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TO THE MEMBERS OP THE LAND COMPANY.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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My Friends , I have now a little leisure to comment upon that portion of the evidence taken before the Committee , and which has therefore become p ublic property . I am happy to find that in many districts tbe members have requested their representatives to send them copies of the reports , and which , I hope , they have attentively perused .
Firstly , —1 shall Ehow you the machinery by which the Committee is worked . The Judge Advocate , amember of the Whig Government , is Chairman—and from the fact of the Chairman ' s attendance being continuous , and that of the other members of the committee being casual , the chairman constitutes the main feature ] of a committee . The chairman of a committee should not only be impartial , but should be unsuspected , and if the chairman
of a committee evinces the slightest bias to either side of the question , his conduct would be as criminal as that of the judge who should tell a man upon trial for his life that he was opposed to him , and would hang him if he could ; and when the chairman of a committee once departs from that line of conduct which is indispensable to the elucidation of the fact to he inquired into , that man is capable of being suborned to tbe commission of any crime , however revolting or heinous .
Of course , these observations bear generally upon the character of chairmen , and are not applicable to the Judge Advocate ; nor shall I hold myself at liberty to canvass the question in its entirety until the whole business is closed . The chairman of a committee sum . monses the witnesses ; and the chairman being the judge , should , above all things , affect ignorance of the technical evidence to be given by a witness . Of course , he should be aware of its general bearing , as that is the purpose for which the witness is called . And now I -Ev-ill give you a list of the witnesses called by the Judge Advocate : —
Mr Whitmarsh , the Chief Registrar , whose evidence wa 6 given in the most frank , the most unbiassed , and honourable manner . He produced his memoranda of the provisional registration of the Company , and proved its legal existence so far ; but the most remarkable feature of his evidence was this—that he wished that the law , as regarded his office , was more stringent , as it would be the means of preventing much dishonest speculation and cheating . Mr Chinnery , the Solicitor , was the next witness . His ' evidence was straightforward and unmistakeable . He proved what ^ we had done in the wav of enrolment and registration
—the difficulties that were thrown m our way , the vast expense that had been incurred , and the legal difficulties with which we were surrounded . Next came Mr M'Gratb , the Financial Secretary , whose evidence impressed every member of ' the Committee most favourably . Next came Mr M'Gowan , who receives the money from Mr M'Grath , and pays it into a bank to my credit , Those witnesses were called bv the Chairman .
Next * came Mr Cullingham , the overseer of carpenters , who was examined at considerable length as to the management of the affairs of the property of the Company , and bis evidence ¦ wa s , that no private gentleman expending his own fortune , could be more economical than I had been in the expenditure of the Company ' s funds ; and he declared that , as a master builder , he would not undertake to erect a sisgle cottage upon our plan for less than 200 / .
I was then examined , althoug h cautioned by the Chairman that I might commit myself , and make myself liable to heavy fines , and even to imprisonment . However , I rejected his friendly council , and submitted myself—according to the threat of Sir Benjamin Hallto a rigid and searching examination . IS " ext came Mr Doyle , who was examined as to the management of tbe Company ' s affairs at Minster , where he has resided since September last .
I must now observe , that in the first instance the question was divided into two branchesfinance , and the power of re-production . The object of the financial inquiry was , to save the trouble and avoid the necessity of inquiry into the question of re-production , as the anti cipation was to d—n tbe plan by d—niug the man ; and this device having failed , the Committee decided upon handing the accounts over to an Accountant , selected by the
Chairman , and proceeding with the question of re-production . Under these circumstances , a reasonable man would come to the conclusion that the Allottees upon O'Connerville and Lowbands , where they have been longest located , would have been the best possible witnesses to have examined ; and with that view I brought Mr Hornby from O'Connorville , to prove the payment of 15 ? . premium to
those Allottees , paid out of my own pocket , and of which the Chairman would not accept circumstantial evidence , asking Mr M'Grath , ' ¦ ' How do you know that ? DID YOU SEE THE MONEY PAID ? " And I also examined Mr Hornby as to the . p ayment of 70 / ., out of my own pocket , on account of tbe Company ; and submitted him as a purchaser at O'Connorville , for examination , but not a word would the Chairman ask him .
Well , to go further , I brought up at my own expense a two-acre Occupant , a three-acre Occupant , and a four-acre Occupant , from Lowbands ; they were in attendance all day , and the Chairman would not examine them The names of those men were "Webster , Lee , and Pratt . Pratt , a purchaser , and therefore having no interest . Webster , an operative ; and Lee , an over-looker ef factories for
fortyfour rear * . And I selected men of that class , in order to show the facility with which those mechanical labourers can acquire a knowledge of agriculture ; but they were allowed to go back unexamined , although the object of the Government , and their tools , is to prove the delusion that has been practised upon the working classes ; and the question now before the Committee is to inquire into their prosliects . and the power of re-production .
The next witnesses called by the Lnairman were—Mr Lawes , the barrister who drew the Health of Towns' Bill for the Government ; Air Tidd Pratt , the Revising Barrister ; and a Air Havens , for many years a Poor Law Coxnnusmissioner , and now Secretary to tbe Lorn-^ MrLawes declared that I had violated several statutes in the prosecution of my labours , and he declared that all my J ^ , ?* j £ property of the Company , and all tie property if the members who had signed tnedeed ^ rf * ltfcment , were liable for all * e debts of the the
KTToi 0 * was very FJnc £ which , above all others , I sought to establish , as the " Knobstick" lawyers have declared ttat the depositors in the Bank have no secu ^ rilv for their monies . Not to be mistaken , I mil give vou the question and answer . Q - Did I rigbtl v understan d you to say upon vtr la ? tl ; Sation , that not only » y F £ Pertv and the property which belong to the Wpanv , the connexion between the Com-Paavandthe Bank being now proved but tlat d * » U the property of the ^ several memters of the Company , was liable to the debts o . the Bank- ?
- -THE OPINION I EXPRESSED WAS Tms -THAT THE NATIONAL LAND BANK AND THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY WERE WE AND THE SAME CONCERN ; THAT TliE PARIIES IS TUB NATIONAL LAM ) ^• MPANY MERE PARTIES IN ThE 1 Mp'tfAL UND BANK . AND ^ RRlJ ; D to *« AT CONCERN ; AND BEING ^ T ER lN" THAT CONCERN THEY W 0 UM > ^ li 4 BLE , AS SUCH . TO ANY ENGAGEMtM * * H 1 CH THE CONCERN , AS THE NATION ^ ^ BANK MIGHT ENTER INTO . " . < * ' o » there is the opinion of a profession al
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gentleman , selected by the Government to frame their most important bills . He further stated , that all those persons engaged ia horse racing , where the chance depended upon the winner , were acting illegally , and that the promoters mi ght be sentenced to three months on the treadmill as rogues and vagabonds—that is , in those cases where " sweeps" are balloted for . He further stated that the law of England would treat a gentleman , whose conduct was most honourable and unsuspicious , as a rogue and vagabond , and he further admitted that the members of the Art Union , which was an illegal society , were indemnified against
liabilities by two Acts of Parliament , and that , subsequently , another act was passed to legalise them in their present illegal constitution—that is , that their every act is a violation of all the acts existing against lotteries , and that , nevertheless , in that shape they are legalised by Act of Parliament ; so that you see , any attempt at what is called the advancement of art can be legalised , while the attempt to advance the science of agriculture and of political economy , when the poor man is to have the benefit , is a violation of the law , and the promoter of such society is liable to be sent to the treadmill , as a rogue and a vagabond , for three months .
As to Mr Tidd Pratt , his memory was so short as to all cases connected with applications made for the enrolment of the National Land Company , that his evidence was wholly immaterial . Next came the staff of life , the ex-Poor Law Commissioner , the Secretary to the Commissioners , the sleek and fat Mr Revans , who did not appear to live upon pauper fare . This gentleman had been sent , in March , by the board , to examine the Land Company ' s estates , and he declared that the farmers' crops in the neighbourhood were very superior to those
at O'Connorville and Lowbands . He was examined on Friday last , and again on Wednesday , and , in the meantime , he took a trip to Lowbands on Monday , drove through Snig ' s End without alighting , or stopping , and drove through Lowbands without alighting , except at one allotment , and only conversing with one occupant —that occupant was Lee , from Exeter , and he estimated his wheat crop at thirty-six bushels to the acre , while the farmers in the neighbour hood , and several members of the Committee ,
who have done me the honour to visit Snig s End and Lowbands , estimate the crop at over fifty bushels to the acre . And , as a matter of course , all will understand that this impartial ofiicial examined the BEST allotment . But , in his drive , looking right and left , as he said , and not being able to see much , which is a fact , as the estate is cut off from the high road by cottier tenants , he declared from this superficial glance that Lee ' s was the best that he had seen , and that even that was not superior to the farmers' wheat in the neighbourhood .
Now , in answer to this , I will allow him to take any 150 acres of land lying together , and under the best system of farming , from London to Gloucester , and he wiil not show me as much good wheat as there is upon Lowbands in the first year of its reclamation . However , to his evidence . You are aware of what the faculty call too good a witness—this man declared over and ever again , that an agricultural labourer could not live upon the produce of the
THREE BEST ACRES OF LAND IN ENGLAND , without paying any rent whatever for it . I put the crops to him in the rudest way , and I'll give you his produce of the best three acres in England—An acre of potatoes , he says , will produce six tons ; an acre of wheat , twenty-four btjshels ; and the other acre , under green crops , he estimates will support a cow , whose produce he valued at 8 f . a year . Now what do you think—Firstly . Of this practical agriculturist ; and , Secondly . What do you think of the fare , even at his average of produce , as compared with the Poor Law diet .
Here the poor rr . an would have twenty-four bushels of wheat ; two stone and ahalf of potatoes a day , and a gallon of milk , which he estimates the cow will give ; and he says he will make no allowance for vegetables . Now , what do you think of such a hero as that ? Well , but ; he says more—he says that plough husbandry is vastly superior to spade husbandry , and that the inevitable result of the Land Plan will be an annual crop ef paupers , as no man can hold his allotment longer than one year , which will secure a settlement . And he says , that if one
man becomes a pauper , and if another man purchases from him , and cemes with capital , that that man also will be a pauper in the course of the year ; and yet this hero boasts of being a practical agriculturist . He says that the average amount of agricultural labourers is two to every one hundred acres ; and M'Culloch says there are twelve million acres under cultivation , so that , as a matter of course , according to his calculation , there are only six hundred thousand agricultural labourers in the kingdom . Now here is a statician for VOU ,
' Well , but he has said a little on the wrong side—that is the wrong side for the Government—he says that the land of England is not cultivated to one-sixtb part of its capability of yielding ; and he makes the unfortunate admission , which is at once an answer to the principal objection of the Free Tradersnamely , that the mechanical labourers brought from the large towns , are certain in the long run to make better agricultural labourers than those at present constituting that class , ltold would
this gentleman and the chairman , that ! bet either or both 100 / ., that from 1 st of next March , I would take five acres of land at ol . los . per acre , and that in five years from that dajyl would purchase it out and out from the profits , and that they should send a bailiff to keep an account . Jos . Hobson is tbe next witness selected by the Chairman for examination , so now you may judge of the feeling with which this Committee was granted ; but you may rely upon it , that in spite of the Government and its tools , that the LAND PLAN
SHALL GO ON ; and you may also rely upon it , that as every dog will have its day , when mv turn comes , that I will make such an exposure of the Government with reference to this I and Plan , and of some of their aiders and abettors , as will astonish them and the country . It is my intention to g . ve you a compendium of the whole evidence in a double number of the "Labour ^ next month , and then every man wto Judge s for himself will be able to say , tf Sere hupf * record a single instance of a Company ' s affairs being so honourably , so profitabl ^ a ' nd so economically managed
| STOKWSSiS m 0 rtg 3 f to 1 on with tbe re-productive system prepared to go on wltn F ^ ^^ ^ . ^ St iMoe . not bccoin . drferio . rated in value . There was one other admission made by be
' 7 fn « ant . upon the outlay i and , come-
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house , like ours , the rent of the house alone would be £ 14 . a year . There is nothing like spurring a man by oppression ; and now , as I am told by high legal authority that the property is mine , and that I can do what I like with it , I will reduce the rents to £ 4 per cent , upon the outlay ; and , if the government imagines that the savings of the poor are not to be equally protected with the properties of the rich , when their oppesition is so strongly manifested as to justify me in a new course , I will confine my whole and undivided attention to hurling them from office , —and I'll do it .
And I assure you , my friends , that there is no man living more fondly , unequivocally , and disinterestedly , attached to any plan , than I am to the Land Plan . They will seek to drive me into the violation of some of their blasted laws , in order to destroy the Plan by separa . ting me from its advocacy ; but , as one of the speakers said , at the first meeting of the Irish League , " One pair of hands , free , is worth ten pair in prison , " I will preserve my freedom to establish your liberty . And I assare you , that more can be done by an INDIVIDUAL within the law than outside the law ,
out when a community confederates , much may be done without the law . If there is any obstacle in the way of carrying out thi Plan , it originates with the located members , because if there was a million of money subscribed , and a theusand located , the fortunate thousand would imagine that they had the best title t 9 the remainder of the funds ; and this has been always my greatest difficulty , — one which , however , I have been resolute enough to overcome . Men write to me and tell me . that if this is not done , and that is
not done , they will communicate their grievances through the Press . I allow them , I defy them ; and , henceforth , nothing will be done but what the rules strictly sanction . A man from Snig ' g End , writes to the Manchester locality , and declares that the work upon that estate has not been performed in a workmanlike manner , and this is my answer to his fabrication . Let two honest men—the one a carpenter , and the other of any other class , —be sent to Snig ' s End and Lowbands , which are close to each other , —I will cheerfully pay the whole of their expenses , —and let them make their report to the locality ; and what I assert is this , that there is not work in England performed in a MORE workmanlike manner .
Now , let this be done , or let those fellows for ever hold their peace ; but , as I have often said , there are some men who , if I boiled the mutton , would expect me to feed them with the broth . I ask the working classes , once more , whether they think there is any other gentleman in the world who would give up his time gratuitously for the benefit of the working classes ? And I further ask those cavillers—and , thank God , they are but lewwhether they think that I would take insolence for my reward ? Perhaps , those gentlemen are not aware that the management of their affairs is at this moment costing me from £ 10 to £ l 2 a-week—and , therefore , when I labour , and pay for labouring for them , I have a right to expect , and will command , respect .
Now , a word for the " Morning Chronicle , " and then I will conclude this letter . My practice is to give the ravings of the Press unmutilated , and then to answer them . Here is tbe lucubration from the " Chronicle" of this ( Thursday ) morning : —
( From the . Morning Chronicle , of July 13 th . ) The Select Committee on the "National Land ' scheme has how published some reports , which , however , con > tain nothing but evidence . The declaration of the committee ' s opinion is reserved for a future occasion . The evidence given in the first report is mainly directed to the question of complete registration , the legal necessity for it , and the legal consequences of its not having been obtained . On this subject Mr Whitmarsh , the Registrar of Joint Stock Companies , was examined at great length . Two of his answers i 87 and 89 ) establish fully the proposition contained in a former article on this subject , namely , that Mr O'Connor , having purchased the laDd in his own name , and having had it conveyed to him , was under no legal disability to convey it to the wiuning
shareholders in his lottery—in other words , that he did not need , as he pretended , an Act o . f Parliament ' to enable him to be honest . ' From the first he knew that there was nothing in the Act to preclude him either from purchasing propertj , or from setting it , lor he did Bell a part of what be bad purchased , and boasts on moro occa . sions than one of the profit he made by the transaction . He knew , therefore , that this demand of an Act of Parliament , for ' the purpose of enabling him to behenest , ' was a mere pretence for delay—was a delusion to the poor people who confided in him—a mockery of their confidence—a- snare which would hold them in quiet submissive patience , while he enjoyed the nominal , and per . haps substantial , advantages of being the full legal
owuer of those extensive lands which he had purchased with their money . Without giving him credit for being , in the technical sense of the word , a lawyer , he knew enough of law to be aware that if he could convey to a pur . chaser , he could also convey to the aUottees , and could make a title exactly as good in one as ia the other . Had the wish existed , the means were there—and there was no stipulation as to the payment of rent-charge which he could not have imposed , and to which they could not , so far as the laws was concerned , have bound themselves . There does not appear to have been any such wish ; for one of tke witnesses , Mr Chinery , says ( 319 ) that the aUottees do not possess any title to their own allotments , either in the shape of leases or grants . There was no legal reason why they should not have either or both .
We pass ovei the numerous questions put by Mr O'Connor , to obtain evidence of the unbounded faith reposed in him by the poor unfortunate people who subscribe to hit scheme . The directors , though from a different motive doubtless , equally allowed him to have his own way . The directors are the Ministers of that society , of which he is the Autocrat ; and if , like the augurs of old , they can look each other in the face without laughing , while they think of the credulity of the unhappy subscribers , they mu 5 tpos 6 e 5 B a gravity of countenance which isnot easily attainable by any one , nor attainable at all by men who honestly express in their countenances the feel , ings of their minds . The interests of his followers , whom in this scheme he ( elevates into his companions , to em . ploy as his tools , sufficiently account for the obsequiousness with which they bend to his wishes , perform his bidding , and vouch for his character . Let us see how bia unbounded faith , so obtruded on the notice of the
committee , acts on the affairs of the subscribers . Mr Philip M'Greth ( 804 ) , a journeyman dyer , and ' a master for a short time , ' stand recorded as director and financial secretary As director he is ignorant enough , but as financial secretary his ignorance is startling . He cannot Droiuce any authority for the treasurer to spend the money of the Company . Mr O'Connor is the acting treasurer , thoug h Mr Roberts bears the name of the office . This perhaps , is of itself a sufficient explanation of the matter Mr M'Grath hands over to Mr M'Gowan , who holds vo office , but is Mr O'Connor ' s private agent , the monev of the subscribers , receives no vouchers for it , andldoes ' not know how it is disposed of , la mode of if it attests his faith in his chieftaw
proceeding which , , manifests , at the same time , his indifference towards the duties of tbe office he has affected to undertake . He is 5 ESSSSS « G 8 « £ r- ? Bft £ 2 r ess tswv . fiJTsasfSB m " on But thoug h the laws of the Company require all smh votes to be in writing ( 725 ) , he never produces this written authority , and ia bis answer to tins Particular question avows that that rule has not been abided by . He is finally forced to admit ( 1 , 859 ) that , upon ^ reading over the minute book , which pretends to record the meetin ? K an * proceedings 'there wae no such vote at either
any one ) of the meetings which are tliere recoraea , " anu fe is obi eed afterwards to add , that 'there is no other hnok keDt by me . ' What other book was kept , except one hv Mr Wheeler which he cannot find , he does not tell ; nor taking the whole evidence together does there ap . « earto bl the slghtest reason to believe that the affairs of this pretended Company are managed with that rVcalarity , and recorded with that clearness , which can alone insure and evidence an honest application of itS We htve seen that the allottees have no legal title , by conveyance , lease , or otherwise , to their allotments . Let Zmo « reoe ' at , that tbe « is no ega impediment to tniiact tohibiti
their having one ; and having calieo . uten Ion t may be as well just to give one moment ' s conrfdwaiion to what it is which the proposed company pre-^ dJd to offer to the acceptance of the subscribers , and Vt . ' » tft is which they have got for their money : "The Vatfona Land Company has been called into existence , ' fflvs the introduction to its laws , " to pioneer the way in h eloriou work of social emancipation . Its particular , hiect ? s the benefit of it * members : its general object , to d , nt out the means of rendering permanently pros-P IZ . condition of the industrious millions . " It is £ wavs desirabl e that even virtue itself should act by vir aiwajsuesii "" munvare of opinion that it eannot act iTSSS' » S £ »« 'o »< " ™> «¦"»!•• , Hffi . ^^ i" ^ = ^ a S BSStssair ^ Ffefi ^ ffiKw JK
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( 1 , ' 59 ) , " How masy tickets were put up in the last ballot ?¦ And the answer is , " About 19 , 000 in the four-aere Class , ahout 8 , 000 iu thetwo-acre class , and between 3 , 0 ( 10 ana 4 , 800 in the three , acre class . " We have here 26 , 500 in all . " Hoiv many prizes were therrtf-102 or 103 . " Is this the mode to elevate the depressed "industrious millions ? Can they by such means be made owners of the soil , or are thej not lured away from honesttoil and regu . lar self supporting industry to try the desperate chances of a lottery , in which . failure is all but certain , and buc . cess next to a miracle ?
But when success has been attained , what is its value ? The scale of the rent charged declared in one of the ruled ( p . 5 « , Appendix to Second Report ) shall answer the ques tion— " flic prineiple which shall regulate the rental of the allotment shall be dib upon an expenditure of £ 83 6 s , 8 d ., and five per cent , upon all additional capital which way be required . " This brings it to nearly six per cent ., and added to this there seem to be charges for ( 8 Dn " a directors' levy . " or < 9 » 2 ) an "Expense Fur . d . " If this heavy rental could be levied upon sqaalifarjBB in England , it might , by a very careful and economic ntlministration , be made to reproduce cnounh to supply a few fresh allotments yearly ; but , in the first place , it cannot 0 e levied if the tenant is to live ; and , in the next , to pret'ind t
tha , by any scheme of reproducing capitul , the 23 , 697 disappointed expectants of the first ballot could ever be relUved from their disappointment , is to pretend some , thing eo absurdly false , that even the believers of the Veiled Prophet , or of Johanna Southcot , or of Thom of Canterbury , would treat the pretence with sovereign contempt . : If each disappointed shareholder should livs to twlca the ago of MetbuBnlem , he would die inthegreenness of youthful expectation of the coming of such an iVcnt . ' Yet tbe pretence that such ' an event is possible Is still made , and will continue to be made . It answer * the purpose and wins more dupes . It is , however , on this point alone that the concoctors of the scheme show themselves not to be daunted by any trifling difficulties in making assertions , as the followiue , which was read by a
member of the committee ia putting question 1 , 64 V , will amply prove : — " Th ? Attorney-General has been applied to for bis certificate under the new l . iw ; his reply is , that though our society is a perfectly legal one , he dare not certify it , for by its means the members will become possessed of all the landlnthekingdom , and the directory become stronger than the general government . " The reckless and audacious falsehood of this statement slip , passes all bounds of decency ; but the making of it implies the confidence of its authors in the immeasurable ignoranee and folly of those to whom it was addressed . That confidence , we regret to say , seems warranted by their readiness in subscribing , and their patience in waiting for an allotmont of that . whioh . even when granted , urnst be held upon conditions that will rendfr prosperity impos . sible and distress and destitution certain .
Spooney , if you had supposed that I would have submitted the above folly to rational and reflecting men , I doubt whether you would have published it . You thoHght it would have answered for your little coterie of 2 , 000 , which , I am informed , is the amount of your circulation , since you ratted to the Peel-Lincoln policy—and now , mark my answer . Firstly . —You . say that the printed Report only contains the evidence given before the Committee . Why , you wiseacre , what else could it contain , and must you wait for the decision of the Committee to draw your own conclusions ? while you fabricated evidence , and commented upon it , when your reporter was admitted to the Committee .
Second / if . —You say that Mr O'Connor has the legal right to give conveyances to the allottees , because he exercised the legal right of giving a conveyance to a purchaser . Now , if you can comprehend the most simple of all questions , mark the difference—in the one case , I have the legal right , but could not equitably exercise it , because the money of the Company , being the property of all its meanbers , it would be an injustice to assess tbe rent upon the outlay upon any one estate—and , therefore , I have decided to equalise it over a given number—thus establishing right , and
diminishing caprice ; and it is my intention immediately to take the four estates that are finished , and to assess the rent equitably upon them . You must observe , that I am not writing for your enlightenment , as that would be a hopeless undertaking . So mueh upon the question of conveyance to the allottees ; and now , SpoonGy , for your parallel—namely , the conveyance of an estate to a single purchaser . Now , that is a distinct and whole question in itself , and is only regulated by the amount of profit with which 1 may be tempted . There is no intervening technicality , nor calculation , nor moral impediment , in the latter case .
Thirdly . — 'You are astonished that the Directors of the Land Company should have names—but I think that O'Connor , M'Grath , Clark , Doyle , and Dixon , sound as well as Ea 9 thope , Delane , Black , Doyle , and Tibbitts . I do not give these as the names of your present Directors , as misfortune has caused your rag to change hands , but they are the names of a previous board ; and , while I am on the subject , I will tell you an anecdote about one
of your staff . He was formerly the editor of the " Times , " and the late Mr Walter , who had a very shrewd eye and clear knowledge of the productions of that official , told him that he had observed very unpalatable hashes of the same dish in the " Times , '" and that he feared the cook had exhausted his recipes ; but , he observed , you will not be damaged , as the " Morning Chronicle" requires an editor , and , no doubt , your spices will be new to the pa « lates of its readers .
Fourthly , —You say that the Financial Secretary receives no voucher from Mr M'Gowan for the weekly amounts paid to him . Spooney , you did not read the evidence , or you would have found that it contradicts you . Fifthly , —You take the rules of the Land Company to be as unalterable as the laws of the Medes and Persians , when you speak of the standard by which the rent was originally to be estimated , which you set down at si . ? per cent ., well knowing that that iule was rescinded at the very first Conference . And do you not think that we had quite as much right to do that , as you had to raise the price of the Chronicle from 4 d . to 5 d ., when you renounced
all your former principles—if ever you had any—and became the stuttering mouthpiece of Peel and his staff of juvenile politicians-Spooney , I am told that the Chronicle is heavily mortgaged , and that you and your coslrives are hard set to get a crust out of it ; therefore , what I would recommend you all to do is , to adopt the p lan of the rats before an old house tumbles—leave it , and come and stand the ballot for five four-acre allotments ; and if it is in the power of human ingenuity , I will make you honest and industrious men . I remain , Spooney , Your sincere and sympathising friend , Feargos O'Connor .
Now , my friends , do you want any further proof of the ignorance , the folly , and prostitu tion of thoseVsreatures , who sit in a cock-loft in the Strand ^ writing' for hire on subjects of which they understand about as much as an Irish pig does of geometry ; they buy vegetables in Covent Garden-market , and think they are grown in some of the back streets in the City . This Land Plan chokes them , because they can ' t comprehend it—they have not orig inated it—they cannot write upon it , as it is susceptible of practical illustration , while they are compelled to confine themselves to theoretical speculations about which the whole Press may differ , yet every paper may have its disciples . I remain , Your faithful friend and bailiff , Feargus O'Connor .
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! Malton . —The members of this branch of the Land Company are requested to meet at the houBe of John Beatty , Newboggin , Malton , on Monday evening next , at seven o'clock , to elect officers tor tbe aext twelve months , and transact other business . Cheltenham . —At a public meeting held on Mon . day Ju y 10 lb , the following resolution was unanimously adopted : — 'That in order to carry out the resolution passed by the National Assembly , as regards the Liberty Fund , we , the members of the iheltenbatH locality , agree to Bubscribe one penny a week for twelve weekB , independent of our general subscription , and earnestly recommend all other looaitieB to do likewise . NoTTisauAii . -The council on Sunday last apnointed Mr George Harrison , late of Culyertoa , resorter to the Stab for this district .
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IRELAND . " Alas ! poor country , Almost afraid to know iteelf . " Irishmen , —Countrymen , In God ' s name how long is the reign of terror to last in our unhappy country ? Is it not a melancholy thing to see Irish patriots daily snatched from society by the Saxon oppressor ? And is it not still more melancholy to find the whimperings of an hereditary leader standing in the way of Irish regeneration ? In England the oppressor is putting his house in order , to prepare for a meditated onslaught upon the Irish people . The bludgeon men are now being trained to tBe sword exerciSe . ih orcfe ?
to act as substitutes for those troops whose presence it is presumed will be required in famine land , while Irishmen are sentenced to seven years' transportation for learning the use of those arms , by which oppressors continue their misrule . My countrymen , the horrible policy of living upon the credulity of an enthusiastic people , has brought Ireland to her present condition , and from which she can only be relieved by the solid organisation of a majority of her sons , determined 'to assert their rights . I predicted every result that has been produced by the " Gagging Bill . " In the commencement of
the Session , I told our tyrant ministers that they would lose Canada and Ireland , and I have not since had reason to retract that opinion . But , my countrymen , to say the truth , your want of union and want of courage makes me a coward . Yes , I speak the truth when 1 tell you that the law may be now strained to destroy any man who loves liberty , and boldly proclaims his opinions ; and yet , much as I have been reviled by the Irish party , now that the Saxon has drawn the sword , I , for one , shall be prepared to fill any gap made in the ranks of my country by the laws of the tyrant .
It is a fearful position to be placed in , to be afraid to speak one ' s mind , and I can only console myself for the bondage , by the fact that our present rulers would rather separate me from the cause of the people than fill a transport with other convicts ; and , therefore , any rashness or folly upon my part might jeopardise the people ' s cause , while the people themselves are disunited . I dare say that thousands , yea , millions , are now asking or thinking what Feargus O'Connor is doing ; and my answer to all is , that I am watching every move of the enemy , and not weakening my strength by
exposing mv weakness . My countrymen , the African butchers may slaughter the heroes of the French Republic in cold blood , but Labour will have its victory . The ruthless ruffians shot 650 prisoners in cold blood , in one gang . They immersed thousands of others in water , in the hope of drowning them , while confined in cellars ; and yet the cause of Labour will triumph . In England they have convicted the Chartist prisoners , and sentenced them to the most
horrible punishment , upon evidence that would not hang a dog . In Ireland your best men are being torn from amongst you , and all in the hope of striking a timely blow ; at the growing ; enthusiasm of the age . But it will fail ; and rely upon it that vengeance will accomplish what was refused to justice . Not only in France , but in Ireland , the reign of tyranny is increased . In both countries the power of the Press , for good , is all but destroyed , whilst its evil propensities are cherished and hounded against the people .
Now , in the midst of such a state of things , is there no mode of getting up such a simultaneous agitation in both countries { as will paralyse faction , and inspire the people with hope ? My answer is , "YES ; " and next week I will propound the plan by which , without striking a blow , Labour may achieve its triumph . You can form no estimate of the extent to which the present Government has prepared its spy machinery , and of the traps that it has
had for the unwary ; but without Secret Service Money 1 have , through the Police and the Detective force , as good information as the Government ; and although the Alien Act has passed , I beg to apprise the English Chartists , that it is through the instrumentality of foreigners that the Home Office is doing its work and , therefore , I ask them in the name of God , in the name of justice , in the name of common sense , and of Chartism , not to gratify the enemy by falling into their snares .
No one supposes for a moment that Mitchel will much longer remain in exile , or that Jones and his fellow victims will be allowed to eke out their two years in worse than banishment ; and I tell you , my countrymen , and I tell the English Chartists , that if my plan of organisation and agitation is followed out , that it will be impossible for any Government longer to oppress both countries ; and , if it is not carried out , while I am ready to take my full share in all the responsibility , terror , if it continues ,
must be the accepted lot of the sufferer . Would to God , that I were in a situation to write my feelings without the dread of those conseq uences which the Act would entail upon my party—however , I tell you , and I tell your oppressors , that if the people are wise , courageous , and united , it is impossible to resist their just and righteous demand while , if the people are foolish , cowardly , and disunited , they themselves , and not their rulers , are chargeable with their misery . I remain , your faithful Friend and Countryman , Feahgus O'Connor .
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CAUTION TO THE PEOPLE .
Any remarks on the morality of the present ministry would be superfluous ; they have by deputy appeared in conrt , and their character as a ministry is public property , and likely to take its place in due time , among the notorious of the present and past ages , including men of all ranks and characterfrom Richard the Third , to Richard Turpin , David Haggart , Jonathan Wild , and all others famous by flood or field . Experience , however , as manifested in the transactions of 1819 and 1839 , leave ample evidence to make us cautious of men who assume the name aud gesture of patriots , proposing desperate schemes and daring acts , having in their Dockets the wages of despotism , and assuring their
dupes that they can always , with ease and security , over turn the government . I think a time like the present , when many men are driven to desperation by want , and are apt to cling to any scheme , however absurd or ridiculous , that carries with it even the semblance of change , and when others are suffering from disappointment , partly resulting from their ignorance of the nature of man , and the constitution of the society in which they live , and partly attributable to an instinctive enthustesm , inseparable from their very existence , which causes them to feel more keenly the pangs of disappointed
hope , and therefore be the more ready to join in desperate exploits—I think , Sir , that a time like the present , may be the hatching ^ reason of secret conspiracies , that will end in ruin and trouble to all honest men who may be unfortunately iuduc ° d to join them . I hope , therefore , that all your readers will be cautious of what they do ; secret conspiracy is bad in prineiple and experience has proved that its effects have been fatal to the progress of genuine libprty . In England , society nor government never can be changed by any secret conclave . Open , determined , and firm action , supported by reason , and a respect for the
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right of others , are the only legitimates mea ^ s 0 f effecting changes in our laws , institutions , and government ; no other means ever can , or ought to be successful . The above remarks are penned , in the best possible spirit , of course , I do not suppose that a ministry so honourable as the Russell Cabinet , who have in their devotion to justice , filled the witness box with policemen ( tbe literary and moral character ofIhe force being beyond all dispute ) whose , evidenae has been received against political offenders . A mi . aistry who , in their respect for public security and liberty of the subject , have actually organised a system of seeret espionage . On the aid of policemen , who appear disguised and dressed in plain clothes , at our public meetines , as the legal conservative of
the rights and privileges of British citizens . Al honour to the land of Milton , Hampden , and Sydney Such a ministry surely would not stoop to per . petuate public existence , by following in the wvke and imitating the despicable practices of Sidir-futh and Castlereagh . Such a thought would be iliibera in the extreme . The modem Whigs , proverbia for their honour , probity , and virtue , coulu not would not resort to such practices . But to be forewarned , is to be forearmed—and I repeat , beware of wolves in sheeps clothing—have no connexion with secret sscieties—be a party to no conspiracy—the oily-tongued villain flatters to betray , and let the experience of the past be a guide to you for the future . Thanking the editor for the privilege of addressing you , I am , as ever , yours truly , July 13 th , 1848 . Samuel Kydd .
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DEATH . On Tuesday last , at her residence , HoIborn . Landon Mitrgaret Clark , the wife of Tlioma * Clark , one of tin Directors of the National Land Company . BIRTH . ssrb ^ &asasnas are doing well .
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THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE Fellow Countrymen , It is with , foelings of wp feigned regret thatjmj call your attention to the present results of the trials of our friends , as reported in the columns of the press . It is not our intention or wish to enter into the causes of this unfortunate calamity . To merit our sympathy and support , it is sufficient for us to know that these men suffer for the people ' s cause . To some of them we are specially related . Our respected coadjutor , Mr Ernest Jones , is well known to you all . To say the least of bin ] , he is a gentleman of talent , patriotism , and bravery ; and , since his connexion with the movement , he has , we
believe , to the best of his knowledge and ability served the interests of democratic right and popular progression . Such a man is no criminal ; he may be legally convicted , but he is morally acquitted . Self-sacrifice and devotion to great principles are virtues fought for among many , but found among few . The sentences of these men we think unnecessarily severe . Two years in a prison makes a fearful gap in the life of a man—a loss which cannot be made up nor compensated by any arnoun of attachment or honour shown by those for whose rights the prisoner has contended . But if we cannot bring back time , and restore active energy and intelligence—if we cannot give freedom to tha enslaved—we can , at least , be grateful for the sacrifice , and succour and support the wives and children of our friends .
Fellow Countrymen , this will be a part of your duty , and we hesitate not to say that you will discharge it nobly . We know your poverty and distress in many instances ; but we also know your humanity and attachment to those holy principles for which we have all borne the persecution of lawthe insults , contumely , and insolence of bigoted ignorance and interested abuse , and for which we will struggle until successful , or spend our time , talents , and energy to death itself . The result rests with you , The law has triumphed . The Attornej -General , in his own proper person—the legal representative of the Crown—has sat in the court of the Old Bailey , and , with all the pomp and dignity of office , has charged a jury composed of London tradesmen—the veritable middle classes of this
commercial metropolis—to find men guilty of sedition , riot , and illegal meeting . Evidence was produced ; hired reporters and policemen have sworn to speak the truth ; the crown lawyers prepared their witnesses ; the judge explained the law , and passed sentence ; the reporters conveyed the news to the wondering world ; the unfortunate men now look through their prison bars ; and of course the admirers of Whig administration exult triumphantly , and speak in glowing eulogy of the freedom and liberty of the British subject .
Let us pause ,- » tbc law has triumphed , and we obey the law . But who made the law ? The Whigs nominated the Attorney-General , — the electors elected the members of ihe House of Commons ! land monopoly , force , and fraud , bribery and corruption , swayed the balance of power amongst the electors . The Attorney-General is , in name and law , the representative of the Crown , but in office and act the prosecutor on behalf of ft corrupt and despotic faction of Her Majesty ' s subjects . The law has triumphed—the prisoners are condemned—but by whom were they found guilty ? By ajury , not composed of men , their equals in knowledge or circumstances . No : the electors must
judge the non-electors . In free England liberty means privilege and power to the few ; punishment and vassalage to the many . These men were tried by a jury of loyal special constables ; men who , on and after the 10 th of April , had sworn to protect property in name , and break the heads of the Chartists in necessity . Minute points of law—abstract questions of right—historical references on the usages of public meeting for centuries—complicated evidence—well-reasoned defences by counsel of great ability—were all considered duly by twelve
London shopkeepers m some twenty minutes , and every thing was so plain , that a verdict for tbe Crown was the unerring result . We honour the theory of trial by jury , and will respect its practice , when the jury is chosen from the people and not selected from a class . Call you such a trial justice ? we pronounce it law , constitutional law , of course in a nation where six-sevenths of the male ad « S population are without the pale of the constitution , having no power over the laws but to obey them ; no interest in taxes but to pay them .
The law has triumphed , but r . ; ' ¦ changed that wide spread distress thatknowt u <» Liu . ' -s , and has penetrated the home of every <•>> , ¦ -emm ; i the k : iJ ! Has it destroyed that isolatior .-in , sf . juiratjon of mi tercsts and classes that make : iir r . itnibe" - - of i ^ same commonwealth look or . -. ' <> (•' :. ¦ . 'i her as ejiemic-i .-has it brought men nearer ... > i i ^ h otiwii in their thoughts and sympathies ? has ii fus : er ? 'J . '; .: affections of the people towards their rule :- ; nan its triumph improved the people mentally or m .-rally ? has it clothed the naked or fed the hungry ? All that can be said in reply to these questions is the stereotyped phrase , that ' the law has triumphed , ' — yes , we know it , and we also know that its triumph is barren of goad and fertile of evil .
We shall be disappointed indeed if these lessons be lost on you . They only serve to renew our energy and strengthen out eouvage . We leave doubts for children , tears for women , and ask for courage , resolution , and energy from you . It is for the thinking minds of this age to solve the problem , of whether England is to be in the future a free nation or a monied despotism—whether justice shall lay prostrate and withered at the feet of power , or sit enshrined in the hearts and honoured in the institutions of a free people . Your demand for political enfranchisement is in keeping with progressive intelligence . It is a moderate demand , as catholic in its spirit as it is civilising in its tendency .
Unity of feeling , concert of action , and organisation of means , are the elements of yoursucceBS . They constitute the lever by which you will change society , amend laws , and secure good government Go on , then , with your organisation . Let every well-wisher of the movement , who has not already joined Ihe body , do so n 6 W . Become as practical and energetic as you are numerous , and you will be powerful , and ever prepared to give to the Executive of your choice the support which is indispensable to ensure success .
Hoping you will remember , with gratitude and respect , the sufferings of your patriotic brethren , and honour their martyrdom by being earneBt in your struggle for right agaiust might , and continue bold and uncompromising in your demands for your own and your children ' s Charter , We are the servants of the people , Signed on behalf of the Executive , Samuel Kydd . John M'Cbak .
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V 0 L ^ i J - LONDON Saturday ; july 15 , 1848 , " ^ igjgiy ^
To The Members Op The Land Company.
TO THE MEMBERS OP THE LAND COMPANY .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1479/page/1/
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