farmer , or a Suffolk farmer , or , indeed , any farmer , has a quantity of corn ready for cutting—he knows that there will be a scramble for men ; he sends his bailiff on Sunday , to employ the required number , whose wages are measured by the requirements of the farmers . Those men are employed by the week ; they set to work on Monday morning , at nine o ' clock ; it begins to rain ; they are obliged to be set at some fiddling work for the remainder of the day , or , perhaps , for the week—and thus the farmers , in the aggregatelose six millions .

      , while the labourers are only benefitted by receiving their wages for being idle , or uselessly employed , instead of working . No doubt the Economists will tell us that this is all right , as the six millions circulate more extensively , and are merely taken out of the pockets of the farmers ; but that is the very question I am on , because I am showing ' the effect that Free Trade is likely to have upon that important body , and , through them , upon every other class of society . I am showing that it is easy to measure national faith by Protection , but hard to uphold it when that Protection is taken

      away . And I am also calling your attention to what I have told you a thousand times : that , Free Trade once established , and then an abundant harvest in those countries that supply us with food , and a good season in those countries for gathering the harvest , and a deficient harvest in England , got up in bad condition , and expensive in consequence of catching weather , and the English farmer is a bankrupt ; and when the English farmer is a bankrupt , I should be glad to know what will become of the English labourer , the British manufacturer , British faith , and the British Constitution ?

      I tell you now , that Free Trade is all moonline . I tell you that Free Trade should have been the end , and " . [ timely and ^ prudent concessions" should have been the means of makina it harmless . Not such paltry concessions as altering the mode of collecting a few local rates , and reducing the price of a few articles of luxury and necessaries of life . As long as you pay interest upon seven hundred millions of debt , and as long as you pay twenty-four or twenty-five millions for Governmental expenses , and as long as you pay fixed salaries to officials , the farmer must get 20 s . for his pound ' s worth of wheat , fixed at that price by Protection ; and if he only gets ten shillings , instead of the pound , he cannot possibly meet his national faith engagements .

      My friends , this is no political question , The Reform Bill was no political question—it was a party question ; Free Trade is a class question—and yet those spouting beggars who spoke about" High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty lo do , " and were so loud in their protestations of philanthropy , called themselves Liberals—and now that the thing has wholly and entirely failed , they invite those who were

      to have "High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , " to become emigrants , and leave their native land . Why , we were to want population to keep pace with the briskness created by Free Trade . The emigrants that were banished by idleness , were all to return . So what has become of the benefits of this measure , and where is the working man in England who can say he has been bettered by it ?

      I foretold the condition to which it would reduce the Irish people , and my prediction has been too faithfully verified . I foretold its effect upon the English people while they were most enthusiastic in anticipation . I foretold that you would have crowded workhouses , crowded prisons , sedition , and revolution . I did not wait for those occurrences to guess at the result , as other writers do , nor could it be considered a prediction , as it was the natural consequence of the measure . And now I predict , that before twelve months from this dav vnn

      will have a national bankruptcy :-that ' the landlords , as I told them in the House of Commons , will all have become Char tists—that they will have begun to see the expense of a State Church-the burden of feeding unwilling idlers and the folly of feeding idle , pampered bloated , useless officials . Working men , Free Trade was a « CRY " ^ S- ? n ^ S r !' H 1 GH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO " 5 pH ™^ , Vf CRYl ' -its mott ° ™*> ; £ 3 \ R etrenchment and Re-??? 7 / i , llave seen how the national faith has been kept . The French Republic S ££ * L-tojnbtto was « LIBERTY

      , , E . ^ ALITY FRATERNIlf » sealed with the "KISS OF LIFE , " and you have « r < Rv ° > M ? . has ended « P ^ ssia h ad its uix , but it was such a long lamentation and hullagone that I cannot recapitulate its motto . Vienna has now had its revolution , and the enthusiasm of fools , who believe that with the ast shot popu lar triumph is proclaimed , are loud in their expression of hope . But I tell you that that also will end in moonshine , or , what is worse , in the establishment of the reign of capital ; and yet Free Trade will go farther todisturb and destroy all the rules and order of British Society and of the Constitu-

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      tion itself , than the great Continental war which ended with the Battle of Waterloo . Free Trade was Labour ' s ruin . It was intended to constitute the political power of the master class—it will end in their annihilation And then the value of the Land at home and the value of Protection for native industry will be discovered . When the jugglers have tried all other means to preserve national faith , but more especiall y to preserve their own ascendancy , they will be obliged to fall back upon the Cottage , the Labour Field , and the Charter to defend them , and then , like Quintus Cincinnatus , I will cheerfully return to my plough . Your faithful friend and representative , Feargus O'Connor .

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      TO THE QUEEN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE . Letter HI . Respected Sovereign , Europe is in a state of high irrationality , and in many places so excited as . to be bordering u pon insanity and madness . , The contests in which some of them are engaged , and which threaten to extend to others , are far worse than useless , .-They inflame the passions , and destroy life and property for no rational object ; on the contrary , they make matters much worse and , if allowed to proceed , will yet more involve and confuse all parties , and render a speedy adjustment of their differences impracticable . Where there is power , the times and

      circumstances require strong and prompt measures of coercive , friendly interference — and Great Britain , Russia and France , as their interests are deeply involved with those of all other countries , should say to the contending parties , * ' We musthavepeace established throughout Europe , in order to calm the minds of all , and prepare them for a common-sense adjustment of the aristocratic and democratic opposing feelings "—feelings which blindly and most unwisely exist between parties not now knowing what they are contending for . There is but one real interest throughout Europe ; in fact , throughout the world . That interest has now to be adjusted , rationall y , for theibenefit of all people .

      The three days revolution of February , in Paris , has rendered it necessary that real liberty , equality , and fraternity should become a universal fact ; for it cannot be a fact in France without becoming a fact throughout the world , and the sooner this change shall be effected the better it will be for all in every country . The only question now deserving the consideration of rational beings is—by what means , and in what manner , can this most desirable change from falsehood to truth , from evil to good , be effected with the least injury and mist benefit to all parties ?

      Existing contending interests , which hare arisen from the injurious , artificial , or false state ] of society , as it has been formed throughout all nations , will answer this question , each according to the confined locality of ideas prevalent within the narrow circle' of class , sect , and party , in whatever division of Europe their characters have been misformed . Having been early in life permitted to overcome and see beyond these artificial and deranging local influeuces , and having no private

      interests opposed to the general interests of all humanity , it appears to me , under these circumstances , to be true wisdom to terminate the disorders of Europe , by a congress , to be held in some place near its centre , or in London , as it would be there better protected in its deliberations than in most other places . This Congress to be composed of Delegates from every Power in Europe—two from the large powers , and one from each of the other independent States .

      These Delegates to be elected in each State by Universal Suffrage ; their business should be to form a general Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe . It is presumed that these Delegates would be the most practical men for the business to be transacted in this Congress , that the different countries possessed , although probably many mistakes would be made , to remedy which evil , the Congress should have the power

      to elect , by a majority of votes , twenty-five of the most experienced men in Europe , according to the best knowledge they could acquire of each person's qualifications . These twenty-five to form a Council of investigation and revision of the acts of Congress , and no Constitution or Code of Laws to be adopted , except sanctioned and agreed to by a majority of the Congress and of the Council .

      The questions first submitted to the Congress for decision should be the following : — 1 st . —Whether the Constitution and Laws for the government of the population of Europe be based on the fact that the character of each individual is formed for him ; or on the old belief , that each one forms his own character . 2 nd , —Whether the responsibility of forming the character of each should be on society ; or on the individual . 3 rd . —Whether there should be one Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe ; or more than one—and , if the latter , how many .

      4 th . —Whether there should be one or more languages in Europe—and , if only one , how that one should be decided , upon . 5 th . —Whether Europe , in future , shall be composed of separate independent scientific societies , federatively united under one government , with one interest ; or kept divided , as at present , by different languages , and opposing governments and interests . 6 th . —Whether the present contending classification of the three divisions of society into upper , middle , and lower , shall be maintained ; or a new classification adopted , in which the most useful and best qualities of each of these divisions shall be combined in the character of

      every individual , so as to form a real and superior equality among the entire population of Europe , and , ultimately , of the world . 7 th . —Whether the population shall be divided ^ in interest , every man for himself and each opposed to all ; or whether individualism shall be superseded by an unity of interests in which ^ all shall be instructed and provided for in the best manner that existing means and knowledge will admit .

      8 th . —Whether the present most inferior and dishonest mode of producing and distributing wealth shall be maintained by the authorities of Europe ; or whether the superior and scientific mode of producing the best qualities of wealth in superfluity , and of distributing , it justly and beneficially , shall be adopted . 9 th . —Whether the people shall be left to

      have their characters formed from birth by accident and u nder such vicious and inferior circumstances as to render , in after life , falsehood and deception unavoidable ; or whether each one shall be well cared for by the State and scientifically trained within good circumstances from birth , so as to insure the most valuable ' and best character to promote the prosperity and happiness of society that the natural organisation of each will admit . 10 th . —Whether the people of Europe shall be governed as heretofore , in the most ignorant manner by the few , for the unnatural and

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      injurious supposed advantages of those few ~ T keeping the mass in slavery and starvation ^^ 2 or whether they shall be trained to govern themselves like rational and intelligent beings ; beneficially for themselves and their posterity , including also the few who have hitherto governed Europe on the fundamental principle of falsehood and deception , requiring for its support a continued increase of force and fraud .

      llth . —Whether the people of Europe shall live in large towns and cities filled with all manner of vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances , and in isolated situations , with few social advantages ; or whether they shall bo now placed within superior circumstances scientifically arranged to secure to all the rea advantages of cities and isolated residences , without the vicious injurious , or inferior circumstances new common to both .

      12 th . —Whether the Government or Governments of Europe shall continue to employ the wealth produced b y the present " over strained working of the industrious classes , to create the most vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances ; to waste the human faculties , physical and mental ; misapply capital ; produce vice , crime , ignorance , gross oppression , and universal misery ; or whether it shall be applied to create good and superior circumstances everywhere , to the exclusion of the vicious , injurious and inferior and thus ensure goodness , knowledge , and happiness to all , without evil to any .

      And , lastly , whether the change from falsehood to truth , from all that is evil to all that is good , shall be commenced throughout Europe immediately ; or that the change shal be indefinitely postponed . These being the questions of the deepest and most permanent interest to the human race , will naturally occupy the first attention of Congress , as the foundation on which to construct a rational Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe .

      These subjects now opened to your Majesty are new to the higher classes of society , and , with few exceptions , will at first alarm many ; it has now , ° however , become most necessary for their safety that all should fully understand them . In two memorials presented from me , by the late Lord Castlereagh , to the Congress of Sovereigns held in Aix-la-Chapelle , in 1818 , the circumstances which , if allowed to continue , must of necessity lead to the present disorganised state of society over Europe , were distinctly stated , and the remedy , or mode of prevention pointed out . The advice then given was disregarded , and the natural consequences have followed .

      It is not too late for the Aristocracy of Europe , if its order possess mind and decision equal to the crisis which has arisen , yet to save itself and the people from great suffering and destruction of life and property , Believe me , it is practicable by open and straightforward measures for your Majesty's Government to stay this volcano of revolutions over Europe , establish peace , and secure permanent progressive prosperity for all parties ; —truth , honesty , and decision are alone wanting . It is indeed grievous to see such enormous means to produce permanent universal prosperity ' ; and happiness so misapplied , as ' t © inflict misery—more or less—upon all , and to throw the civilised world into complete confusion and disorder .

      If the British Government does not interfere between [ the contending and opposing principles of individual and united interests , or in other words , between Aristocracy andproperly understood—Democracy , one or other of the parties must be destroyed , and that party in the nature of progress will be the Aristocracy .

      It is my duty to state these matters plainly to your Majesty , that , if possible now , at the eleventh hour , a right direction may . be given to the enormous powers of society for the permanent good of all . Most respectfully , Your Majesty ' s faithful Subject , Robert Owen . Londnn 24 th October , 1848 .

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      ltm THE LAND AND ITS CAPABILITIES . TO THE EDITOR OP THE NOKTHBRN STAR . D « ar Sir , —I uhail take it as a favour if yon caa 6 nd room for the following testimony of uy practioa I experience , as I consider it iho duty of every man t j give hiB information upon a aabjeot of such importance a 8 the capability of the soil ; and as tha cultivation of wheat shou'd be one of the fir 85 cr lid eradona o { my brother allottees , we sbould take tie best mode of producing that useful slant . I have tried the experiment of producing wheat in sis different forms in ones field . One plot was sown in the common way—the next on the top aRd ploughed in—' . henexl dril ' ed with the Norfolk

      drillanother was diae with the presser—one was drilled with the plough drill . The last was dibbled in rowi seven inches apart , and six in the row ; and from four to six grainB in esch hole , or about two bushels per aore . The drill and the pvcaaer Bowed about fita strokes , and tne other sowed one load per aore ; bat the dibbling far exceeded any of them ; and I feel convinced that if the dibbling is properly managed there is no other mode that will produoa as much . Bat I advise all who dibbla wheat on dry land to hav t ^ rows about Beven inches apart from each other , and the holes five incheB fro . a eae other in thj rows , dropping about four cora nto each hole ; by allowing seven inches betwea the rows it not onl y clveB the plants more air . but

      also gives an . opportunity of howing between th row , ami clearing away the weeds , which ougb ne to be allowed to grow to the injnr of the plant ; -. Further , I adviBe my brethe allottees navtir to flow bad scod , for I never saw farmer who sowod bad ae ; d that was a good manager . But it ia no use my saying much upon that subject as they will have Mr O'C onnor ' s very valuable work on Small Farms , which I h \> pe n > y b : other allottee * will pay strict atteution to . Now , as there are som . 8 whe think that four aores of land will not grew sufficient to support a family of five persons , I will only say to thoao parsons , go into any well-managed garden and meaBure the ground so managed , and value the crop , and you wili be asteuiBhed at your

      ignorance But some will Bay that a field cannot ba made to grow bo muoh as a garden . What can ba produced from one acre can be produced ftvm four , if the same means are used . Now last year , bb well as this year was not a geod sensrn for gardening , and I sold off oro . s at tho market price , which produced me 3 § ci . per square yard , and this year they will make 3 d . per yard ; and at 3 d . per yard it amounts to £ 60 10 * . Orf . per acre , and the crop was only sown in March , and sold off in the firat week of November ; so it will be seen that the ground has only been occupied seven months out of the twelve . Yours truly , Jno . Bentlby . Chicken ' oy , n ; ar Dswsbury , Oct . 24 .

      To The Chartists.

      TO THE CHARTISTS .

      Untitled Article

      THE LAND ! THE LAND !! TO THE MEMBERS OF THE 3 JATI 0 XAL LAXD COHPAKT .

      Bhothes Members , — Ag the Land , end a proper application of it , ia the only thing by which the working classes can be raised to happiness asd comfort , it is of the utmost itspeitasce that they should know shatibe Land is capable of producing , and of which they must be ignorant in eensc queues of a large majority being brought np either in the factory , the mutes , or to some handicraft or tn . de . I know by experience that thousands of agriculturists know nothing about what the Lsnd will produce when coltivated . by the spade , and which , so doubt , » the main cause of the falling c . ff of the weekly rec-ipte of the National Land Company . But as I kn-iw some little of what the Land will do , I will draw yoar attention to two cr three facts which I am prepared to prove . My father occupied a cottage and one acre of Land , one third of which was bad , fur which he paid eleven guineas rent per year , ataa * ed three miles from Selby and twenty-three from Leeds . I and my father left it andweLt to America , but after acme time we returned , and knowing Ihe ralne of Land , woa'd h&ve been glad to take the tame place at the same rent I should have laid that we paid an taxes &s well as the rent .

      I have an nnele in the earns Tillage , who has a cottage acd one acre of good Land—his own property—bat he entered it without money er any other property . He has lived well , acd never worked for any tone bat himself , on his own Land , for at feast thirty yesrs . My wife ' s father has occupied a cottage for fortytwo years with two aciei of Land , but ( he landlord would only allow him to cultivate one acre , the ether remaining grass for which he has paid £ 12 per jear and taxes , tie has brought up a large family , and has b ? ec so far independent as never t > bs compelled to work for any one , but when it suited his own convenience . I intended saving more ; but beiagtoe of the slave c > . ss I have no more time at present , bat I think I hive said eufficient to show that oar interest is to tarr » oat the scheme aa fast as possible . Hall . Rogeb Pkdeb .

      Untitled Article

      Dundee , "Wednesday . M t dear Friekds , You will not expect a long letter from me jj ^ week—next week you shall have a foil jgport of my tour . I arrived at Montrose on ggfnrday , and had to look out for some of the Old Guards . I fished out a veteran , Mr Bate and soon had a good staff . They would have a m eeting , and called upon the Provost to allow and to

      ^ drummer bellman go round and ann ounce it ; hut the old woman—AN OLD inOTHES man—told them that the HABEAS CORPUS ACT was suspended , and that no meeting could be held , and that he tad received positive orders from the Lord Advocate of Scotland , to PREVENT ALL CHARTIST MEETLNGS- and that , if the meeting was held , he would SEND THE POLICE . I sent my compliments to know if the

      HABEAS DRUMMUS and HABEAS JJELLUS Act was suspended ? — that I ffeuld hold the meeting—and if he sent the police , I would instantly have them taken into custody as disturbers of the public peaceand at six o clock the OLD GUARDS went a bout with their CLAPPERS , and at eight we had a Hall full ef as good men as ever lived . A half-mad man , of the name of Monro , a friend of the Provost , got up to defend him

      , and was laughed at . A good Chartist—a Mr RoberQPeters—was in the chair , and , after a > ng lecture , a vote of thanks and confidence was proposed , when Mr Monro proposed , as an amendment , "That they had no confidence in me . " After ten minutes' delay , he got a seconder , ani , when put , two hands—those of the proposer and seconder—onl y were held up against the vote . I then spent till past twelve in conversation with a number of the

      OLD GUARDS . On Sunday I went to \ Aberdeen , and there we had a bumper . Old veteran Archy MTJonald was in the chair . I made proclamation for ihe delegates to the National Assembly , who had abussd me in my absence , to come forth and charge me with any crime committed by me during the awful time , or the whole of my life . When I had spoken ^ for nearly two hours , Mr Shirron , delegate , came forward , and you shall have an account of the drubbing I gave him xt week

      ne . A very complimentary address was then presented from the members of the Land ,. Company , and another from the Chartists . A vote of confidence was proposed . Mr Shirron moved no amendment , but , belonging to the Upper House , he PROTESTED , and I insisted upon the protest being fput , when about a dozen middle class hands were held up . We then had three rousing cheers for the Charter , and at a quarter to twelve a number of the good and true sat down to supper . There I remained till two , delighted .

      On Tuesday I started for Dundee , and the mail being full , I was obliged to go outside for forty miles , pelting rain the whole way . At Dundee we had a splendid meeting ; I gave them nearly two hours , when Mr Graham , Delegate to the Convention , made his appearance , but after a very excited tirade , I answered every one of his charges^—one after the other—amid cheers ; and vrhen a vote of thanks was proposed , not one single hand was held up against it . I spent till past one with the OLD GUARDS fiom all parts—some from forty miles ; and , as I always told you that there was luck in

      leisure , and pleasure in waiting for it , next week I will give you a narrative of the conspiracy got up against me and the cause , and the mode of MrShirron ' s elee&on , and the character of M * Henry , and . others of mj revilers ; and I will gire you good and unequivocal authority for all , and you will say that Powell and Davis were angels to some . When you read , you wUl say that I have a charmed life . I have had an hour to spare in Dundee , which I devoted to a visit to John M'Crae ' s school , an account of which I will give you next week , and my visit to which pleased me beyond expression . It is a new and fascinating mode of education , but I will give you a full account .

      As far as I have gone , I am bound to say that the old ship is about to float once more , and the crew are determined to have the OLD PILOT at the helm , and the Old Pilot is determined to hold it . Next week I shall be in the Conference all day , but shall devote my nights to my Scotch narrative . All is not yet over , as Mr Shirron told me , vindictively , that I was to be met in . Edinburgh . Well ! be it so . And now , Chartists of England , you will wonder why I made Scotland the first battle field , and I will tell you . From the Scotch Delegates of Aberdeen , Dundee , Edinburgh , and Glas gow , I received the most abuse ; and you will bear in mind , that I have appointed the whole

      people as a tribunal to try me ; and I have come to the places where I was most vilified , and have carried the war into the enemy ' s camp , never having written one word , or attempted to make any party , or to create any feeling in my favour ; but if I cannot stand the treason of professing Chartists , as well as the treason of powerful Governments , then I am of no use to you . For some years I have not had such labour , and for years I hare not felt so hearty so well , and so confident . I have rallied Chartism OVER THE BORDERS , as I promised to do ; and I have driven THE VERMIN from the ranks . This is my twenty-sixth year of agitation , and I conclude it as I commenced : —

      "Come one , come al > , this rock ehall fly From its firm bise as soon m L " The establishment of a NEW NEWSPAPER was at the bottom of the Scotch conspiracy , just as of old ; but the RED CAT , which will commence its twelfth year on the llth of next p-onth , has broken all their CROCKERY WARE , and still lives . I am off to Edinburgh , to meet the foe . Your faithful Friend and Representative , Feakgcs O'Connor .

      Free Trade And Its Consequences. T&Btu Trade And Its Consr-

      FREE TRADE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES . t&btu TRADE AND ITS CONSR-

      Untitled Article

      RESTRICTION OF LAB 0 FR . TO THE PRINTERS OF CALICOES AND DELAINES IN SCOTLAND . Fellow Wobkmrn . —An the Lnhnur question is attracting general attention , I otf . r there few remptks fer the benefit of tho trade I belong to , while it is applicable to all kinds of labour . It is a well known fact , that it ia the surplus hands which resrulate the prioe of labour , and it i » th <> all-encresaing question with the employed how they are to protect tbeir wages . The employed printer *) have been very lukewarm towards the unemployed , although there are men idle who would apurn the idea of a rednonnn . although they have been out of work for a twelvemonth . But what is to be done ? The idle men have not tfot one shilling ner month for the last yoar . They do not want charity ; they want a fair ahnre of the work that i * going on . Now in place of the printers workicg ten hours per day whon they have work , nnd sometimes twelve hours , when there are plenty of bandR doinu nnthins , if the employed would adopt an eight bourn bill , this would take tha MirpluB hands out of the labour market , and is by tar the best mode of protecting [ wage ? . It may bo naid that this in impracticable , but it is quite practicablo if men would be honent , and it would be a benefit both to the employer and the employed , I remain , One of the Unemployed Calico FrinterB , Neilston , Oct . 23 rd . Wilmam Gorubt , ¦ C-

      Untitled Article

      Thk Austrian Court . —The court of tbe Austriaa Emperor is composed of 3 , 873 persons , receiving aa fl »! arie » 1 , 716 , 882 florins , ( about £ 180 , 000 ) . In ad » tlition , thore are 680 pmonB receiving pensions i » tho amount of 400 . 000 fforinb n-year , and 996 other * reoeiying 150 , 000 florins a-jear .

      Untitled Article

      i ^ SfJf- v € > " AM - ' ¦ " ¦ C ^ J ^ ' l AND ^ NiVTIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL 1 ¦

      Untitled Article

      VIII YT \ Tn kTk _ a ; , —__ -TT-i 1 ' * 975 LONDON , SATURDAY , OCTOBElt 28 , 1848 . P ~ ™» iSSSS ^ . i ^ ..-==

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 28, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1494/page/1/