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    • THE NORTHERN STAR, SAT0RDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1848.
    • s=g"-—¦ ——¦^= === A LIST OF BOOKS NOW P0BU3HISS BT B.D. COUSINS, 18. DUKE-STREET , UKCOLS'S-IHH HBIDS, LOHDOH.
    • ONE MILE FROM LINCOLN. TO "BE SOLD, a COTTAGE FARM, consisting of an excellent dwelling house, , quite new,
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      HE SHEPHERD , by the IUv . J . E . Smith MA . Vol . I . price 53 . 6 a .-Yol . II . price Si . -Vol . III . fee 6 i . 6 d . doth boarls ; or the three volumes in te half-bound ia calf ana lettered , price 16 s . MAm ofOwenism . by O . Redford , of Worcester ; ith a reply , by the Rev . J . E . Smith , MA . U CtaiMtanKj ; or the Religion of St Simon , with a loured Portf att of a St SImonlan Female ; translated r the Her . J . E- Smith , U . A . Is . frttle Book , addressed to the Bishop of Exeter and obtrt Owen , by the Rav . 3 . E . Smith , M . A . 6 J . ;

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      THE LABOUR LEAGUE ; or , Journal of the Natiokal Tbades' Association . Published Weekly , Priee One Penny . Especially devoted to the elevation of the producing classes , and to the exposure of the causes which lead to their present degradation . Published by James Watson , 3 , Queen ' s Head passage , Paternoster-row , and sold by all booksellers and news agents ; and at tbe office of the National Trades' Association , ll , Tottenham-court-road .

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      HOW AND WHERE TO EMIGRATE . This day is published . ' price lg each , by 3 . C . Bsbne , Esq ., Author of Twelve Tears Wandering in the Ai British Colonies . ' THE EMIGRANT'S GUIDE TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE . With a Map of the Colony . THE EMIGRANT'S GUIDS TO NEW SOUTH WALES PROPER , Australia Felix , and South AustraliafFilth Editirn . ) Also , by the same AntHor ( in afew days ) , THE EMIGRANT'S GUIDE TO NATAL . With a Map . London : Effingham Wilsen . Commercial an « Colonial Bookseller and Stationer , 11 , Royal Exchange .

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      TO BE SOLD . A FOUR-ACRE ALLOTMENT , at Lowbands , well cropped ; wheat , one acre and one rood ; barley , half an awe , cut and stacked . There are seventy fruit Sa pig-sty cap . ble of centaining from six to ten pigs , ^ mmuticXnsTo " ^ addressed ( with a postage stamp enclosed ) to Mr O'Brien , schoolmaster , Lowbands , Bedmarley , near Gloucester .

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      Will be published ia a day or two , rE TRIAL OF DR M'DOUALL at Liverpool , on the 28 th of August last . Printed and published by Mr A . Heywood , of Man Chester .

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      SNIG'S END . TO BE SOLD , A THREE . ACRB ALLOTMENT , well cropped , consisting of Barley , Potatoes , Turnips , Vetches , Peas , Cabbages , &c . Application to be made to W . G ., No . 9 , Snig ' s End , or to the Directors , 144 , HighHolbom , London .

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      MINSTER LOVEL . TO BE SOLD , A FOUR-ACRE FARM , ( fall cropped , Three Pigs . Tools , and Implements , with various additions to the House and Premises . ' Apply to T . Gilbert , 34 , Brizenorton-road , Minster ) Lovel , Oxfordshire , or to the Directors , Hi , High Hoiborn , London .

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      TO TAILORS . Bt approbation of Her Majesty Queen Victoria , and H . R . H . Prince Albert : NOW READY , THE LONDON AND PARIS SPRING AND SUMMER FASHIONS for 1848 , bv Messrs BENJAMIN READ ind Co .. 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbury-square , near Oxfordstreet , London ; and by G . Bezqbb , HolywelUstreet , Strand ; and all Booksellers , an exquisitely executed and superbly coloured PRINT . The elegance ef this Print excels any beforepnblished , accompanied with the Newest Style , and extra-fitting Frock , Riding Dress , and Hunting-Coat Patterns ; the most fashionable dregs Waistcoat Pattern , and an extra-fitting Habit Pattern of *• he newest and most elegant sty le of fashion . Every particular part explains !; method of increasing and diminishing the whole for any size fully illustrated , manner of Cutting and Making up , and all other information respecting Style and Fashion . Price 16 s . post free 11 s . scientific of for

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      - , y 9 35 , an * . RECEIPTS OF THE NATIONAL LAND g ; COMPANY , FOB THB WEBK ENDING THURSDAY , SEPTEMBER 7 , 1848 . a — 0 PEX MB 0 'COMOB , ti HABEB . £ f , d , Butterley M 2 0 0 Stoney Stratford , Stockport . WOO Watson .. 411 6 Easington Lane 010 0 Oldham „ 0 6 6 Rochdale « 1 15 0 Atherstone -. 0 15 0 Nottingham , Newark-on-Trent 2 15 0 Sweat 5 5 0 Lvughborough .. 8 12 11 Blandford „ 110 Preston , Liddle 6 12 t Manchester .. 2 2 6 Westminster „ 0 5 0 1 Chelsea « . 213 0 Thos Thornberry 0 14 0 Windy Nook .. 0 9 0 John Anderson .. 1 0 0 C £ 46 8 1 S BXPEKSE FUND . [ Thomas Thorn . Nottiagham , ' berry .. 0 2 0 Sweet .. 0 2 6 ] Rochdtle M 0 5 0 Newark- on-Trent 0 3 9 , £ 0 13 8 i Land Fond ... , 46 8 1 Expense Fond ... 0 13 3 47 1 1 Bank , „ , ... , „ 58 0 0 JB 105 _ 1 i Ww . Dixo * . Chbistopbes Dot u , Thos . Gubk , ( Correi . See . ) Pamr M'QBATH , ( Fln . Seo . ) FOR FAMILIES OF VICTIMS . XECIIVED BT W . XIDEB . HMBBrigg .. II U Pottery Field , Rugeley , per C Leeds , per J Hill . HO Page M 9 5 0 Coventry , per W Afew poor Devils , Hosier ~ 0 5 0 Carlisle , per W . Swansea , per J Hall M 0 2 9 rhillips „ 010 0 £ 17 9 i To Mr pHiuira , Swansea . —I beg to say that I have not received the 6 s . fid . for the Victims , directed for me at the National Land Company's office . I cannot say 1 why Mr Paillips ' s letters are not answered . \ Wh . Rues . ' xecxited at iiamd office . A few Friends , Wm Davis - 0 1 0 Greenwich , per An Enemy te Mr Whitcombe 0 U 0 Oppression .. 10 0 MrSimB n 0 6 0 Ditto „ 0 5 0 £ 2 6 9 I — - j DEFENCE FUND . UCI 1 TE 0 XT W . BIDEB . t Nottingham , per John Gale , St 9 J Sweet « 0 13 Hellers , Jersey 0 0 6 , 1 __ . HMAnnglen . EIy 0 4 0 5 @ g £ e £ 0 5 9 FOR DR MDOUALL'S DEFENCE ' * RECEIVED Bt W . RIDER . ( t Nottingham Shoe . New Baaford . per makers , per J Fletcher M 0 9 0 J Fletcher .. 0 2 6 Old Radford , ° ie per ditto „ 0 2 0 n id J ^ ' ^ ' * THE LIBERTY FUND . *^*™ r' Ten Chartists , Kidderminster , per W Yeatea .. 0 2 6 ' t . „ t ,. « , FOB THE EXECUTIVE . Pottery Field , Leeds , per J Page .. M „ 0 5 0 v . rox hbs m ' dodail . ,, Tea Chartists , Kidderminster , per JYeateu .. 0 5 n of

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      with dairy , back-kitchen , cow-nouse , piggeries , stabling , and other cenveniences , enclosed with a high wall . The dwelling ia in the centre of the farm , consisting of pour acubs of excellent land , in high cultivation , facing the highway ; air pure and salubrious , and the water excellent . A similar farm with Fivb Acrbb . Also , Two Acres , with an excellent frontage , but without a dwelling . A Farm of Sixir-FiTB Acbb 3 with a cottage dwelling , two large yards for cattle , with extensive sheds , and an excellent bain . Two thirds 6 f the purchase money can be obtained on mortgage . Application to be made to Mr Allsop , Royal Exchange , London .

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      Price Twopence , THE RIGHT OF PUBLIC MEETING A LETTER Addressed ( before Sentence , ) TO LORD CHIEF JUSTICE SIR THOMAS WILDE , Br EsHEsr Jones , This letter contains the substance of the address which Ernest Jones intended to deliver in the court , but which the judge would not allow to be spoken . Also , priee Threepence , A VERBATIM REPORT OF IHE TRIALS OF ERNEST JONES AND THE OTHER CHAR CIST LEADERS . Now Ready , a New Edition of MR . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS . IBS CHEAPEST EDITION EVBR PUBLISHED . Price is . 6 d ., A new and elegant edition , with Steel Plate of the Author , of PAINE'S POLITICAL WORKS .

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      g ; a ti PORTRAIT OF _ JOHN MITCHEL . Specimens of a splendid portrait of the first victim of the Whig Treason Act , are now in possession of our agents . The portrait will be shortly ready for presentation . That of Smith O'Brien , and those who are sharing his fate , are also in course of preparation . None but subscribers will be entitled to those portraits . ^

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      ! 1 C S [ ' - MR O'CONNOR AND HIS CONSTITUENTS . On Monday week , the 18 th instant , the hon . member for Nottingham will meet his constituents in any public p lace , they may select , and will carry into effect two Points of the Charter , namely—Annual Parliaments , and Universal Suffrage , by tendering his resignation to the people ; and which , if

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      MR O'CONNOR'S PROPOSITIONS ; TO THE HEHBBR 3 oFThe NATIONAL LiND Aa it is the intention of the ' Directors to visit each branch of the Company in SUppOrt of their views for its future mangement , and to abide by the resolutions of the members , we think it impolitic and a useless encroachment on the columns of the Star , to publish reaolutiens adopted previous to the contemplated interview of the Directors with the members . SiiMBarora .-At a large meeting of the member wJKi ? r f ? oS 5 V lldd J attlwFMWtorf Aw rnWfJ m X ? " . ? ^ P ^ ing the Ashton , Dakenfiald . Mottram . and Stalybridge branchej , all agreed to . Messrs M'Grath and Clark were present togire such explanation as might be required fin

      Mbkjngs , at which Messrs M'Grath and Clark 5 Sh rf ! W nMh ?« p ? i ° ° * ' ° «> Thursday , tbe i ?? "fe p day > th 9 25 th-Rochda ! e , Monday , the 28 ih-Bury . Tueeday , the 29 . h-Preston , September the 4 th . At each of these iieetings the propositions of the Directors were agreed to with great unanimity . Charmbvom . —Since tbe fi ne weather set in tbe allottees hwa been very bnsy getting in their harvest crops—and at the backi of many of the cottages may now be seen staoks of eitker wheat barleyor

      eats—, , they are still aotive , getting in potatoes , Ac The nuUdew has Bhghtly affected the com and the duaueahghtiy damaged the potato * , bat , generally , they are fine and more healthy than those in the sur rounding villages , and will bring geven shillings per sack en the ground . Mr S . Kydd paid a visit on Sunday , and lectured in the School House to a numerous audience . --jome portion of the audieEoa having come a distance of thirteen mUes to hear hia ^ %$ Sffi ^«^ W W

      The Northern Star, Sat0rday, September 9, 1848.

      THE NORTHERN STAR , SAT 0 RDAY , SEPTEMBER 9 , 1848 .

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      LABOUR , THE SOURCE OF ALL WEALTH . It is a fact which cannot be too often reiterated , that "Labour is the source of all wealth . " And it is also a fact , tbat ignorance , stolid and inveterate ignorance , of the Labour question , has become the dethroner of kings , the alarmist'of monarchs , the hobgoblin of capitalists , and the ghost of Governments . It is an irrefutable fact , that the operations of machinery have stolen upon the watchmen

      of England ' s constitution , and the English system , like a thief in the dark ; and that , so profitable was the sudden change in its infancy to the revenue , the capitalist , and the fascinated labourer , that there are no laws upon the statute book to control the monster , save the abortion of a Ten Hours Bill , passed when infant labour was a drug , and the infant population had become dwarfs , and so crippled as to threaten sterility and non-production .

      The Government , charmed with an exchequer filled by increased and unnatural dissi pation ; the capitalist , exulting in the new discovery of coining infant-sweat into gold ; and the reckless parents , who abandoned their " cold , quiet home "—the country air , and comparative contentment and peace , and sold themselves and little child-en at the flesh market , were so overjoyed with the first flush of prosperity , that the Government , capitalists , traders , merchants , traffickers in blood , and the duped people , all joined in one common league to establish that political reform which

      would give to the possessors of this new wealth a control over every other class of society . AnJ that change was to secure Peace , Retrenchment , and Reform—that change was to enable Britain to defy the world in arms , and to rivet affection for the constitution in the breast of every Englishman . But let us ask . in how far this political change has improved the social condition of those by whose cooperation it was effected ? Who amongst them that undertook to supply

      4 list riAfirtinnn . t nf ^ U 1 * 1 . *¦ I J the deficieacy of old times , has ever spoken i word , or written a word , in favour of the people s share of that change ? but , upon the contrary , while Parliament is nightly engaged m passing laws for the protection ; not only of the property and rights , but of the privi-^ FVti e m ° ? J Classes ' do no * Hume and Cobden , and the disciples of the Man-Chester school , violentl y protest against the right of Parliament to interfere , in the Labour question ? They say , « Arm us with now *™ to

      curb the disaffected , and to enable us to make merchandise of the destitution of the poor , and wewillgrantyouthesuppliestoarmyourpolice , to pay your detectives , to march and countermarch your troops , to erect your tents , to man your fleets , to prosecute your victims and transport your felons ; but touch not our profits , by interfering with labour , by creating a market for its free exercise , or we will hurl you from the seat of power , and establish your enemies upon your ruins . " We have laboured hard and incessantly to prove that every class in society is irreoarablv i

      njured oy the injustice done to the { labouring classes . A five-pound note is a five-pound note , and can be exchanged for five sovereigns , and every sovereign can be exchanged for twenty shillings ; but there are intermediate classes who look upon the note , the sovereign ,

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      and the shilling , as the link which binds them to the system ; while from the lowest to the highest order of the middle-classes , and the aristocracy , none have the brains to understand that they are one and all directly dependent upon the labourer . We will not go into the solution of the Antediluvian problem , that if some didn't work , all should starve , but we will take a review of the relation that subsists between the labourer and all ^ other classes . Colburn , the aristocratic publisher , may sayiin his grandeur and mightiness , " What have I to dj with the

      vulgar labourer ? he does not read my publications ; he is no customer for my wares ; but his disaffection , disloyalty , and discontent may jeopardise my trade , and cause my poverty , therefore , tax me to keep him in subjection /' The wine merchant , the silk mercer , the paper maker , the aristocratic bootmaker , the clothier , the merchant , the banker , the broker , the peer , and the queen , may all hold those opinions as to their independence of the labourclass ; but let us show how links of the great

      social chain , of which labour is the strongest , and that from which alone all others extract their strength , mutually depend upon each other . Colburn says , " No labouring man reads my books , and therefore I am independent of la . bour ; " the silk mercer says , " No labourer's wife comes to my counter , and what care I for labour ; " the wine merchant says , " Talk not to me of the prosperity of the labourer , he quaffs no wine" —but see the link by which they are bound together .

      The Labourer at full employment , at remunerative wages , wears clothes , and shoes , and a hat ; and his tailor , his shoemaker , and his hatter then deal more extensively with the chandler , the butcher , and the baker ; the chandler , the butcher , and the baker deal more extensively with the mercer , the haberdasher , and the grocer ; the mercer , the haberdasher , and the grocer deal more extensively with the silk merchant , the . wine merchant , and the more aristocratic tailors and shoemakers ; the ¦

      silk mercers , the wine merchants ,. the tailors , and shoemakers , deal more extensively with Mr Colburn , with bankers , and with merchants ; the Commoner and the Peer have better markets for the produce of their land , and greater security for their rents ; the Government have a more extensive Exchequer , flowing through so many channels from Labour , its spring and source ; the Queen has a more secure seat upon the throne ; the expenditure of the country is less ; the confidence of all is greater , because ^ the comforts of all are

      increased . Under these circumstances , will those who float . upon the tributary streams , all springing from the one great source , deny their dependence upon Labour , or dare to assert that the stability of the throne , the security of England ' s Constitution and institutions , do not mainly—nay , wholly—depend upon the profitable employment of the labouring classes ? Talk not to us of the dark age of Toryism , of the " bloody old Times , " and the darker ages ,

      when Pitt possessed the magician's wand , and , with talismanic influence , commanded money to any amount—who , with a touch of the magician ' s wand , said , "Open Sesame 1 " and the chest gave forth its abundance and superabundance . Those may be called the days of mpnopoly , of reckless expenditure , and coercion ; but contrast the condition of the working classes in those days of England ' s degradation , with their present condition , in the sixteenth year of the Reformed Parliament .

      The middle classes and aristocracy of this country were wont to look upon the Exchequer as the horn of Amalthea , from which the more you extracted the more remained behind ; but now they have discovered the value of the policy that pauperises one class that another class may live upon their destitution . They have found- out , that , if 20 s . make a sovereign , and five sovereigns a five-pound note , that those coins and that " rag'' receive their value from the sweat ' of the working man ; and

      the working man has discovered that there must be something rotten in a system which consigns him to degraded pauperism , while the land of his birth is sterile and dry for want of his muscle and his sweat . And he is beginning to discover that there is something unnatural in the policy which reconciles all above him to the infliction of increased taxation , for no other purpose than to secure passive obedience and non-resistance , even to the suppression of complaint or murmur , while he and his family are in a state of starvation .

      Do the rulers of this land hope to substitute the falsehoods of the Press for the loyalty of the subject ? The Morning Chronicle assures its readers that her Majesty was received , on Tuesday last , with the most rapturous applause of her devoted and loyal subjects ; and although we can be as loyal and devoted to a system—to , a constitution—and institutionswhich do even-handed justice to all , as any other person ; yet we declare , from our own knowledge—our own senses—and pur own ears , that the progress of the Queen through her devoted and loyal subjectson Tuesday

      , last , was dumb show—a perfect pantomime We walked part of the distance alongside the royal cavalcade , and we declare , upon the " true faith of a Christian ' ' that there was not one single cheer , with the exception of a faint attempt by about a dozen ladies and gentlemen standing upon the steps of the Solicitor to the Treasury ' s office . Now , we ask with what show of deceucy this apostate journal , that has turned from physical ferce Chartism to physical force reform , from physical force reform

      to' moral force Whiggery , and from moral force Whiggery to vapid , puling , and imbecile Toryism , can thus hope , to prey upon tho credulity of its dupes ? We have now shown that Labour is the source of all wealth—that it is the main link , nay , [[ the centre of the social chain—that once snapped , society becomes convnlsed—once weakened , society becomes disorganised . And however traders in fear may flatter themselves with a notion that rampant Chartism once suppressed the rolling ship rights herself , we would caution the

      oversanguine not to entertain a notion that shillings , sovereigns , and five-pound notes grow in the Exchequer ; but to believe that their transfer from hand to hand , however manufactured , wholly andentirelydependsupon their first pass ingthrough the hands « f the honest labourer . While in passing , although not looked upon as an authority by profitmongers , we would call the attention of our readers to the announcements made by Mr Feargus O'Connor in his place in Parliament , and published in the newspapers of the day . Upon the question of Repeal he said , "There , is Irish vengeance pent up in America , and the Americans look upon England with a jealous

      eye , and will be prepared to take advantage of England ' s weakness . " Again , "While you are coercing Ireland at home , take care that Canada may not seek to throw off your dominion . " Again , ' If you pass this Gagging Bill for the suppression of public opinion , you may rely upon it that secret clubs and societies will be established , against whose machinations you may not be so well prepared to defend yourselves , as against ' open and advised speaking . . "' Again , if this weather centinues for another fortnight , no matter what your harvest weather may be , your crop will be miserably deficient , as the seed will have perished in your clay lands , your cold lands , and your wet lands . "

      This was predicted in the middle of April , and the result proves its correctness , as the most practical men now agree that under the most favourable subsequent circumstances , the wheat crop will be miserabl y deficient . Eng land is not able to bear another famine , and unless England ' s rulers are prepared to work a miracle , they will not much longer be able to reconcile the farming class to the payment of rents measured by protection ; the payment of tithes , measured by indifference occasioned bv prosperity ; to have the . produce of their dear land , with rents , rates , taxes , and tithes S the lr f f' V ? ^ ^ tfon with the produce of cheap land , low rates and

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      taxes , and an inexpensive government . Let us draw the picture ; here are two bags of wheat in Mark-lane Market—American and English produce . The miller opens the English bag , and straightway out hops the Crown and Sceptre , the Crozier and Mitre , the fund lord , the tax eater , poor rates , the parson , the curate , the army , the navy , the pensioners , the police , the detectives , the judge 3 , the placemen , the Income Tax , the Window Tax , high rent , and Kennington Common , with the innumerable etceteras j then he opens the American bag , and sees a cheap President , cheap land , and

      light freight . Now , we would ask , in the name of common sense , how the producer of the English bag of wheat can stand competition with the produce of the American bag ; and let it be borne in mind that wheat establishes the value of gold , and that the loss of five millions worth of English wheat , would cause more serious disasters than the loss of twenty millions worth of manufactured goods . Thus we show , and indisputably , that before confidence can be restored , the Labour question must be considered , and justice must be done to the Labourer

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      IRELAND . The arguments used in our comment upon tbe Labour Question , will equally apply to Ireland as to England . Ireland is a fertile country , and the energies of her people have been wasted for more than a quarter of a century in the visionarj pursuit ' of a handful of moonshine . They have been instructed to disregard all measures save that one which was calculated to restore their nationali ty—and , as upon former occasions , it now becomes our duty—and a painful one it is—to review the mode adopted by the Irish people and their accredited leaders , for the accomplishment of their darling object .

      We pass over every General Election , from the period of Emancipation and Reform , when Catholics were admitted to the Legislature , and when the honest and unpurchaseable votes of the brave Catholic people were given to candidates of their own creed , in spite of the threats , and in defiance of the persecution of their Protestant taskmasters . It is painful to review those times which bring to our recollection the patriotic pledges of the candidate tbe heroic devotion of the electors , and the sordid , the base , and contemptible prostitution

      of their chosen members . The result of every contested election since the Reform Bill , was capable of achieving the nationality of Ireland , had not her representative power been basel y bartered for Saxon patronage , for pelf , for title , for place , emolument , and distinction . And what is Ireland ' s reward ? The flimsy boast of a few degenerate Catholic Judges , an apostate Catholic Attorney-General , a set of degraded Catholic officials , who would establish their claim to impartiality by being the most violent persecutors of their persecuted

      race . It was to be hoped that this wholesale confiscation of Irish lo yalty would have ended with the demise of the National Salesman , and that Irish members , left free to act , unfettered by the dread of denunciation , and linked together by the love of fatherland , would have risen superior to by-gone prejudices , and , confederated together , would have stood like a cemented rock against the storm of Saxon oppression .

      If , in all previous parliaments , the Irish members were armed with the pretext that they were but so many arrows in the great archer ' s quiver , and that bowing before his uncontrolled leadership was the surest mode of acquiring the confidence of their countrymen , the same reasoning does not hold good as to Ireland ' s present representatives—God forgive us—Ireland forgive us—Justice forgive

      us—lor having used the term . If the present representation of the Irish people is a correct and faithful miniature of the full-length portrait of Irish nationalityi outlined in the Repeal of the Union , our humble but sincere prayer would be , that the destinies of that country should never be committed to a whole Parliament of such cripples , mercenaries , and political apostates .

      Since Parliaments were established to the present moment , — -nay , since society was established , and since every class had its rabble , there never was such a rabble of any , the most profligate class , as the Irish rabble of the House of Commons . As landlords , they surfeit us with their fulsome jargon about the area of taxation and the administration of the Poorlaw ; as Protestants , they disgust you with their antipathy to the Pope and the Popish religion ; as barristers , they are contemptible for their narrowness of conception , prejudice , and ignorance ; and as liberal , " save the mark , " they are contemptible for their sycophancy , their venality , and prostitution . The slaves return the ministerial nod as if it was

      condescension to be rec ognised ; they accept a ministerial invitation " to feed , " as though' it was an honour conferred upon their virtue , their talent , or their integrity ; they bluster about Saxon oppression , but yield submissively to the Saxon yoke . Upon the most important questions , even connected with the lives 0 / millions , Ireland can furnish her jester ; upon matters of religion , her fanatic ; and upon matters of policy , her buffoon . In short , allow us to pick the odd number of five from the scabby lot , and a more contemptible set could not be selected from the rabble of all classes , Notwithstanding this glaring and irrefutable fact , staring the Irish people in the face , " they seek for a national representation of such a set of prostitutes .

      We argue the question thus , as the Irishman who argued the converse , when he tasted the quince in the apple pie , and upon asking what it was , when he was told it was a quince , exclaimed , " If one quince makes an apple pie so good , what the devil would an apple pie be if it was all quinces ? " So we say , "If a hundred and five Irish Members make a Parliament so bad , what the devil would a Parliament be if it were all Irish Members ? ' ' While a set of place-hunting beggars have

      been roaring for a Repeal of the Union , and denouncing Chartism , we have witnessed the profligacy of pledged Repealers ; we have witnessed the manner in which they are bought and sold , in the Saxon . Parliament , and , notwithstanding their degeneracy , we have looked to Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , Payment of Members , and vigilant popular control as a means of securing a fair representation .

      We do not include Vote by Ballot in the Irish Charter , and for this plain and simple reason—because , instead ofrequir ing the mask , which the brave Irish people would look upon as an insult , every Irish elector would glory in being enabled to boast of the independent manner he voted for the man of his choice . But , although we have placed the dark side of the picture before our Irish brethren-and although the pigmy Saxon Prime Minister is now upon a spying tour—and although the voice of complaint is lulled—althoug h the famishing must die without a moan , and the over population is to be thinned by transportation-althoug h the Saxon law is as

      desoiaung as the Saxon sword—and although passive obedience and non-reaistjince are preached by the pastors of the people as the Christian doctrine , we are , nevertheless , not hopeless . They may pack their juries , suborn their witnesses , decorate their soldiers , reward their policemen , and commend their Judges , their officials , and their lickspittles , the day will yet arrive when the

      voice of Knowledge will silence the cannon ' s roar—when KMt will overcome Might-when the felon , Mitchel , will return to the fond embraces of his disconsolate family-and when Ireland will be herself again . Aforetime , when trade was in its infancy , she carried on commerce with distant countries ; when literature was a novelty in other countries , she sent her philo-

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      sophers to distant regions ; she has preserved her religion , her patriotism , and hospitality against the might of the oppressor ; a nd , although there has been a dark cloud e ' er ' the destinies of Ireland , in the distant horizon we see the dim shadow of Liberty , and heart gladdens . " In our emoy we exclaim , ' C » a it be !' When a voice responds Union and Liberty J '"

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      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW , The session which seemed as though it woulif never come to ai end , has , at length , „! cumbed to the great conqueror—Time ' A f > nearly ten months' duration , it was formX closed , as it had been opened , by the ( Wn jn person . A contemporary has taken S trouble to reckon up the number of sitting the number of hours consumed b y these sV tings , and the hours per diem which each work ing legislator must have been occupied durinothese ten months . The calculation is curious " . Ihe House of Commons met 168 times , and the House of Lords 136 . The duration of each sitting of the House of Commons cannot

      , be reckoned at less than an average of seven hours ; it has , therefore , since last November sat in full conclave about 1 , 176 hours If , addition to this public business , there have met 44 public committees , with an average on fifteen members on each ; 28 election committees , with five members on each ; 14 railway committees , each with five members- 17 private bill Committees , with five members each ; and 112 other committees , 15 of which had five , and the rest three members each . In all during the session , 215 Committees , requiring 1301 members to constitutethem . If the work had been equall y divided , every member of the Housemust have served

      on two committees , but scarcely more than onehalf of the members have been really working men , so that upwards ot 300 of them must on the 168 days on which nocturnal sittings took place , as well as committee meetings , have been labouring for twelve hours a day , and for seven hours per day on the other days when no

      Committees met . It is no wonder that human patience and fortitude should have broken down under such fa gg ' ng task work , more especially as no profitable or satisfactory results followed these interminable labours . It is no wonder" that everybody , within and without Parliament , hailed with delight the close of a session whose barrenness was in the direct proportion to its length , and that the prorogation should have been one of the most pleasant and happy days

      of the whole season . It would almost appear as if the weather itself had participated in the general feeling at its termination . The chilly airland cloudy skies which have mocked the name of summer during the greater part of the season were in keeping with the wretched temperature of Parliamentary oratory , and the nature of Parliamentary business . The bright sun and clear sky of Tuesday admirably typified the national rejoicing at getting rid of a national nuisance , for a time at least .

      Of course the fineness of the weather , and the usual exhibition of regal pomp , attracted a large number of the spectacle-hunters who abound in the metropolis , and a few of the exceedingly loyal and sentimental denizens took occasion to parade their attachment to the Throne and Constitution , in a somewhat conspicuous way , whereupon the vera cious Times indited a flaming and most sentimental panegyric on the loyalty of the nation , and drew a contrast—in its own slashing style between happy Britain , under such a Queen , and other countries that have had the

      misfortune to quarrel with their old rulers . Now nobody has called in question the personal conduct and bearing of the Sovereign of these realms . Whatever unpopularity may attach to her Minister . * , we believe that a sentiment of loyal respect and esteem for Queen Victoria pervades the country . But , at the same time , that feeling of personal respect is quite compatible with the existence of a general feeling of discontent among the population with the working of our institutions—a discontent which such sessions as that just closed will do little indeed to allay .

      The cheers which greeted the royal cavalcade , on its way to the new Palace at Westminster , were no more indicative of the contentment of the people at large and of their attachment to our institutions than the applause which follows the brilliant close of the pyrotechnical spectacle at Vauxhall . People shout from mere excitement at the sight of a fine show . But the excitement is evanescent when the rockets which went up so splenduHy

      have come down again as naked sticks . When the fiery serpents have whizzed into darkness , and blazing stars and revolving wheels have flashed and disappeared , the excitement vanishes too , and nothing but a smell of wasted gunpowder remains behind . Much the same with the gaudy close of a useless session , in which much breath was needlessly spent that would have been more profitably employed had it been even applied to the humble task of cooling the porridge of the speakers .

      We have so constantly and so regularly tracked the proceedings of this do-nothing session , that to enter at any length into a review of its course now would be a | work of supererogation—another killing of the already thrice-slain . The subject is worn threadbare , and we are sick of it . To waste many more words upon it would almost be repeating its ewn sin of making " much ado about nsthing . " Briefly , then , let us endeavour to sum up the results of this ten months " palaver . " The Session has produced abo ut 100 matter of form routine bills—five or six measures of general utility , such as the Encumbered

      Estates Bill and the Public Health Bill—but in such an emasculated and mutilated state , that their practical va \ ue must be estimated very lowly indeed . Even the Ministers , while taking credit , in a separate paragraph of the Royal Speech , for the last-named measure , speak of it only as a "foundation for continual advances in this beneficial werk , " showing that they were so fully aware of its defects , and felt that the public were so likewise , that they did not dare to go beyond that » 'ery mitigated commendation of their handiwork . To counterbalance this want of useful and remedial measures , there has been no lack of mischievous and coercive

      ones . Ireland has received from the hands of a Ministry—who took office solely on condition that she was in future to be governed b y a remedial policy—no less than four editions of coercion , each more stringent than the other . In Finance , after four different Budgets were propounded by that incomparable Solon in money matters—Sir Charles Wood-the business ended by saddling the country with twomillhns more debt , and the prospect of double that amount , perhaps , to be added nest year , should the country continue to be cursed with Whig mismanagement so long . So completely was everybody worn out by the purposeless and futile

      labours of the Session , that this last achievement was performed in a house consisting of fewer members than the number required by the rules of constitute " a house . " Sir Charles propounded his last Budget to thirty-ei ght members only , and to these we noticed several who were most comfortably & j' il bad not been out ° * courtesy , the thread of his discourse might have been cut short , and the House counted out . On Monday night the third reading of the Commission of Sewers Bill , which affects the Metropolis in a very important and vital

      manner , was carried in the House of Lords by a majority of five to four , thus showing that in the upper branch of the Legislature attendance had dropped to zero . If the Prorogation had been delayed a week longer , there would have been nobody to address as ' My Lords and Gentlemen , " save the Usher of the Black Rod and the paid officers of the two houses , for even the Ministry were seized with , the desire to get away from it . Lord John Kuasell , strangel y enough , scampered off to Ireland before the close ; and the other members of the

      Administration were equally eager te escape . Most of them had done so . leaving to the Queen the task of putting au extinguisher upon a Session which has clone more to bring popular legislation and popularly constituted legislative bodies into contempt , than

      Untitled Article

      THE NORTHERN STAR ^^ September 9 , 1848 .

      S=G"-—¦ ——¦^= === A List Of Books Now P0bu3hiss Bt B.D. Cousins, 18. Duke-Street , Ukcols's-Ihh Hbids, Lohdoh.

      s = g" - —¦ ——¦^ = === A LIST OF BOOKS NOW P 0 BU 3 HISS BT B . D . COUSINS , 18 . DUKE-STREET , UKCOLS ' S-IHH HBIDS , LOHDOH .

      One Mile From Lincoln. To "Be Sold, A Cottage Farm, Consisting Of An Excellent Dwelling House, , Quite New,

      ONE MILE FROM LINCOLN . TO "BE SOLD , a COTTAGE FARM , consisting of an excellent dwelling house , , quite new ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 9, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1487/page/4/