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    Fr "^ b ?. D0UG _ AL M'GOWAN , of 16, Qrea». WindnaW-

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    Ciuncdlor . of Ireland , hss pointed eut the * aog £ : eui character of these dubs . We may think it neces iary to introduce a measure to ueet the organisation o the ^ e dabs , ba ; It is to be remembered tbst that orga nisation is directed , us indeed the wsole pro ceeding * c theie people haTe been , by men well acquainted wiu tte law , and wb < j , if there is a new lair P « " *• " these clubs , would be found es supp * i ° Ihtir L B h 0 WI to evade the provisions of that law a * they t « v .. ho « themselves to be in evmdmg tbe p roviso . of t-e «•« in ; lw . Wo hsw baa , and I t . ™ «^ ' « J ^^ father opinion of » ta tort O »~ - ^ - ^ ^ tesoect to tLe mode m which the law na » evaded . . With « P «« » *« SS-S ^ t a ? I

    S = SH = irESr LT-I- bat when the Is * officers of the cro « 3 cine t " aviso tha LorJ-Lieutensai s » to the measures necessar . for putting down these cW ., i « « . iou « a , that r f though their general object is pnfccfy wcll-knowufenown to every member of this hons ? , and naorrn to a ] wboread the newspapers of this kluKdom—jet thatth msaus of procuring evidence as to what passes ia the ? eJah « , when they aro secret , are no ' - euch as ^ to enabl the gorernrnecf , with any facility , to put down thes club « . I say ' with any f . icllliy , ' because , ifanyrata sara were adopted , it would sosn be found that by sera fresh evasion end under some new form the la '

    woulJ bo evaded , and thct the clubs would be con tinus 4 in as great force and vrish as powerful an 01 gsckation as before . I will state likewise the tftffi caltics with regard to the marchings of tlierc clubs . To honse have read tcconnta of what has fesppened e Waierford aa-i elsewhere in the country , end they wi iiaagino tha ! tha law Egunsi training , Tffcicn is a ? er striegtntlaw , would bs cpplleable to the training en msrehing of these clubs to particular p' . aces . But wit respect to these casts there is c great difficulty . Thes clubs avoid giving a military word of command , « nd the wnicn it forbidden by the letter of tfee ls ^ is evaded i order to obtain the otject which thtse conspirators haT in view without placing themselves in the powsr of th aw . Bat I think , after whet I have stated , find aft «

    indicating that information which the bouse has oth wise acquired , that there is no doabt there is an cseoc tioa ia Ireland which intends to subvert the authority the law and of the Crown ef this country , and that means to a ' . tain its object by farce of arcs . ( Cheer If SHch U the else , sir , thea I know no remedy straightforward , so direct in itB object , and so immedii In its pnrpoie of seizing the persons of thoss who are the heai of this ESOTenunt , without in acy manner < dangeriaj the p . rsons or putting te inconvenience t innccent , as what ia commonly known by the name the Suspension efthe Habeas Corpus Act . ( Cheer "WkateTer measures we may frame , and whatever mt 6 ures msy be necessary to meet particular evils in ^ t special sispe which they may assume from lime to tin

    tha remedy which , above all thing ; , i « necessary at thi time is a bill to enable the Lord Lieutenant to secure th persons of those who are suspected of high treason ( Cheers . ) I come forward , then , to aik this heuBe o parliament to grant to the Executive this power ( Cheers . ) t ask it now . I feel that I might have beei justified in 8 » hiss it at an earlier period . ( Markti cheering from the Oppositien benches . ) Bat , , ii weighing that question which I baio anxiously weighei 2 uriEg months pa ! t- ( bear , bear )—it b&s seemed to mi that any extraordinary law to Euspend tht liberty of I part of the united kiagdem , which should be passed b ; only a small majority , and withsst a « ry general , if no an almost nnanimous concurrence of this house , —pas e <

    amid conflicting debates , when many doubted Its necessity , and opposed its expediency , that ssch a law , reaching Ireland only as the eipreesion of that msjirity , and considering teat in the minority there might be men of asdonbtcd integrity and leve of social erder . but who were not persuaded that the necessity for such * measure e xisted—I gay that a law io paised would in my roiud lose a great part of iu effi : scy , and would noi tend , ns we nisa it should tend , to the complete pacification of that country . ( Hear . ) I have therefore woitefl uatil . in my mind , and in the minds cf my colleagues , the evidence Of the H £ 0 ePs ! ty of this measare is so clear , 10 notoriens , and so glaring :, that I am convinced that tha conviction , the almost universal conviction of the two houses ofparlia .

    ment , ¦ wiU bo that whet I ask is absolutely necessary , and what they will grant . ( Loud cheers . ) But , sir , likewise I wish to say , that if It is the conviction of this hflU 88 tbai sach a measure s > Ipropose thould be passed , I trust that the house will lose no lima ( ch « 6 T 9 ) in Mming the Lord Lieutenant of Irelind with the powers which I now ask for him , and which he declares it is necessary that he should poSEKS if fee is to posiess any meaBs of stopping these proeeediDgs . ( Renewed cheers ) When I ask thl » , I ask that which is not merely in the interest of those wha would uphold the coastitution and wouH dtf . nd the Throne and maintain th * iHtrgrity of the empere , bat I aik it on behalf of those persons who would be sura to be the sufferers of an nasacceasfal outbreak ia Ireland . fChetrp . ) I have bo

    dsahtthat if we have protracted debates on this subject , —the se&sure passing n 9 twitbstanding , as it is snre to past , —that with the means that the government of an easpire like thU hare at their dlspesal wa could put fiopn fee attempts which tksse wicked men are commencing of incipient insumction . But , sir , we should put them down with the lor ; of life , at the b&zird of peace , at the haiird of the means of livelihood of many of htr Majesty ' s sublets in Ireland . We should put theia down after en outbreak and convulsion , and we should not bs able to preveat that outbreak from taking place . I say , then , that it is for the interest of all that such s measure esou ' . d be immediately parsed . ( Cheers . ) If there are gentlemen , and there may be many in this house , who , whila thov think that this measure is necessary , are

    yet of opinion that other measures are also necessary , and that the whola dutj of th 9 government has net been psrformed— ( crieB of 'Hear , hsar , ' from the Liberal beni&es)—ftat we havs not in this sesEion produced and cirried into effect those mjasares , whatever they maybe , which are useful , and as they state necessary , for the lrell-being of Ireland—to such feon , members I will put forward only this prayer ; An hon . gentleman has given notice of his intention to bring forward tfee whole question of the state of Ireland upon motion . I shall be jBosiresdj , aftertatsb ;] ihs » passe * this house , to gtve every facility fer bringing on tuch a debate , to meet any nch charf es as ike hon . gentlsman may have to bring against hs , and to submit , if the house shouH think fit by Its rote to cinsara us for the conduct « S ha ? e pursued .

    But I be ? this house and those hon . members wbe are of that opinion to reserve un ' . Il that time the eipreEiion of their vieW *—( bear , hear)—and sot to let a debate which ahonld ba confined to this ona snbjf ct , whether the meagnre we propose is necessary or no , to extend into various matters sad opinions , which caneot bat lead to conflicting and protracted debates , and thereby to delay that which . It is Bisentlal EHonld be passed at once . Sir , I ask , therefore , that the honse will permit me to introduce this bill ; and I atk them likewise , that if they do finelion it , they will have that sanction Bpeedily carried iato effect . ( Cheers . ) So man can say what may be the eonseqaeace of too want of these powers for a short time ia Ireland , and I ask those who are of opinion that tsie measure ekoold be passed and that these powers are nee = B * arynot to reader themselves responsible for the delay of that which msy bo the saving of life In Ireland .

    Ib * I : evein my consc ieace that this measureis calculated t » prareat insurrection , to pKBErce internal peace , to preserve the unity of this empire , and to secura the tkrons of those , realms and the free institutions of this ooantry . If there be other questions , let them be stated it some future time on some future motion . For my put , I stand here responsible for proposisg this measure , responsible far not proposing it earlier —( hear)—responsible for not delaying i t now . ( Cbeers . ) I and jbj colleagues are respoasible . We accept that responsibility , aud , however painful to our feelings , however odinca the power for which we ask , we have now acespted ear responsibility , and I confidently ask this boase to accept theirs—( cheers)—and to be mindfal ofths blessings they will preserve , and of the risks which by any other course they will incur . ( Tfee noble lord here coadnded bis speech amid loud and prolos jed ebeerinr . )

    Mr O'Connor said he cauld well understand the painful feelings with which the noble lord said he rose to ask for & suspension of the constitution ; but fee theught the noble lord would now feel gratified , as there had been already an almost universal expression of the feeling of the house on behalf of the measure for which he asked . The noble lord told them that he would submit to them three propositions , —first , that there were serious threatenings of danger ; second , that the insurrectionists had means and appliances for an outbreak ; but the third proposition in favour of the measure he had not heard mxde ont .

    Lord John Russell : The remedy was the third . Mr O'Connor : No , the remedy was the first . ( Laughter . ) However , if the noble lord felt it necessary to ask the indulgence of the house in proposing this measure , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought that , considering the excited state of the continent , considering the state of Ireland , and considering the present feeling of the house , he stood in a much more difficult position . He was aware there was a disposition to attach importance to every word that fell from the Prime Minister of England ; but if he was at & loss for an answer to the statements , he would SnA it in the confession of the noble lord , when he besought the house not to let this measure go to Irelind as carried only after an extensive opposition ;

    bat the noble lord said , let it go as the will of the great majority of this house , and afterwards I will discuss remedial measures for Ireland . This was always the course followed by a Whig government in proposing coercive measures . They always promised to consider remedial measures after their coercive measures were proposed ; bat so soon as Ireland was quieted by coercion , then they said the whole country is tranquil and there is no necessity for remedial BttiEnres . However , he ( Mr O'Connor ) contended that the whole of the noble lord ' s speech was an-Bwered by his concluding unequivocal confession of goat , so ingenously admitted when he pleaded guilty not to the possible , but to the well founded charge having neglected all remedial measures for Ire-Itad . ( Hear , bear . ) The noble lord had told the fesuse tbst he msy possibly be cb&rged with haying

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    neelected those remedial measures , and that he was nrepared to admit the truth and justice of such an accusation , but with characteristic Whig dexterity asked forgiveness of the house ; thus unequivocally proving that the neglect of those remedial measures was the foundation of the noble lord ' s present application for the abrogation of the Irish constitution ; in fact , an admission that his own neglect was the basis of the measure nowcalledfortorepressthatexcitement consequent upon ministerial neglect . ( Cheers . ) And thus it ever was with the Whig government , that every measure of coercion could be traced to Whig profligacy , and that excitement was created for the sustainment of Whigs in power . The noble lord , ^ ,.. ^ ; , mpnsnres . and was

    commenced his speech by taking a rapid view of the agitation conducted by the late Mr O'Connell , whose plan the noble lord said was not to lead to bloodshed , but to gather up the mind of the country , and then bring it to bear upon the mind of this house . But what was the result of this policy ? Why , soon after the period of passing the Emancipation Act the leaders were rewarded with places and pensions , while the people found that they were deluded and had got nothing . ( Hear . ) No wonder the people were irritated . But the noble lord had himself to blame for much of the irritation which

    existed in the minds of the people of Ireland . When the Crown and Government Security Bill was brought ia l , e told the noble lerd that the effect vreuld be the establishment of clubs and of secret societies , for it was impossible to keep down the public mind , particularly in these days . There was , however , one point in which he agreed wllh the noble lord , aud that was that in a physical revolution the people themselves would be the greatest sufferers . It was only a good social change that would confer social improvement on the people . But he must teN the noble lord that this measure would only hasten a

    rupture in Ireland ; for all history showed that it Mas only in exact proportion to the relaxation of the criminal law tbat obedience to the law was in creased . The noble lord now came down with all the dignity of a Prime Minister , and told the house that this " measure would be for the good of the people of Ireland themsehes , and even for those who were offering resistance to the law ; but had the noble lord forgot how he taunted the Irish people on occasion of his bringing forward the Alien Act ? Then he told the house with an undignified sneer , ( turning to the hacks behind him , ) that the last accounts from Ireland were vapid , Stale , flat , and unprofitable , ' and tbat there was no treason now ted to

    worth reading . The noble lord attemp govern Ireland by patronage , ar . d not by social measures . It was to the Irish members , who were cringing to the prime minister and his dependents , and who were proud of an invitation to dine at their tablesit was to them he ascribed the necessity of this measure . He would tell them more , that this measure would fail , as the others had done . Let them look to America , within fourteen days' sail of Ireland , where all the passions of hatred and revenge against this country were pent up—let them look at France , which was now a republic—let them look to Prussia , which was seeking to be a republic—let them look to Italy , which was throwing off the despotism

    of Austria , and then he would ask them whether they could hope to maintain their position of a restrictive monarchy in this country . ( Derisive cheers . ) Or did they suppose that they could rock their cradle in the midst of such a confluence of revolutions and republics . (• Oh ! oh ! ' ) The noble lord had read extracts from anonymous letters , and from newspapers , with which all were familiar . But he would tell the noble lord that it was himself who had driven Ireland into rebellion . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had always stood up against bloodshed—he had always warned the people that there was no benefit to be derived by them from a physical revolution . But the noble lord ought to be the last to

    repress the fair expression of public opinion . Did he hope to tie up the Irish mind with red tape , and cram it into one of his government boxes ? Did he suppose that a starving people would pay any attention to his suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ? The noble lord had taunted the Irish Repealers with having thrown off the minor measure of Repeal of the Union , and with looking for a total separation of the two countries . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) had never disguised his sentiments . * * * He would tell the neble lord that if the French instead of the English had gained the battle of Waterloo , and the broad lands of the Russells bad been given to Catholic pr iests , he was sure the noble lord would , with his dying breath , have enjoined his children to struggle

    for their independence . [ Here Lord John Russell rose from bis seat , lifted up the copy of the oath of allegiance , which was on the table , and pushed it across to the hon . member , amidst tremendous c ' leering from all sides of the house . ] What did the noble lord want ? ( Renewed cfeeers . ) He pre-Eumed the noble lord wished to direct bis attention to the oath of allegiance , but he thought , if the noble lord would examine tbat oath , 'he would see that he best discharged the obligation of that oath by preserving to her Majesty that portion of her dominions which could be preserved without the horrors of a revolution . ( Roars of laughter and derisive cheering . ) Yes , he would say-Give me the cvoffed , the erect , tho manly foe , Bold I can meet , perhaps may turn his blow .

    * * * Tbe whole question in Ireland was a question between Catholic and Protestantand until justice was done between these two creeds until the state of things was removed which made the Protestants the masters , and the Catholics their lerfs , there never would be peace in the ceuntry . The noble lord had attempted to govern the couatry by feeding the landlords on patronage as long as he could . When he could feed them no longer he brought in the Encumbered Estates Bill , that they might have the power of selling their own estates . Oh , but , said the noble lord , did not we send eight million last year to feed the people . ? Yes , they did , but they did not spend it in reproductive works , and

    they only gave it to stop tbe excitement . ( Derisive cheers . ) He hoped the Irish members would not acquiesce in this measure . For his own part , if it was in his power , he would obstiuct it by every means in his power . He asked the Irish members to give up their slavish position of looking for patronage to the government , to cross to the other side of the house , and as the government was determined to coerce their country to give them every opposition in their power . ( No , no . ) If they did not think proper to do that , he regretted that Ireland must suffer ; but it was not in his pawer to prevent it . If the Irish members would he as faithful to their country as the Protestants had been to

    their creed , they would give the noble lord seme trouble . He had no doubt that the right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth would give this measure his support —( Cheers)—with more courtesy to the noble lord than the noble lord had shown to him when he opposed the comparatively trifling measure of an Arms Bill . The right hon baronet differed from him in politics , and perhaps the right hon . baronet would take that as a compliment . ( Cheers , and laughter . ) But he would say of the right hon . baronet , that his firm conviction was , if

    he had been at the helm of the ship last year and this , there would have been no need to ask for coercion bills . They said it was dangerous to compliment the right hon baronet ; but he must say that he was the only man to whom the moneyed classes and the people of this country looked as the man that could save the country . As for the noble lord , he seemed to take a Stock Exchange view of the matter . Because the stocks went up one and a half per cent , when Mitchel and the others were arrested , lie reduced the question to one of the rule of three , and calculated if three felons are worth one and a

    half per cent ., what will one traitor be worth ? ( Laughter . ) He thought the present government party was the smallest section of the house . The Irish members alone , if they were united , would beat tbe government ; the Protectionist would beat them , if it were not for the juvenile staff of the right honourable baronet . ( Laughter . ) The noble lord had quoted passages from various newspapers , but why did he not produce the articles from the Chronicle during the Reform and Free Trade agitation , Tbat paper in shewing the people the value of street warfare , repub-Jished all tbe tactics of CoL Mazzaroni , and recommended them to the consideration of the populace , but that was when the Whigs stood in need of violence , and hailed and encouraged the

    wildest expression of popular frenzy . That paper which , like a true prostitute , had gone from one side of tbe house to the other . But there never was in any country such a venal and profligate press as in this country . He warned the house not to fetter public opinion , as it was the national safeguard , and would break dowa every barrier . It was his pride to say , that he had never attended a secret meeting never written a secret letter , never allowed the press to be excluded from meetings , or never conspired against any one in his life . These circumstances ought to entitle him to some claim to speak for his countrymen . The noble lord had expressed a hope that the bill would speedily be sent to the Upper House . Tbe Upper House would , of course , pass t e bill in a gallop , and it would not occasion him

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    the least surprise , if it was returned to this house backed with a warrant for the apprehension of O'Brien and Meagher , and an indictment for treason against them . Having now adverted to the three propositions of the noble lord , he would conclude hy reminding him of the aphorism , that to be forewarned was to be forearmed . ( Hear , hear . ) He had told him of tbe effect of the Coercion Bill—he had told him the effect of the Crown and Government Bill—and all his predictions had been verified . He ( Mr O'Connor ) understood his countrymen better than the noble lord ; and he now told him that the effect of this new Coercion Bill would be to . the least surprise , if it was returned to this house

    cause an immediate revolution in Ireland . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) The noble lord might velyupon the ability and courage of Lord Clarendon ; but if he had assisted that nobleman in carrying out measures of agricultural improvement , much more would have been done for Ireland . The draining of swamps and the reclamation of waste lands were , however , pursuits of too vulgar a nature for a Whig government , which would rather place its reliance upon Free-trade negotiations with foreigners for the prosperity of the kingdom . ( Hear , hear . ) He told the noble lord not to lay the ' flattering unction to his soul' tbat tbe co-operation of tbe two Houses of Parliament in Bills of coercion for Ireland

    could keep a starving people in a state of tranquillity , but that the effect weuld be to plunge the country in all the horrors of a civil war . The noble lord has dilated upon the apothegms , and appears to have chronicled the sayings of the late Mr O'Connell , while the mind , which ia now to be repressed , is tbe creation of those very sayings and apothegms ; but the noble lord had omitted to remind the house of Whig apothegms and Whig sayings , when tbe Whig party stood in need of violence , sedition , and treason . The noble lord did not revert to tbe agitation for reform and free trade . He studiously avoided the repetiiion of tbe maxims of Reformers and Free Traders , the sentiments and

    teachings by which that mind which was now to be repressed was created . ( Hear , hear . ) When the Whigs required popular support they told the people that taxation without representation was tyranny and should be resisted —( hear , hear )— that the people were the only legitimate source of power ; and that labour was the source of all wealth . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , was not the realisation of that teaching likely te be contended for by an enthusiastic , a famished , a deceived people ? The Morning Chronicle-the organ of the Free Traders , reminded hon . gentlemen upon the Protection benches , that ladies' heads had been dragged in the gutter aforetime , and that the amusement mig ht be repeated ; and yet , with such teachings , followed by such treachery and

    disappointment , the people were to be placed out of the Constitution ! But be would warn tbe bouse that loyalty was a capricious thing . Men were not loyal when they were starved to death ; and much as they boasted of the loyalty of their Church , let them take away the tithes from the bishops to-morrow , and their loyalty would follow it the next day . Let them take the rents from the landlords , and they would become Chartists to a man . ( ' No , no , ' and laughter . ) They might say ' no ; ' but they were not tried yet . He ( Mr O'Connor ) bad critically predicted the effect of Free Trade upon both England and Ireland ; and although Ireland , as an agricultural country , had the first taste—let not the English landlords deceive themselves with a notion that their

    day would not yet arrive . CHear , hear . ) Their position and their influence , in that house might postpone the malady by the entangled , but deceptive budget ef the Chancellor of the Exchequer , the policy of whose government it was to feed class upon elass , giving the politically influential the largest share of the booty . Had any single one of the extensive hopes presented in tbe celebrated Edinburgh missive of the noble lord been realised ? and where were the prudent and timely concessions so pompously referred to ? They are there , Beated upon tbat bench ( pointing to the Treasury bench ) . That was the only beneficial change that the noble lord anticipated from Free Trade . ( Cheers . ) And while

    adverting to the sayings and doings of his colleagues , he would ask , where was the right hon . baronet the member for Harwich ( Sir J . Hobhouse ) once a revolutionist , but now a constitutionalist ? How easy it would be to rake that Treasury bench , branding each of its occupants with the stamp of sedition , while they are now associated together to abrogate the constitution of Irelaud . He ( Mr O'Counor ) had never expressed an opinion out of that house which he would fear to express in that house ; and much as he longed to see the liberty of his country established , be repeated there , what he had stated , over and over again , elsewhere , that the workiog classes of no country had ever derived a . benefit from a

    physical revolution , because , with the last shot , some greater tyranny is established , than that which has been destroyed , and the people mad , thoughtless , and enthusiastic , while rejoicing in their triumph , become victims to the ascendant party . ( Hear , hear . ) Yes , he understood that cheer , but what he contended for , was the right of the people to such a social system as would insure a sound political system to protect it , and around which all would equally rally . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought he best fulfilled the obligations of that oath of allegiance , which had been flashed in bis face , by pointing ont tbe means by which the English dominions may be most safely secured to her Majesty ; and he belieyed in his soul , that those means were by restoring to the Irish people the right of self-government , when both nations would

    be stronger and more harmonious than they are now . (• Oh , oh , oh !') Well , they may' oh , ' but what would be the opinion of that house if they were aware that he ( Mr O'Connor ) entertained those opinions , but shrunk from their avowal ? In conelusion , he would make one more appeal to those Irish members who sat upon those benches as the flank company of the government—would ask them no longer to be the mere backs and sycophants of an administration , whose every act tended to the prostration of their country—no longer to consider themselves honoured by the slavish acceptance of invitations to dine with the Prime Minister or his colleagues , but to pass over from that side of the house to the Opposition benches , resolved to abandon patronage for the emancipation of their oppressed country .

    Sir R , peel . —Sir , by one of the compliments paid to me by tbe hon . gentleman I am gratified . I am gratified by his anticipation that I should give to the measure proposed by the government a deoislve and cordial support —( loud and continued cheering)—3 support not qualified by the reminiscences jof past contentions —( cheers ) —a support not qualified by party recriminations . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , I look to the state of Ireland ; I look to the combination which exists ; I look to the avowals o ( the parties who head that combination—( cheers)—I give them credit for veracity ; and , giving them credit for veracity , I believe there exists in Ireland at this moment a wicked conspiracy todsprlve the Queen of her crown and government in that country .

    ( Loud cheers . ) Saoh being my impression , trustlug to the avowal of the Confederates , I take my part with the Crown of this united kingdom against the conspirators who are arrayed against it . ( Load cheers . ) Sir , I won c qualify the ralue of my support by a long speech . I don ' t blame the government eron for their delay In introducing this meaeure . I cannot but fetl that governments ought to be very forbearing before they Impose the greatest restrictions they can impose oa thecoastitutonal liberties of a Iarg 6 portion of her Majesty ' s subjeots . I dare say that at an earlier period a case might have been made out £ > r plaolng the liberty of individuals at the dlscrotlon of the Crown ; but I agree with the noble lord that when proposals of this nature are

    made thero ought to be a strong decisivo impression on the mind of this house , and on the pnblio mind also , that thero is no opportunity for further delay—' . hat the ne . cessity has arisen which justifies the measure and which will ensure for it a general support , ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , I believe the question at issue in Ireland is not whether the union shall be repealed , ( Cheers . ) I believe that if you do nothing you will have during the recess a desolating warfare . ( Caeers , ) My opinion is that tbe authority of the Crown wm dq ultimately succoflBful , after great devastation of property , after great loss of life , after the loss of life by many innocent persons—the loss of life by many « ho have joined in rebellion from doabt as to your ultimate intentione . —but

    this I believe , that if the Crown should fall in re-establishing Its authority , yon nlll then have substituted for the government under which you live by far the moat cruel , debasing , and sanguinary desolation tha * can prevail in a civilised country . ( Loud cheers , ) There is no concealment of what are to bo tbe instruments by which this new power is to ba established , Have I nee seen a reference made to the value of thu crops that are now standing in Ireland ? Have I not seen a dhtl ct encouragement given to the masses , to tho physical strength tf the country to combine with the men super ior in intelligence , not that they ma ; furtively under * mlno the Royal authority , not that they may talio means

    for ultimately repeallog the union , but that they may at ones resort to pillage for the purpose of dividing among themselves the spoils of their success ? ( Loud cheers , ) That is the mode in wbich the porter of these men who are conducting this combination is to be eserted , I won t enter into any other questions connected with genera" government . I believe the danger is imminent . ( Cheers . ) I believe that if there has be 3 n too much delay , that . ' constitutes a reason for immediate action , ( Cheer .. ) I for one « m parfeetl y prepared to insist on no ordmarj forms , ( Ljud cheers . ) I believe that the government is justified in asking for this meaouro I believe tho measure itself—the power to apprehend on IBtpIcionand keep the conspirator * in jaoofiBosnenL is

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    neceoBary . The conspiracy is not an agrarla i one ; I l » not a conspiracy of assassins , it it the conspiracy o traitors That Is a case in whioh I think the appreheH slon of the leaders h justified . It i « pasalbla othei measuroB ' rmy be necessar y . I hope , after the announoe ment of tho noble lord , there will be no delay on th oart of tho government in aslilng for these measures ( Cheers . ) If they be directed agaioBt the clubB-\( ibey fee diroctsd against those shooting gallerie established in the moiropolls of Ireland , wltl tho heart of » he Lord . Lieutenant as the but nealn « t which thoir shots are to be fired—if thi ? be s < _ it go vernment require additional powers to maintaii the authority of the Crowa , I do hope no delay will bi Interposed In stating what are those additional powers ^ ooaRsrv The conspiracy agrarla-i one ; ? "' 7 ;_ .., „! . ! ° V * . iB . iti . the oonsolracT of

    ( Cbeers . ) I think it would be unbecoming on the par of m&mbsra of this house to urge oa her Majesty ' s uiHis ters additional powers . Tha responsibility rests witl them . I will not urge on them measures of greater co erclon than thosa their own responsibility demands ; bu toil I BST ' noth ' 8 but necessity can justify a » as pension of tho Habeas Corpus Act , the same neceasit ; mak es Immedia te action desirable , and I will oonsent t < the suspension of any forms in order to embody my opi < nlonB in the shopo of an act of ParlUm nt . With re ipect to the speech of the hon . gentleman ( Mr O'Connor ) I tell hi-Ji I will defend the monarchy of England agains this mock King of Munstor ( loud cheers and laughter ) am against bis own pretensions also in a subordinate decree . ( Loudobccra . ) The KingofMumter ! ( Shout ,

    of laughter . ) This gentleman who says , 'Dont shou oat for the Kiog of Munoter jet ! ' ' Not yet ! ' No . : for one am not prepared to exchange tho mild aaprerano ; of Queen Tiotoria for this new King of Munster . ( Loai ohcers ) I did give credit to tbe hon . gentleman tha be was ' the bold , the erect , the manly foe , ' during tha period Of hie speech , in which drawing a contrast be tween himself aad other agitators in Ireland , he said < he for one was the friend of separation , ' But tbe nobli lord ( Lord J . Russell ) showed the hon . gentleman ai oath by which he had worn to bear true allegiance ti her Majesty ; upon which the hon . gentleman said , ' An < am I not fulfilling that oath of allegiance whea I an trying to Insure for her Majesty the nubj ction of he Majesty ' o Mthful subjaots in Ireland ! ( Hear , hear .

    Why that is what the lato Mr 0 Connell might ha » ald ' who was the enemy of separation , and wished maintain the golden link of the Crown—it raight ha been possible for him to gay , ' I am for a separate leg ! Uture , but for the supremacy ef the Crown In Irelani The position of the hoo . gentleman , however , is differs from that occupied by MrO'ConneU , when he asser his' boldnesa' and * manliness' in declaring for the a paratlon of Iroland from England . If he means i ' separation' that Ireland shall still remain assooiati with England—why was he seared by that oath ! ( Lot cheers , ) I thought the hon . gentleman ' s declaration favour Of ' separation' had been absolute ; but on seelt and being reminded of that oath he said , ' lam ende vaurinr to preserve the integrity of her Majesty '* Irli

    dominions , ' ( Mr O'Connor— ' Her English dominions . ' Her Eaglish dominions ! ' That oath wastakea with ont that equivocation . . ( Lend cheers . ) The allegianci promised was allegiance on the part of Ireland as fullj and complstely &a on the part of England ( laud oheerg ) and if the hon . gentleman really took that oath with « seoret reservation that he would be a faithful and loya ! subject In this part of the United Kingdom , but reserved a perfect latitude of action In Ireland , and a right ta sever the sitter country from Her Majesty ' s dominions , that latitude of construction is so large as would ortainly convinoe me that there is no value whatever ia guoh a declaration of allegiance . Tho boa . gentloman asks whether we think it possible to maintain arestrlcted monarchy after the example wa have had in what

    has been occurring in France , in Italy , in Germany , and other European states . Sir , I Bay not a word with re . speot to the internal administration of the ofFaira of other couatrleB . I have dene what I could since the commencement of these disorders humbly ta discourage any reflections on what has occurred iu Pirig or elsewhere ; but when the hon . gentleman holds up the example of what has taken place In other countries as a reason why wo should distrust the advantage of maintaining the monarchy of tnia eonntry , I beve no difficulty , I have a right to say that , looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of revolutionary Europetailing France , taking Paris as the example—looking at the government that existed before February , the seenritles for public liberty—( hear , hear)—the state of the revenue , the condition of the manufacturing classes , the principles tbat wore acted upon with respect U the

    reward Of lafeOUr—lOOSiOg Ot What passed in February , looking at what passed in the interval of three or four months In Jane , when tho new government , founded en the barrfe&des of February , was exposed to the most violent opposition from those whoso hopes had been disappointed—looking to all thU , I draw a fitting reflootion from It for the guidance of the people of this countryand I say , so far from what has pasted in Eoropa inducing me to distrust the advantage of limited monarchy , Or to believe that its foundations are leas secure—to belleva tbat there is less of affectionate devotion towards the P 9 rson of the Sovereign , or lees of rational conviction in favourof tbo advantage of limited monarchy—I look to the experience of the last sit months , and I retain an increased convlotion that the monarchy of this country is secure , and is endeared by new com ( derations to the affectionate support end devotion of the people of this country . ( Loud and continued cheering . )

    Mr B . Osssbne believed that the object of the men against whom this bill was directed wai not repeal , bat murder and pillage . It was , therefore a measare of mercy to look up those men who wished to accomplish such an object , and to deluge Ireland with blood . Ed could not , however , vote for the continuance « f this bill to the 1 st af Mar « b , 1819 , because he thought that the house ought not to be prorogued , but should sit from month to month in deliberation upon the remedial measurec necessary for Ireland . He thought that there might be some modification of the Act of Union ; but still he would not , when tbe house was on fire , do anything to impede the operatton of the engines upon it . The state of things in Ireland was most alarming . Ho bad reeelved tbat morning information from Ireland that numbers of houses in Tlpperary had been stripped of their lead in order to make bullet ; . Under such clreumst&noes he should not onnoaa tho introduction of tie

    bill . Mr Saduer thought that it was high tims that the movements of the revolutionists should be stopped , and should , tharafore , cordially support the bill of tha neble lord . At the same time , he told him that the extensive disaffection whieh existed in Ireland could not have existed without great mlsconduot on the part of its rulers . Mr S . Crawfobd found it very difficult to convey to the house any idea how vary painful it was to htm to proceed to a division upon the present question , Tho condition of Ireland was one of the greatest passible danger , and no one more earnestly desired than he did to uphold her Majesty ' s loyal subjects in that part of the United Klagdom with all the force tbat l » p ? aid

    government could pu > forth for their protection . But , locking at the measures of the government , he found it impossible to come to any conclusion favourable to their plans . On the contrary , ho believed their whole administration to be utterly Inefficient for any useful purpose , and more especially did he consider that the present measure would be wholly unsuccessful , He wanted to aee peace established In Ireland , and he feared that the proposed bill would bring with it no peace . He admitted that timos arose when the common principles of the constitution must bo suspended ; but what he wanted was , that such measures of suspension should sot go alone—that they should be aocompanied witb practical plans ef social improvement . He begged the house for a moment to consider what were

    the causes of the present agitation and discontent . They evidently were to be found in tho condition of the people . Was their social state a healthy condition Were they not depressed to the lowest point which human beings conld reach ? In some parts of the country tho population were actually starving . Such was the state of Ireland at present , and such it had been for a length of time past . And this was going on without any attempt to provide remedial measures . The strongest promises of remedial measures were uniformly made by every Ministry , and as uniformly neglected . They were growing worse and warse every day . In the year 1800 the Habeas Corpus Act had bees suspended in Ireland ; it had again been suspended from 1802 till 160 S ; from 1807 till 1810 ; again in 1814 ; and once more , from 1822 till 1821 . The Habeas Corpus Act ,

    then , had frequently been euspended , and they even had martial law from 1803 till 1805 . Arms Acts were frequently enforced , and now , in 1848 , after forty-seven years of union , Ireland must be held by tbe sword , or by that which few govarnments liked to propose—good remedial measures . If remedial measures were not adopted , the eonsequenoe would be soolal disorganisation in Ireland , and a realst&noe directed against proper ty and order , which the government had net a sufficient body ef troops to put down ; for there was a great difference between meeting a rabble in a field , and taking tbat military occupation of the whole country which , under the circumstances he alluded to , would become necessary . In 1798 there was a force of 100 , 900 men in Ireland ; and , he would ask , was government prepared to famish as great a force

    now ? There could ba bo more dangerous policy than to adopt apparent measures of coereion unless the government possessed the power of carrying them out . He dreaded the disorganisation of tbe country , and tbe resistance to rents and taxes which would arise , unless remedial measures were adopted , and which no coercive msaouroa could adequately reach , The violent opinions held by individuals in Ireland had baen referred to ; but why were such opinions held and eipressedi Beoauso there had been that oppression of the country—that want of attention to its interests and wishes , whioh impelled those persons to have a desirofor separation . He wanted to know why the aot already passed , commonly called the Felons Aotcouli not be

    , sufficient for the purpose and why , It had not been fully carried eut , The govtrnmen ' had not usedtne powers within tbelr hands- and why then , should that house be called on to p * a new coercion act ? He reeolleoted tho proDeedlnjsof 1798 When It waa alleged at the llme tbat government had neglected all proper precautions with tho view of letting things como to a crisis . Ho hoped thot suoh was now not the cass , though there might appear some , grounda for the suspicion , whon It was seen that tho laws of the land already in existence were not put into execution He believed that one of the most dangerous kiads of coercion was the arresting of paraene on mare suspltien ; aa 1 he recollected the bad effect ! of the exercise of such a

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    power in former times . Under these circumstances , he felt it to be his indispensable duty not to let the hows come to « vote on this question without recording his opinion of the inutility of tho proposed measure of coorolon , aud of the necessity of the house applying Itself to the adoption of remedial measures . Ho felt himself the more bound to do this because he had hitherto bean prevented by various circumstanoea from bringing bsfore the houso the whole qusstion of Ireland , aad the remedial meaaureB he wauld reoommend . The hon . member concluled by moving an amendment to she following effect : —¦ ' That the present distracted state of Ireland arises from miflgovernmjtajjind from the want of remedial measures , without w ^ ppip coerolva measure could restore either order or content to the country , ' ~ . „ , i _ ,.. nnder these oircamstances . he power In formef times . Un ? erln ° " 7 n ° J" fv' J' . 1 felt It to be his indispensable duty not to let the house

    Mr Pagan seconded the amondmoat , and contended that Lord John Russell had not made out any case oven upon his own shewing , for the suspensloa of the Habea * Corpus Act . Th » evils of Ireland were of & social character and required a social remedy . You could not long preserve that country to tho emplre either by a sjsttim of poked jarks or by yoormilU tary force . Mr DuBAEM declared his Intention of giving the measure of govornmont his urmrfing and unequivocal support . If he could bring himself to think that this pending insurrection arose from the soclalaad political grlevanots Of Ireland , and that this bill would ba sa obstacle to the remedy of those grievances , he should be inclined to view 1 % with diBtrnst , Its character was fl ^ rsrat ;

    it was avowedly an invasion ef tbe constitution . The only excuse for it waa its necessity , and It 3 necessity had been proved by ths clrcumitances to which Lord J . RUBBtll bad alluded in bis opoecb , Bis lordship bad not come down to the house with a green bag full of anonymous communications , but had only referred to circumstances with whioh all were familiar , as ajustiflcation Of the meaeare wbich be recommended . He considered this pending insurrection to bs neither an agrarian nor religious movement . It did not arise from any perverted sentiment of nationality , fer it was nothing more nor less than a Jacobin movement . Now , looking , as ho did , upon Jaooblntem as a system of unmitigated fraud and violence , we must encounter Its violence with greater force , and must meet with courage that audnclty , which bad boen enconraged by events which bad not ocourred in England , nor as yet in Ireland , He protested against tbe attempt to mix up the social and

    political grievances of Ireland with tbe question then before tbe house . He also prousted agtiast Its golog forth to Europe tbat this was a question between the English government and tho Irish people . Tho majority » f that people were not traitors . He oould not believe tbat tbe Roman Catholic priesthood would look with favour on a Jacobin movement , nor would he believe , though some of the peasantry might have been deceived by tbe delusions of bad men , that tho great body of them In the tenth of Ireland were heart and soul in this menacing movement . It was tbe movement of a party stimulated by foreign events aad enconroged by foreign success . He had no doubt that their plots would meet with discomfiture ; but he wished that tbat discomfiture might not be accomplished at the same expease of life and treasure ana good feeling at wbich It had been accomplished on former occasions , and for that reason he supported tbis bill .

    Mr Call&ghan opposed the measure , which , be be . lioved , was founded on the misrepresentations of the press , and would not have tho effect anticipated . Sir D . Nobeeis supported the measure , and called on tbe government to seiz 9 the leaders of the conspiracy at once , and thus save his poor wretched countrjmen , who were milled by them , from th « misery which would othernieefall on them . Mr Oeuuhoko observed , that tbe general policy of the government with regard to Ireland was not the question then under the consideration of the house . Whenever that question was properly raised , be would be ready to enter at length Into It . The point for them then to consider was a particular remed y for a particular state of affairs . He agreed with Mr Disraeli as to the origin of the present movement In Ireland , and would

    cordially support the government in any measures which it mig ht deem necessary to meet the case . Tho hon , member proceeded to make an attack upon Mr O'Connor and this journal : —The hon . member for Nottingham has spoken of a profligate press havlag done much to influence the pwbllc mind improperly , It is not for me to stand up ia behalf of tho press , » or Indeed , do I think that it has need of any defender in tbis houie ; but I ehoald like to know what meaning the hon . member for Nottingham attaohes to the werd ' profligate' in tbis instance , ( Hear , hear . ) I suppose be means to de « scriba a person who , in his connexion with the press , does some unworthy aot for the sake of his private advaatoge or gratification . Now , I should like to know whether there Is a person connected with any pap r in the kingdom bat one , who will publiih a lonr column of

    blasphemous books and recommend them to all his readers . ( Loud cries of Hear . ' ) I will not pollute my lips nor disgast the ears of the honourable members by reading the titles of these works ; but I wish to know whether the paper which acts in the manner I have describod is the ' profligate press' referred to by the honourable member for Nottingham ? ( Cheers . ) I give the honourable member for Nottingham the choice of two alternatives—either he believes io and approves of the doctrines of tho books advertised er , knowing ani believing them to be imtnorel , Irreligious , and blasphemous works , he publishes their titles for tha take of the money ho gets for so doing . ( Hear , hear . ) I oharge the hon . member for Nottingham with having , more perhaps than any one , tended to foment Jacobinical feelings . When I spoko on a former occasion of the doctrine

    promulgated by M . Froudhon , toute propriete ett un vol I was ignorant that the same doctrine had been broached by the hon . member for Nottingham ia his newspaper . Here It is — ' The land Is yours , and one day or other you'lt have your share of It ; and the sooner you arrive at a knowledge of Its value , tho sooner will you be prepared to assert the great principle , that the land Is the people ' s inheritance , and that kings , princes , peers , nobles , priests , and commoners , who have stolen it from them , bold It upon the title of popular ignorance rather than upon any right human or dWlne . Tbe na . tural right is yours—the human utnrpation Is theirs . ' ( Load oriei of'Hear . ' ) Bnt that is not all—ihe hon . member for Nottingham is not merely dlscante&ud with the tenure of property , he declorcs that the whole state

    of society must be subverted . ( Hear , hear . ) This , then , not , as the noble lerd has argued , a question as to the separation oflrelftnd—ft is not a mere question of repeal ; it is a question affecting tbs foundation of society itself . But th ; hon member for Nottingham shall speak for himself : — ' We frankl y avow that we have no respect for society as at present constituted , Civilisation means ill-requited labour , starvation , gaols , bastilles for the masses . To the millions civilisation ii a huge He , an organised hypocrisy . PeriBh such cItIlieation ! ' ( Loud cries of ' Hear . ' ) Amongst the things which have maddened the too exeitable people of Ireland , wo may enumerate that curse an unruly tongue which' setteth on fire the course of nature , and ie set on fire of hell . ' ( Cheers . )

    Mr Home : I beg to protest against tbe abominable doctrines which the hoe . member for Surrey has quoted on the tubjeot of property , and to express my abberrence of tho man or the paper which oould ponder to the passions of any portion of the people by promulgating such doctrines . ( Cheers . ) I hope that thore ore few papers which would aot such apart , and I do not hesitate to designate as ' profligate'any parly whs would endanger the peace ef sooiety bj holding out to tho Ignorant expectations which he must know caa never bo realised , ( Cbsers , ) The man who Ukes that course is dangorouB to society—be is dishonest and ough t to be shunned . ( Loud cheers . ) In my opinion there Is nothing more pregnant with dasger at the present time than the per . nioious principles relative to property which have beeu widely disseminated in a neighbouring country , and

    which some individuals have for years back fostered in this . ( Ilsar . ) To interfere with the labour of others and to attempt to establish community of property , ia a dlreot violation of the fundamental laws of society . It appears to mo thot the remarks of the honourable member for Surrey would hav * been more applicable to Communis u and Jncobiniam . Great evil has resulted in France from the promulgation of the doctrines of Communism . I hope that no individual will rise in this house and support such doctrines . ( Hear hear . ) It would te dangerous to do so at a » v time but it is doubly dangerous at a poriod of distress " , when the passions of tbe poorer classes can be easily worked upon by men who promise what they knew can never be car ried into execution . ( Cheers . ) The hon . member then proceeded to observe , that the part which he had always

    taken with respect to the affairs of Ireland caused him to take a deep interest in the condition of that unfortunate country ; no man not connected with Ireland had brought the evils which afflicted that country more frequently under the notice of the house than he had done - no person could be more impressed with the necessity of removing those evils by wise and honest legislation but perceiving the danger which now menaced Ireland he was constrained to vqto for a measure which would Invest the government with power to suppress any st tempt to { raise civil war . Like the hon . member for Cork , he was of opinion that the peace of Ireland couli never be effectually secured until tho Legislature removed thelong-continuedcaosesof discontent which existed in that country . For many years class had been opposed ^ L ^ ii ^^ T ^ ' *? * S * nst CatholicSl and eminent had traversed

    men the country prcachine the doctnno that EnghBh oppression was the cause of Irish misery , and that England was the deadly enemy of Ire Ian * . That was the state of feelmg which prevailed down to 1829 , nh « the Act of Emanelpaiton P pLsed That measure having been carried , he hoped tha the evils of Ireland would be removed by the adoption of a system of mild and conciliator , conduct on th " part of tho Legislature ; but in that he had been disappointed Ire and was in its present disturbed state because their civil rights were withheld from the people . They were not placed on tbe same footing as the people of England and Scotland . Since the Irish people were not treat d as freemen it was too much to expect that they shim ' . d demean themselves as patiently and orderly as their more fortunate fellqw subjects in other parts of the empire . Tho source of tbe demagogues' power in

    Ireland was the misery of the people . The promises nhii'h tho Ministers had held out to the people of Irelaud hnd never been fulfilled . ( Hear . ) When tho Tories were in offloe their opponents upbraided them with being the cause of the misery of Ireland by refusing to make concessions which would restore peace and contentment t ) that country . Dm what h » d the present Minister dono for Ireland ? ( Hoar , he : irj It was extremely to bo regretted that the promises which had been uinde over and over again to tho people of Ireland had nut boon fulfilled . Ireland hud been neglected for eight or ninu months , and notv , at tho end of tho session , tbe government comes to parliament and aalss for addi . t : onal powers for the purposo of coercing tho people . The pretent bill might have the effect of arrestiog the course of the foolish or wicked menrrbo were exciting their feUew countrymen in Ireland ; to that extent it might

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    hush and quiet the present excitement , but the bill would be but temporary . Discontent would remain ai long » . its cause existed . As fast as the government might arrest agitators in one placd others would arise in ana . ther , Ministers were about , fer the second time in one session , to deprivo the people of Ireland of some of the privileges of the ceastitution , They possessed them selves of power , and were responsible for tho eiDrcisa at it . They were in an especial degree answerable for the evils of Ireland , because they bad not availed them selves of the opportunity they posseised of fulfilling the promises they had made . ( Hear , hear . ) The Irjgji people could not forget the declarations repeatedly made by every man now sitting on the Traasuri bench , that there could be ao peace in Ireland as long an the Irish church remained in exi 3 tenco . ( Loud cries of 'Ilear , hear . ') England was obliged to maintain 60 , 000 men in arms in Ireland hush and quiet the present excitement , but the bill would be but temporary- Discontent would remain a . lon »'; £ « * « werMi « ii nflLS

    That country was governed , not as he wished to sea it un " der the mi lei and maternal sway of ftetoria , it was held as a Rarrkon , an < l thte G * peilS 6 w&B UOW visiting tUe people of England as a punishment for the course which hnd been pursued towards that unfortunate country . It was not alone in a pecuniary point of view that England suffered the risk was incurred of the disorganisation which pre ' vailed in Ireland extending to this country . Our parlshai were overrun with paupers , whilst the profits of trade and the means of employment were daily decreasing , it was the duty of Ministers to bring forward immediately measures calculated to conciliate the people of Ireland and Parliament ought to sit from day to day to pass them ! The noble lord at the head of the government used for ! merly to regard the extension ot the suffrage as one of the means of conciliation ; but what was tbe case now ? Ire land had once 200 , 000 representatives- ( great laughter ! —he should have said electors ; but he did not believe that the number of electors now amounted to more than 40 , 000 Was that a state of things that ought to be continued , when tho popuation reached 8 , 000 , 000 ? He asked the noble lord to consider this subject , as well as the state Of the

    grand jury laws in Ireland , and the state of its municipal institutions , and he submitted that parliament ought not to separate without an attempt to apply remedies in each of these particulars . He agreed entirely with his hOD . friend ( Mr 3 . Crawford ) that remedial measures Ought to he introduced as speedily as possible , but he should be sorry to see any division on the motion now before the house . ( Hear , hear . ) He hoped that remedial measures for Ireland would be brought forward to . morroiv- ( loud lau hter ) -he meant Monday-tbough he could notheln thinking the better the day the better the deed . He did not know that any man could employ the Sabbath day better than in giving peace to Ireland —( cheers )—if sittinij on a Sunday could be made the means of doing so . He therefore , advised his hon . friends near him not to oppose the motion , but to allow the bouse to come to an unani . mous vote upon it , though he was quite ready to support the proposition of bis hon . friend when it came before the house In r separate shape , tfo man , to judge from the speech which he had delivered , was more impressed with the necessity of passing remedial measures for Ireland than the noble lord , and he only regretted that the noble lord had not acted upon his own convietionit .

    Mr Newdeoats would give his support to this measure as a great measure of policy , but he considered the case as strictly exceptional , and he wished to guard him . self against the supposition tbat he thought such a measure ought to be considered as the occasion for * ny great constitutional changes . He trusted that her Majesty ' s government would pass this measure without making any conditions , for past experience ought to tell them that if they did so they would only sow the wind to reap the whirlwind-Mr Geoqak , as representative of the loyal citizens ot Dublin , thanked the government for this bill , which wouM put an end to that agitation wbich had reduced so many of the opulent and industrious tradesmen of Dublin to bankruptcy and ruin . He regretted that this measure had not been introduced earlier , and hoped that the go . vernment would sot show any indeoision in carrying it into effect ,

    Mr Ret HOLDS differed tolo o < xU > from his hon , colleague . He prophesied that this hill would pass and would be a failure . Still , in expressing that belief , he must declare himself favourable , not to its introduction , but to its extinction . He should vote against it in all its stages , and hoped that those stages would be long and tedious . Tho bill would make Repealers , and would extend all the evils which it professed to cure . Mr Muntz asked Mr S . Crawford to withdraw his amendment . He lamented over the necessity in which he felt himself placed to give support to her Majesty ' s go . vernment , but he felt that under existing circumstances he could not help himself . He warned her Majesty ' s government , ' that if they did not forthwith redreaB the grievances of Ireland he never would support them in another Ceercion Bill for that country .

    Sir H . Bi&aoK added his testimony to the absolute ne . cessity for adopting this measure with unanimity , He bad tbat morning received letters from Ireland of the most alarming nature . People of all descriptions were lamenting that the government had not adopted these measure sooner . Some of the leaders of the intended re . bellion who bad some property , were most anxious / or thepassiogef this bill , and would rejoice when they heard the sound of the prison doors closing behind them . For they knew that thoy and their property would be sacrificed in a rising which must lead to their ruin . No one was more convinced of tbe hopelessness of the rebel . lion than tome of the leaders of it , and to his knowledge some of them had expressed themselves to that effect Colonel Donne concurred in the amendment of Mr S , Crawford , but nevertheless declared his intention of supporting the bill . Mr Scully , considered that this bill might be fatal . He denied the disaffection and disloyalty wbich had beea attributed to Tipperary . If the government did not intend to introduce remedial measures for Ireland , this bill would never introduce Into that country permansnt peace . The house then divided . when the numbers were "

    For Mr S . Crawford ' s amendment ,, 8 Against it , ,, 271 Majority against it .. .. 263 Leave was then ( riven to bring in the bill ; and it was brought in by Lord J Russell and read a first time . Lord J . Rrwaitl . —Sir , as thehouse . Tias . ' aounequivocally expressed its opinion in favour of this bill as to leave no doubt that it shall paSB , —( cheers . )—I do hope that the house will now agree that , under all the circumstances it would be bet ' er that the bill should be passed im . mediately . ( Loud cheering . ) I therefore move that this bill be now read a second time . ( Renewed cheering . ) Mr O'Connor . —I will not take up the time of the house by any further expression of opinioa on my part , aeeio ? that the house has so very unequivocallydeclared itself in favour of the bill .

    Sir L . O'Bbibn ( Brother to Mr Smith O'Brien ) . —Sir 1 wish to explain in one word the v ote which I have ju ' et given . ( Hear , hear . ; lean assure you , when I heard the announcement of the noble lord yesterday that it was his intention to bring in this bill , my first impression was not to vote upon it . It occurred to me that the vote of a single individual would be but of small importance and , considering the possibility of my near relative being oae of the first to be affected by the measure , the Impression on my mind was , that it would Oq more decorous not to vete . But , considering that if I abstained from voting , my conduct might bo mistaken in Ireland—( hear , hear )~ and beiiifj strongly impressed with the necfisaity of these proceeding being put an end to for the B 8 lS 0 Ot the poor persons who are sure to be inrolred in great sufferingi by thoir continuance , I thought it more becoming to ( rive a decided vote in favour of the measure . ( Cheers )

    Mr Hume-A great ptweris given by this bill to the lord-Lieutenant or the other parties who are to carry on the government of Ireland of imprisoning the subject . Now , I want to know if any record will ba kept of the individual who may be arrested , in order that at the proper time we may be satisfiedjthat the law has not been imprc perly exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) I should like to know what is the rule in such cases ; and , if there is no snch r fu , v . !! ft lOne u . 1 thin k we ought to take care that the liberty of the subject is not unnecessarily interfered with- ( Hear , hear . ) ' Sir G . Gbet . —Un former occasions , when a law exactly similar was in force , it was provided that any warrant for the apprehension of any individual should be lodged with tho Clerk of the Peace for the CHy ol Dublin . J Mr KsTNoi . D 3 .-Sir the sense of thehouse has been so distinctly and decidedly expressed on this nutrient , tw i

    for one , do not feel I should be justified in ralline for another vote upon it . The bill has now been read a first time , but I ask tbe government whether it is perfectly fair towards the people of Ireland in th « absence of the great bulk of their representatives - ( ' Oh , oh . 'J-to propose to read u a second time to-day 1 it Wars to he an unusual course to call for the second reading of a bill of which the people of Ireland have received no notice whatever . The bill has not been even placed in the hands of members . All we know about it is that it proposes to suspead the constitution in Ireland , and , perhaps " with a principle ap a weeping-, it matters little what the details r / v . ? 'I " ? I ' T ne . arl But . a ? k whether it is respectful to the onroland

    people and their representatives who n ? £ "T * F t t 0 P r 0 C £ edln tbii hurried manaeri Jvphu / "V "f ° }? P ° P <> ned till Monday at all « ff V « a * ' ° i - 11 J ave stated that l d 0 not f « el myself justified in asking for a iiviiion again , and it is n » t my intention to do so I feel , indeed , that it would be us pardonable m msto do so , after to decided an expression of the senie of the bouse . ( Hear . ) I believe that the majonty being so very argeand the minority so very wuS s entirely to bo attributed to the fact tbat the repreua ^ tatlves of the people of Ireland have had no Y 0 i « in the matter . Surely the country is not in such to rninent danger as to require all this haste ( 'Divide

    Mr MON 8 ELL . —I will not occupy the attention of the house tor more than one momeut . The hon . gentleman who has just sat down has spoken of the course proposed by htr Majesty ' s government as unu » ual ; but I am sure the hon . gentleman will admit tbat the state of Ireland is uuusual too . ( Cheers . ) I entreat tbe noble lord at tDC headofthegoverument , and I entreat this house , ifthev value human life , not to delay the passing of this measure . ( Cheersj . I enly state what is my strong conviction ^^ A ! £ &k ^ B £ »»« ass ismrtt ^^ sc ^ sec ona « mT ^ ' ^ «» " »•¦*» ««» bill was read , 1 The We then went into committee on the Mil . the u ^ Ch ; ' i ^ Bg puti that the bm 6 L ( juld ^ »

    hiri « £ a SSeA m accor < tonce with the views be had alread y expressed , to observe , that the house ought not to separate til it had passed remedial measures for irOland 1 he bill Was proposed to remain in force till th « 1 st ot March . What security had the house that th . y would not be dismissed luxtweek , while this bill was in operation in Ireland , without any remedial measures bi ing passed « He would most strougl y deprecate such » ^ te tn . J n (? s ; and l theref ° re , he would now move that wo . i \ loul . , f ontimie onl y to tho 1 st of September , » i V . ' ,, ' ' . HesllouId do so for this reason , that they had lameutiiblo experience that the house would net pass other measures absolutel y necessary for the wellben of Ireland , lie , therefore , moved that the bill te oniy extended to tho ist of September 1848 . ( Cries of' > V , ( Concluded m the First Page . )

    Untitled Article

    Northumberland iJ > D Durham —Adisbicfc m < 8 » ing will bo heldia the hnisi of Wm . Gilwy , Crew 4 y 3 ' „ , ° ' ib 0 TV > Soi "u Shields , on SundB ) . Au < us-6 h , at Situ o ' clock , to audit the district accounts .

    Untitled Article

    ° "Fol \ " » ymarKct , tutlieUityof Westnii stor . nttfc * ftf w t £ CO . \ 'M > B , Esq ., K . I ' ., and , ublidw « by ^ iLLUa Hsv . lTT . of Ko . 18 , ChaHea-street Bra' ( Jon-atrtet , W « ilworth , in the parish Of st * Murv Net . JfS toiiMn the County of Surrey , ut UwOffloe , k » . M . Great Wtndrnill-street , Haymarkot in th * CitlotVu' > minster . —Saturday July 28 th . 18 * 8

    Untitled Article

    < m t THE NORTHERN STAR . JpLY * > ms I t * ,. - i mim « i i . ' .. ' " * —— ' " ~ ~ ~~ 7 ¦ . „ . r ———«¦——^^ ' ~ " ~ 7 T is not aa It ' MSBaggg i that he

    Fr "^ B ?. D0ug _ Al M'Gowan , Of 16, Qrea». Windnaw-

    Fr ? . D 0 UG _ AL M'GOWAN , of 16 , Qrea » . WindnaW-

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 29, 1848, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1481/page/8/