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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th July 1848, Edition 1 of 4, Page 4, Untitled Ad

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR, 8A.T.ETRBAY, JULY 29, 1848.
    • 'A'E MILE I-ROU LINCOLN. 0:; : -cottage farm of four ache? ¦ ¦ ¦ ?,ii SOLD with Immediate P.uasss-on.... Iv to Mr Alsgff, R?d H* li, U™* a
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      Untitled Ad

      T A > LVD CHARTIST SILK HANDKERCHIEFS -L " A Fresh Supply of Sew Styles . ^ ^^ Kicli - ¦ -., Brussels . , - f ^ i ^ Ditt ... . " . . Ducape - " i ' Splei . ' > atin Oporto Dncape , npwai . •¦ itH-oounces ¦• b £ ™ : Th < . -re are worthy the attention of fnenus desirous of pur - --in ? , bein ^ co ' mposed of the best material and Tffl ^ li * * - -. * 1 ID To . ^ rained rf Mr T . Clark , National Land Company ' ' jpr . es , lii , High Holborn , London .

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      TO TAILORS . arizrobation of Her Majesty Queen Victoria , and a . R . H . Pr ince Albert . NOW F . EADT , T . 'i LOSVOX ASD PAKIS SPRING ASD SUMMER \ : HIOSS for 184 S . DT Messrs BEXJAMIX READ anc < , i 2 , iiart-street . B ' . oomsbury . sijuare , near Oxford , strc ; Vhdoa ; and by G . Bssses , Uuiyvtel ' i-stFeet , Sir- ' ; a ; . 3 all Booksellers , an exquisitely txecated and EUj' -s -t y coloured PRINT . The elegance -fthis I'rhit eic :: my biforepnblisheu , accompanied ffi ; h the Xoirest Sy ; ii \ -iextra-fitting Frcck , Riding Dress , and Hunting X st Patterns ; the most fasiianabJe dressVv ^ utcv . at Pat \ is . and an estra-fitting Habit Pattern of— he netvcSt ana < u ^ z eiesant stylo of fashion . Every ; ' : irtu-ular part exi " i :. ii : wc ; metlioi uf increasing and Uminishiug the TTholv or r . r . y size fully illustrated , ciarinsr of Cutting End ? r : Hki : < - ' up , and aii other information respecting Stv ! " an .-l TafSion . Price 10 s . post free 11 s .

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      Shkfht . ld —On Tnesday and Wednesday e ^ eniri . . Juiv 15 and 19 , Mr We .-t delivered t « -o lectures inlhe A " &L-hi Theatri ? . At the oonclusi . r , of Mr Wes . ' .- first lectors , Mr Ttozras Clark briefly addrc .: ibn meeting . KoT ~ r . o 3 . iM . —Tus diiir . ct council Kefc a : ths Thr--: o i ' uns , Old Radfcrd , oa Sunday Ins' . A public EErrir-r , ' . TOi hzld ia lbs sate house . Mr Mcllors in tbeca : r . Mr Ss-cetaddras 3 d the raeeting ; acd a tc 8 i ! ui . on wiipassid - ukdjitg the assemblage to csiibU ' u a loealitj of tfia Nationil Charter Aiioeiatiori in k-itto-rd . A committee was ar'pr . -iiiied to car-v t . et tae resolution .

      Untitled Ad

      O'OONXORVILLE , NEia RICKMANSWORTH , HERTS , TO BE DI 5 FO 3 ED OF , RichardBon ' g Three Acre Paradise , situate in the very best portion of the estate , nicely laid out , sowed , and planted , with top and ground crope . consistlngofTartary oats , potatoes , onions , cabbages , cauliflowers , broccoli , peas , beans , &c , 10 > flamhorn Dean and Ripstono pippins in full bearing , l r 3 , gooseberry trtes , 207 currant trees , —red , white , and black—a great quantity of ratpberry trees , which will bear fruit until October . Ptr terms , apply to Mr G . Richardson , on the epot , or to Mr S . Stalln-ood , 2 , Little Vale-place , Hammersmith , road , ( pre paid ) enclosing u stamp for reply .

      Untitled Ad

      Now ready , price Tworencej THE RIGHT OF PUBLIO MEETING A LETTER AddresBea ( before Sentence , ) to lokd chief justice sir thomas wilde By Ehhest Jones . Thia letter contains the substance of the address which Ernest Jones intended to deliver in the cour % but whioh the judge would not allow to be spoken . Also , price Threepence , A VERBATIM EEP 0 M OP THS THIAL ! OP ERNEST JONES AND THE OTHER CHARTIST LEADERS . Now Ready , a New Edition of Mil . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS . SHE CHEAPEST EDITI 0 K ETEB FUBHBHED . Price is . 6 iJ ., A new and elegant edition , with Steel Plate of the Author , of PAINE'S POLITICAL WORKS . Now ready , price 8 d . A New and Improved , and mach enlarged Edition of MR SILLETT'S WORK ON SPADE OR FORK HUSBANDRY . This edition is illustrated with wood-cuts of the implements Mr Sillett recommends . Watson , Queen ' s Head-passage , Paternoster-row , London : A Hejwood , Manchester ; and all Bockst-ilera in Town and Country .

      The Northern Star, 8a.T.Etrbay, July 29, 1848.

      THE NORTHERN STAR , 8 A . T . ETRBAY , JULY 29 , 1848 .

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      IRELAND . " Hereditary bondsmen , know ye not , Who would be free , himself must strike the blow . " Such were the moral force words under which Lord John Russell would now make it appear that Mr O'Connell had marshalled the mind of Ireland , and , although we are by no means inclined to taunt the dead with the frequent U 3 e of the above impressive phrase , yet we are not prepared to charge his living followers with any criminality which may result from strict obedience to his teaching . We shall not chronicle any of the closet and Conciliation-hall sayings of that gentleman , notwithstanding that , although delivered within | the four walls of that

      building , the } ' were nevertheless scattered abroad ; but we may , in justice to those who are now suffering , or are about to suffer , recall attention to the open-air avowals of the national teacher ; avowals made to millions of enthusiastic , oppressed , and starving people . We may remind the Whig Prime Minister of Mullaghmast and the Hill of Tara , where the Liberator declared , that he was surrounded by more physical force than any monarch could command ; and where he contrasted the strength of an Irish peasant with the strength of the peasantry of other nations ; nor can we forget the significant allusion to the motto under the touch-hole of the cannon of the Volunteers ;

      and to the declaration of the departed chieftain , ' that his arm was yet young enough to wield a sword in defence of his country ' s rights , "—a declaration which in our souls we believe he would have realised and fulfilled , had h-3 witnessed the last two years' desolation to which his country has been reduced by Whig treachery and despotic tyranny . And had Daniel O'Connell lived , we feel convinced that he would have joined the violent in the last extremity , rather than consent to the decimation of his country by starvation , and the abro * gation of the constitution as the mean * of insuring the passive obedience of a starving people .

      O'Connell ' s policy was to gather up the rnind of Ireland into one volition , whieh would be an irresistible rampart against the physical force of the enemy . He apprehended more danger from the vindictive vengeance which it has been the policy of England to foster between Irish Protestants and Irish Catholics , than he did from the united strength of English despotism . But although Daniel O'Connell denounced physical force , where was the man

      who more lustily contended against the- suppression of public opinion ? Did he not resist all statutary enactments , and defv all royal proclamations . ' And thus , though opposed to his general policy , we rescue his memory from the stain which the Prime Minister of England would new stamp upon it , by attempting to illustrate what his feelings would be under existing circumstances , by allusion to what they were under a different state of things .

      The man who stands within twelve yards of t » e loaded pistol of a bully , hired to assassinate him , and whose hand was steady enough to avenge the contemplated assassination , could not have been a coward ; and , therefore , it is an injustice to attempt any solution of what his course might now be by what his course had formerly been . But we turn from the dead father to the living son , and we remind the " Tanist , " and the heir apparent to the rent gathered from a starving people , of his words in 16-to . He said in Conciliation Hall , " THAT

      THE DAY MIGHT COME WHEN THE OPPRESSORS OF HIS

      COUNTRY WOULD DKIVE HIS COUNTRYMEN INTO PHYSICAL RESISTANCE , AND THAT THEN HE WOULD BE FOUND FIGHTING IN THE FOREMOST RANKS OF THE PEOPLE . " We are aware of the narrow limits within which the Gagging Bill" confines our paa , and , mayhap , the exhibition of the moral force leader , in his own mirror , may be the foreshadowing of sedition . Perhaps it may be illegal to write in 1848 what the moral force

      leader of Ireland declared , amid cheers , in 1845 ! " There is no greater injustice than the attempt to drive a responsible leader from his own position and to force his acceptance of every speculative dogma of the reckless and enthusiastic , but that leader who abandons the position around which he has rallied his obedient followers , commits an act of the most flagrant injustice . By the teaching of leaders the mind is formed—by the enthusiasm of leaders the energy is quickened—by the resolution of leaders the action is confirmed /'

      We have it upon the highest authority that the followers of Mitchel swore to him that he should never leave the country , and by that assurance his energy was impelled and goaded to the resistance point ; but when the martyr was clutched what is called prudence supplied he place ef what was tendered as allegiance , and Mitchel the brave , the uncompromising , and the bold , became a victim to his confidence , and was dragged , like a felon , from the dock to the hulk , and is now paying the penalty of his misplaced confidence . The peoDle of

      Ireland , however , have been no party to the deception and betrayal , because they were not parties to urge him on or to insure his pro * tection ; but , on tie contrary , it is to the violation of those pledges given to the [ khn that the frenzy , the madness , and the enthusiasm of the Irish people is now to be ascribed . They are not purchasable—they are a nation of indomitable heroes ; grateful for littlehospitable with little—generous , confiding , and forgiving ; but , as far as England is concerned , we fear the point of forgiveness has been

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      passed , And although the proposition of "the Prime Minister to abrogate the constitution , may be received with a howl of faction , in which the yell of the degenerate Irish drowned the Saxon cheer , yet we would ask that Prime Minister to pause , we would ask Parliament , in its presumed strength , to reflect upon what the consequence must be , if the leadesr of a determined , maddened , and enthusiastic people are snatched from amongst them in violation of the Constitution .

      Does the most confiding in governmental strength for one moment imagine that this war of sister against sister , as they are called , can be profitably maintained in the present state of Europe ? Do they imagine that they can revive the mad nationality inspired by Pitt—when all were ready to give the last farthing TO KEEP BOXEY OUT . No—those were days of mere agricultural blindness , when the breeches pocket was a good substitute for

      brains but these are times when the active genius pauses , and asks what is to be the return for our submission to further taxation ? Is it to be a probable war with America , the not improbable loss of Canada , the destruction of a home market which by kindness and jus tice may be made lucrative and profitable ? or is it the weakening of the English Crown and Government , at a period when legitimacy all over the world is falling before the mind ' s

      progress ? Belgium , as a province of Holland , through pauperism , became a sting in the side of the mother country ; while Belgium , as a free state , still holds her own though surrounded by a Republic . Or , in the ^ emphatic words of Mr O'Connor , " Can the Government of England , with America within fourteen days' sail , France all but touching our shores—Prussia demanding Republican Institutions as the means of preserving its monarchy—Italy throwing off the Austrian yoke , and the mind of Ireland one fierce volcano "—we ask . under such

      circumstances , is it possible to preserve a restrictive Monarchy and Oligarchical Institutions in this country ? It is well for the Prime Minister and the Parliament to say , be tranquil and your grievance .- ! shall be redressed , but for eight and forty years the same cuckoo cry has been heard . Ireland has had Coercion Bills , Martial Law , and Susprnsion of the Habeas Corpus Act , " usque ad nauseam , " and ! he temporary lull , created by tern r , has bei-n used as an argument that the people were satisfied ; and even now the prostitute Press of England , and some of the pledged Repealers in the House of Commons , would lead their dupes to believe that there was neither dissatisfaction nor

      disaffection amongst the Irish people , while we find them thirsting for Irish blood , while the transactions upon 'Change are mainly regulated by the hope or despair of its being shed . But , we tell the Prime Minister of England , that although his predecessors subjugated ireland by force and fraud in 1800 , that it would be worse than madness to try an experiment upon eight millions after forty-eight years of experience , which was only successful upon four millions without that experience . And , if the demand for Repeal of the Union shall be changed to a demand for a total separation , the Oligarchy of England , and they alone , will be chargeable with the result . Lord Althorp

      declared his opinion in the House of Commons in 1834 , that , if a majority of the Irish people should demand a Repeal of the Union , that it would be the duty of that House to grant it , However , although the will of the majority has been most sigDihcantlyproclaimed , we , nevertheless , find ^ that the assumed duty of Parliament is to resist that will by the abrogation of the Constitution , And we now tell the Noble Lord , the Priese- Minister , that the Constitution proclaims the right of freemen to be armed , and that to deprive them of those arms reduces them to slavery ; and we would ask , what allegiance a slave owes to a Government that would thus abrogate

      the-Constitution r The Press may luxuriate in the hope that O'Brien and Me 3 gher have absconded , and that thus the Irish Confederation has been dissolved . Such is , no doubt , the fond anticipation of those who would produce despair through treachery ,, but whatever the result of the conflict may be-, we hazard an assurance that , whether the gaol or the grave shall be their lot , they will not dishonour their names bv flight . The English Government

      would make it appear that Ireland is a portion of England , whereas-England is-much more a portion of Ireland . Her manufacturing towns are crowded with the disinherited ,, the-expat riated , and the exiled , hunted from their native land by the cruel Landlord , or the griping Parson ,, the desolating Middleman , or the relentless- Official : and those who understand the feelings which possess man iir social life , will understand the feelings of those who are absent from the scene of national

      excitement . If the parent is present with a suffering child , fortitude and . hope is sustained by the immediate knowledge of every changa and crisis ; . but if he is absent , and relies upon the post or . the electric spark when he cannot see the sufferer , the excitement is greater , and the agony more poignant , increased by doubt . So it is with the absent Irish ; they take rumour

      for fact , and want of accurate information drives them to frenzy and despair . Hence we find that an attempt has beea . made te include Liverpool and Manchester iiv the unconstitutional proposition , of the Prime Minister . But as it is the resolve of the powerful terrorists to strike a deadly blow at Chartism and Repeal , and as there are emissaries abroad who thrive by falsehood , and live upoa blood , we would caution our Irish , brethren against their

      mactsinsitions . England is now feeling the effects of foreign revolutions , —her Exchequer nearly bankrupt , her trade paralysed , and her manufactures all but suspended ; her agricultural produce is threatened with a competition of the produce f other countries , not subject to unbearable burthens and taxations ; . and far these casual . * ties , calamities , and reverses , according to ancient custom and policy , the Government will attempt to eke supplies from the timid , by parading the phantom of disaffection ; and ere ong we shall have the Chancellor of the

      Exchequer coming down to the House extolling the ^ Government for its precaution ,, and the aristocracy and the middle classes for their loyalty , which will end in an appeal to their pockets . And when has there been an occasion for such an appeal , that incipient revolution has not been the bugbear , and loyalty the talisman . So that in the exact proportion in which the demand for liberty increasos , does patronage become augmented . But let not the noble lord lay the flattering unction to his soul , that streams of Irish blood , or hulks of Irish vietiics , will ever banish from the Irish miuO ,

      that pent up rancour engendered by an alien , church , an alien proprietary , alien laws , and alien taskmasters . These monsters have upheld a tyrannous ascendancy which has been , as injurious and weakening to the English Crown , as to Irish prosperity , and an attemptbeingmade to banish this destructive superiority from the land , it now rallies in the jury box determined to uphold its authority as long as a foot of resting ground remains . But we tell the oppressor , that the authority of Government , the desolation of the Protestant Church , the tyranny of alien landlords , the authority of their middle

      class representatives , their partisan magistrates , pnrty judges , packed juries , ruthless police , unscrupulous detectives , and prostitute Press , cannotgbind the united mind of an oppressed and united people . A . nd when the day of terror shall have passed away , and when the unbiassed verdict of a national jury too large to be packed , shall bo delivered , the English Minister who fostered revolution to secure power will be found as the criminal , and he will be justly chargeable with the deplorable consequences which will bo but the result of his own weakness , his own , treachery and ambition . '

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      in ---- m .-¦ i- ~~ . ~— Mr O'Connor has tin ' s day ( Thursday ) paid V . ; to exempt Vernon , Fussell , Sharp , and , Williams , from the same slavery for the en- ; suing month . With pain and shame we mU 3 t now direct the attention of the Chartist body to the humiliating fact , that scarcely anjtfundshavdbeen provided for the defence of the Yorkshire victims . Up to last Saturday , the West Riding treasurer had in hand not more than a shilling a head for j each of the unfortunate men , and we fear that ( this week the funds are very little improved , ; althoug h the trials are now going on . i for itself _ i ., ,,, « i . _„ * . ¦ , . ¦ , 1 ,,,, / VLnfuA-nA na \ ii x > . '¦

      Dr M'Douall ' s letter speaks . He will defend every inch of ground—if supported | by the people . Is DrM'Douall to be sacrificed ?! He requires money to pay his solicitor , fee ^ counsel , and take his witnesses to Liverpool , i Men of England , we appeal to you to do your duty , and aid the Doctor in his struggle with j his and your oppressors . The families , too , of the London victims de- mand your earnest sympathy , expressed not by ; words , but by deeds . He who at this time ; withholds his assistance—according to his means—is a traitor to the Chartist cause , and the most culpable of the enemies of the Chartist . martvrs- !'

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      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The Whi s' 3 policy towards Ireland ' has at length attained an appropriate oonsummation . Based upon hypocrisy , and carried on in fraud , it has ended in open and undisguised despotism . Last Saturday will be an historical day in the annals of that party , of Parliament , and of the country , whose liberties were , at one fell svroop , and in one short sitting , swept away . The Government that in two years has not been able to construct or carry one remedial measure for Ireland , can be vigorous enough when it pleases , and so can Parliament ; but , unfortunately , it is only for mischief when they rouse themselves to action . One sitting of seven hours is sufficient to * suspend the Constitution : a session of seren months has produced no effort to mend it . :

      In order to form anything liktr an impartial judgment on the course pursued by the Government in this suspension of one of the great constitutional rights of £ he subject , which distinguish a free country from one under despotic rule , it is necessary te- recal to recollection a few leading facts . It may be true , that looking at the present condition of Ireland from th&same point of view as Parliament and theExecutive Ministry , th ; it // iey have Ino alternative but to- resort to this extreme

      measure . In the face of an open and avowed armed preparation for insurrection , with' the object of wresting from the dominion of the Queen an important portion of the empire ,- to the rule of which she succeeded her predecessors-, and which she swore to maintain intact , the servants of the Crown have , constitution- ' ally Rpeaking , no alternative but to take every possible measure to , prevent or repress that armed insurrection , and" prevent that severance of the empire by forte of arms , if it is proposed to effect it bv that means .

      All this may be 3 admitted as abstractedly true ; but it does not in the slightest degree improve the position of the present Ministry . The question remains—who- is to blame for the disaffection having grown so general ?—the armed preparations so formidable as to call for measures of so severe , unconstitutional , and despotic a nature ? In replying to that question * we need not travel back into the long records of Ireland ' s misgovernment . It is unnecessary to disinter from the tomb of past centuries , the injuries which have been inflicted upon her by systematic tyranny and misrule ; it is-even , for an immediate answer to the question , not needed that we go beyond 1846 , and the- accession of the present Ministry to power .

      It will be remembered by our readers that , towards the close of Jhat Session , Sir R . PeeJ brought in an Arms Act for Ireland . It was first introduced in the House of Lords , where it went through all its stages with the entire sanction of the Whig Peerst including those who now sit upon the Ministerial Bench . Oh theappearance of the bill in the House of Conrrnons , Lord J . Russell and the Whigs sup . ported the first reading , and even John O'Connell admitted that the ease presented by Sir It . Peel , as a justification for the measure , and its own comparatively temperate and mild

      character , were such as to-induce him to takea neutral part en the first reading . He merely begged for a little time to-take the sense of the peoyle of Ireland on the subject . It was admitted by the Irish members generally , that it wag-the mildest bill of the kind ever proposed . If we understand the policy of Sir R . Peel on that occasion rightly ,. it was his object to put these limited powers into the hands of the authorities , in order to prevent the people from obtaining possession-of arms ; aad , having thus secured the State against the oontingencieg-of an armed outbreak ; he intended to have

      proposed and carried a series of remedial measures for laying the foundation of a better state of things in that country . Presuming that such was his intention—a presumption fully borne out by all that the Right Hon . Baronet stated in the debates on the bill—and especially by his memorable declaration with reference to Irish policy in the speech with whioh he took leave of office—there cannot be the slightest doubt on the mind of any impartial' , that J Sir It . Peel would have- succeeded ; , in his objects . However much- any party- may differ from the politics or the policy of the . late

      Premier , every one admits his rare administrative ability . When he brings forward any measure ,-it is certain not only to be suited to the purpose in view , but also to lie framed in such a praatical and business-liks shape as fully to answer these objects ; besides this , the country at large know that when he proposes measures he really means to C 8 rry therm' They are-not produced merely to . make a show of work , and then withdrawn , postponed , or botched ; and , as . a

      consequence , they have confidance in him as a practical statesman ; while , at the same time , Parliament knowing that they , must eithea pass the measures os find another Minister , go willingly and in a workmanlike spirit to work . We repent , therefore , that if Feel had succeeded in getting hi& Arms Act , and by that means preserving a tolerable amcuat of quiet , in Ireland , we miglti fairly have expected a . really remedial and practical policy from him , of r comprehensive and immediately practical ch : v > racier .

      But what were tho fasts ? Whea the Bill was first introduced into the Houseof Commons , thogreat Free Trade measur&of the Premier was still before Parliament , and any hostile raove o-a the part of th 8 Whigs might have damaged the chances of its passing the Lords . They wished it to bo passed , because th&y knew they could not , if in office , do so . themselves : whereas , that matter once settledthey saw the

      , path to the resumption of power and patronage open to them . They therefore waited until the seal of the Queen ' s authorit y was finally affixed to the bill repealiag the Corn Law ! and then umted with the alienated section of the Protectionist party in defeating Peel on the Arms Act , with tho express view of forcing him out of office and securing their own return to power .

      Whatever may be thought of the bitter and revengeful feelings by which the Protectionists were induced to vote with the Whigs on that occasion they were at least natural , and had nothing of meanness or selfish calculation about them—but their allies were of a more sordid stamp—they were actuated onl y by the desire to clutch at the loaves and fishes of ofhee . They succeeded in their endeavour ; but on what terms did Lord J . Russell become the Pre " nuer of Great Britain and Ireland ? He distinctly declared that the time for governing 1 reland by coerojon had gone by for ever . lit enumerated the long and melancholy cataW ot coercive measures , which had been enacteo since the year of the Uaiwj-aU rf which hac

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      utterly and entirely failed to produce the intended effect , ancl upon that historical reviW pro - claimed the natural and rational induction—that in future these modes of endeavouring to sup . press discontent and disaffection should be abandoned , and a conciliatory policy adopted , based upon the principle of removing the evils which generated both . He proclaimed that he was willing to accept thegovernmentof the country on these terms , and was prepared with a broad and comprehensive policy . Parliament took him at his word , and he became Prime Minister . ii ttflrlv and enJirel . v failed to produce tho in _

      i i ; What are the results ? Where are the indi . cations of that broad and ' eomprehensive remedial policy which was to lay the foundation of a new and prosperous state of things in Ire « land ? In every respect Lord John Russell has falsified his p ledges , and acted diametrically opposite to what he declared he would do , The terrible famine , and its consequent suffering , in 1847 , which virtually threw both landlord , tenant , and labourer into the power of the Government , would have been seized by a bold and judicious minister as a providential auxiliary of the most powerful character , to

      ienable him to cut the Gordian knot of difficulties , which other previous ministers had mainly attempted to untie . In the midst of that dreadful crisis which , in effect , reduced society to its original elements in Irelandproduced general disorganisation , and threw all classes helplessly on the sustaining energies of the Fxecutive and people of this country , a far-sighted and determined minister would have said : " I am willing to relieve and assist you to the utmost that the means at my disposal will enable me , but it must be ander such arrangements as will be mutuall y

      beneficial , and which will afford at ieasfc a reasonable hope that such an awful and deplorable crisis in the history of the [ nation shall not recur again . It is clear that some radical error lies at the root of the organisation of society in Ireland , or the wide-spread destitution , disease , and death , and She utter helplessness of all classes under these afflictions , could not have existed . We must , therefore , proceed radically with oar remedies , aod : while fully providing for a fair adjustment oi all existing shtims , lay the basis for a better application of She soil and labour of Ireland in future . '

      Such might , and would , have been the coarse of an enlightened and practical Minister , under the" circumstances which then oficnsred , but Lord John Russell is neither an enlightened nor a practical Minister , ' Theopportunity slipped through his fingers- uninw proved } the only use he made of it was to * squander ten millions steeling in one year ,, is a way , which , while it involved a total losstathis country , produced in Ireland only a deeper feeling of humiliation and alienation than had formerly e : c > sted . Its real grievances remained untouched , and the hopes of substantial ame » lioration and : improvement faded further intc the

      distance-Is it any wonder , then , theleaders and the people of Ireland should have grown desperate , and resolved to let their country ' s salvation no longer depend upon the will of a minister who was incompetent to his ta 9 k , and of a le « gislature which was either ignorant of the remedies required , or whose personal interests were directly opposed to the introductioa of these remedies ? The consequence has been , that instead of the Arms Bill of Peel , in 1846 , we have had a Coercion Bill passed in the extra session before Christmas 1847 ; the Gagging Act , before Eastev 1848 ; and that proving altogether in .

      capable of putting down the natural indignation with which Irishmen regard the' Government of this country , Lord John has now suspended the Constitution . ' From / this time forth the Lord Lieutenant has the power , without any proof of guilt , without any formality of examination or trial , to seJ 2 G upon every man or woman-ir Ireland he pleases , and to shut them up in jail until March next . There is but one step move to absolute despotism , in its worst and most abhorrent formnamely , to proclaim all Ireland nnder martial law , and the supreme authority of drum-head courts-martial .

      We repeat that we owe this disgraceful and painful state of things , together with all the loss of life , destruction of property , and the more deadly feeling of alienation between the two countries , which must ensue from any actual collision , entirely to the policy pursued by the Ministers now in power . It is the natural and inevitable termination to a career begun in false pretenoes , and every step of which has- been a disappointment to the People , and a contradiction to the professed principles ofthe Government , with reference to its Irish-policy .

      Whether the extreme measure now resorted to will prevent bloodshed- or insurrection , as Lord Johc < says it is intended to do , remains to be seen . One thing ia quite certain . The people of Ireland have got a new articls of accusation against ths British Legislature and Government—a new argument for Repeal i or Separation . The Parliament that finds- so much difficulty in passing , remedial measures , finds none in passing ^ coercive- and cruel ones . We shall aever format the scene in the Hou&ft of Lords on Monday night . The resolution to suspend the standing orders having been

      agreed to , after a very short , conversation on the first reading of the Bill , it was read , a second time , went through committee ( almost before poor old Shaftesbury could get into -his Se ;» t and out again ) , reported , read a third time , and passed in about two minutes ;; with a , celerity and a unanimity that was truly edifying . Such spectacles are historical We could not help feriing that we were present at the commencemant of proceedings , the-end of which it was difficult to . foretel or foxsee . Ihere was , however , too much reason to fear that we were sowifjg the wind and mustespecc to reap the whirlwind .

      W-Keo fj h s-motion on the subject ; , of the recent trials in Ireland , and the manner in which the Jury was packed in order to procure the conviction of Mr Mitchel , led to- a-charac tewstic scene . Parliamentary " rows' * are quite common affairs with a Whig Cabinet . Ijb would almost seem * that , conscious of their inability to-say or do . anything in a proper and statesmanlike ^ mannap , their only resourse is to flinto

      y a passion with any one who touches them on the sore plnce , or who even so much as points his finger thereto , fa . this instance Mr Keogh raised a legitimate- question , and treat ed * lfr ma manner thoroughly in accord , ance with the forms of Parliament . He kept to his subject stotly ( a great merit now-adaya ) ,. and in the course off his reall y able ,, eloquent , and spirit-stirring , speech , did not utter an irrelevant senteHse . He contrasted

      —as he had a ri ght to do—the conduct of every man of the present . Government on former occasions , when they were in opposition * and their professions , as well as | the avowed principles of their party , with reference ta the administration of justice ,, and the composition of juries in political cases , with their own conduct , now that they have the pawer of ordering all these matters . He reviewed most truthfully , and , therefore , most disagreeably to Whig ears , the policy of tho Ministry towards Ireland j and , in return for discharge m this necessary duty , Sir G . Grey jumped up and made a personal attack on the hon * Member , which was most discreditable to any man pretending to be a gentleman , and ce *

      vunly ' most disgraceful as coming from a ugh Minister of the Crown , who more than any other Member of Parliament is bound to observe the conventional courtesies of society . He began uy eharr . W Mr Keogh with having had a good epiP « £ i of Repeal , of O'Conaell , and Lord Melbourne ' s GovernmeHt , which he called a « pate- , ° P one , some eight yeara ago . Poor fellr ^ j e whs only m hi * teens whon ha com- m ted the se mistakes and may be pardon ' . dt " e sins of youth and inexperience . Wi ' " „ , * „ * ? Jo the two latteD-namehr , O'Con * di ^ GdbSu ^

      Untitled Article

      LATEST FROM IRELAND . We give in another column a statemen' 8 of the reported commencement of the Insurrection in Ireland , in which it is stated , that the whole of the South is in open rebellion ; that fighting has taken placeat Thurles , Clonmel , and Kilkenny , in which the People have been victorious . It is also reported , that the troops have shown disaffection ? towards the Grovern ment .

      On the other hand , the Evening Papers of Thursday contain no confirmation of this important intelligence ; on the contrary , in both Houses of Parliament Members ofthe Government , in reply to questions addressed to them , have professed to treat the matter as a hoax . The news of the Insurrection . —whether for the moment true or false—has caused great excitement in the City , and occasioned a fall in the Fumis from 86 * to S 5 f . From the tone of this ( Thursday ) evening ' s " Sun , " it appears that some apprehension of " a run for gold " is entertained in-the eity . The " Standard" thinks the accounts from Ireland exaggerated , but adds , " still'there can be no doubt ofthe explosion of the rebellion . '

      According to the " Standard , " the moneymongers in the- city are calling for measures " to silence the firebrand demagogues / ' in England and Scotland !

      Untitled Article

      THE MAKTYRS . RALLY TO THE RESCUE \ The sacrifice of the Bradford and Bingley ¦ - / . / tims has commenced . In another column will be found a bwef aceonnt ofthe trial of some ofthe defendants charged with having taken part in the Bradford Riot , on the 99 th of May . Those already tried have , with one exception , been found Guilty . The sentences have not yet been pronounced , and , most probably , will be deferred until the whole of the defendants have been tried .

      We understand that there are , in all , fiftyeight persons charged with riot , &c , for trial at the present ( York ) assizes . The alleged offences embrace all the forms-of " seditious speeches , of illegal meetings , of riot , of rescue ; , of training and-drilling others in the use of arnv , of being present for the purpose of being trained and drilled , and ! of aiding , assisti . 'fg , and whetting an unlawful assembly- of persons in their being trained' and drilled- to the practice of military movements . " Of the h ' fty-ai ^ ht , only nine have been enabled to obtain Inil , and , consequently , nearly fifty of

      theso persecuted men have been already two months in prison . This has arisen from the exorbitant ; imount » of bail fixed ¦ by , the-oelebrated " poor man « friend , " Busfeild Ferrand , and his worthyassociates-of the magisterial bench . The-variations in the forms of the committals do- honour to the ingenuity of the-aforesaid " poor man ' s friond . ; " am that our readers may understand the comprehensive character of thenet provided for the entrapment and sacrifice of their proscribed brethren , we give the- following : specimens : — One man is committed for " having wickedly ,

      maliciously , and seditiously , in the presence and hearing of divers liege subjects- of our Sovereign Lady , the Queen Victoria , uttered , pronounced , and declared certain scandalous , malicious , and ; seditious words , of and concorning our said . Lady the Queen , her Government , Crown ,, and dignity ; '" another stands charged , that he , " ¦ with one R ; W ., and divers other evil-disoo 9 ed persons , to . the' aumber of 500 and more , at ? present unknown , did

      unlawfully meet ^ together for the purpose of exciting discontent and disafiuction ,, and- for the purpose of exciting the liege- subjects of our Lady tho Queen to hatred , and hostility to the Government and Constitution of this realm—and did , by loud and seditious speeches ,, exclamations , and cries , and by exhibiting divers flags and banners of a seditious charactar ,. cause great terror and alarm- to divers peaceable and liege subjects of our Lady 6 lie < Queen , her Ci'own , and dignity . "'

      Let the- Jast-asses o-f England only continue this gamo a little longap , and not all that the most furious Republicans ever said or did , wili have done half so . much to damage " our Sovereign Lady the Queen , her Government , Crown , « nd dignity , " as will be done- ' jy these officious , meddling ,, persecuting , c < vindicators of the law . " Wo commend to . the attention of our readers

      » letter from Dr M'Douall , describing the particulars of his recent arrest and committal for trial . The treatment of that gentleman while in detention at Ashton ( will excite the loathing , disgust , and burning indignation of our readers . The cowardly torturers appear to have tried upon their victim a combination of the cruelties of the Inquisition , with the terrors of the celebrated Black Hole . Curses loud and deep from the masses , will reward their cold-blooded

      vindictiveness . Meetings have been holden in the metropolis to . sympathise with lirnest Jones and his fellow victims , and for the purpose of obtaining some mitigation of the cruel punishment to winch they are subjected . The Daily News has the assurance to state that " the moderation displayed by the Attorney-General and the Crown counsel in the recent trial at the Old Bailey ,

      was exemplary : care was in general taken not to strain the law , or to act with unnecessary harshness towards the defendants : and the members of the Chartist body were satisfied of the perfect fairness of all that took place . " Here are a precious string of lies—the greatest lie being the libel on the London Chartists , ¦ that they were satisfied of the perfect fairness of the trials I

      Mr Jones was last week relieved from oakum picking by the payment of 1 / ., which relieves him for one month from this < % ustui < r toil ,

      Untitled Article

      " ^ SECirflON IN SCOTLAND . ARREST OF EDINBURGH CHARTISTS . We take the following from the" London papers of Thursday evening : — " Edinburgh , Wednesday . —This afternoon , Mr H . Rankine , Mr A . Walker , and J . Cumming , with some others , were arrested , on char g es of a general character , comprising at-__ —¦— __ ,.. , I-, /^ , , T ,,

      tendance at illegal public meetings , and ad dresses delivered on those occasions of an excitin" - description . The houses of those individuals have been searched , and documents of a very suspicious character have been seized and carried away . The three named were committed to gaol , and some of the others liberated on bail . A great demonstration of sympathy with the offenders is talked of by the Chartists . "

      So Scotland is to share the general proscription . War levied against the people of Ireland—terror established in England—and now extended to Scotland ! What are the people to do ? Their petitions are scoffed at , their meetings prevented by force , their footsteps tracked , and their words watched by Iscariot-dotectives , an . d their advocates by the help of " Trial by Jury " thrown into dungeons . " Tho lawB f C 0 iJrup > e < i to tfaoir cnda that make them ) ,

      S . rVObUt for Inatruraents © faomenow tyranny , That tvery day starta up to enelave us deoper . " The middle classes are being armed with deadly weapons to use against the people . The police of London are learning the U 9 e of the cutlass , and practising military evolutions , in addition to which the police of Liverpool are provided with firearms . A military camp is being formed in the neighbourhood of Liverp ool , and everywhere the signs abound of a determination to rule the working classes by the law of the naked sword .

      " Hoir long ! Oh ! God , how long ?" Chartists of Scotland and England , working men of both countries , give your sympathy and your help to the persecuted patriots of Edin-) u rgh .

      Untitled Article

      ¦¦ THfl NORTHERS ? STAIl ^ .. _ J tvvfJBJA ^ __ » i ii ¦ ' ! " -

      'A'E Mile I-Rou Lincoln. 0:; : -Cottage Farm Of Four Ache? ¦ ¦ ¦ ?,Ii Sold With Immediate P.Uasss-On.... Iv To Mr Alsgff, R?D H* Li, U™* A

      'A'E MILE I-ROU LINCOLN . 0 : ; : -cottage farm of four ache ? ¦ ¦ ¦ ? , ii SOLD with Immediate P . uasss-on . ... Iv to Mr Alsgff , R ? d H * li , U ™*

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 29, 1848, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1481/page/4/