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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th June 1848, Edition 1 of 3, Page 2, Untitled Ad

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  • Departments (2)
    • COiTesponuence*
    • ' ^EFFECTUAL CURE FOR PILES, FISTULAS, fa.
  • Adverts (5)
  • Text (12)
  • Transcript

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      Untitled Ad

      ABERNETHY'S PILE OINTMENT . M * r , a noKOUS disease is the Piles ! and comparatirely how fewoftheaSictad Jsava been penna-VU - ^ . u ^ rld b ? Sr 3 f o £ v 4 p »«> ' «» Ke 4 ical S * - ThU - no doubt *""" from th « use rf Pf ?^ aperienu l ^ n ^ v ^ toinL ^ d b / the ProfessUu ; indeed , strong internal medicine should always be avoided in all * feq ? rtuLmS The Proprietor of the above Ointment , after years of acute suffering , placed himsetfunder -ses 0 I ^ f 5 jKninent surgson , Mr Abernethj , was by him restored to perfect health , andhas enjoyed it erer So ^ S tt , Sh ^ retu ™! me Disorder , o / er a period of fifteen year ,, during which time the same Aber-^^ Prescription ha * beeatke infeins of healing a vas t number ofdesperata cases , both in l and out of the rro-Srie ^ s d ? c « of frieudB . most of which c » S « had been under Medical care and some of them toajer / ^ g IS , ^ Srrf lbTnethj ' s Pile Ointment was introduced to the Public by the desire of many who had been perfect y SSrfbTitt a ^ Son and since its introduction , tbe fame of this ointment has spread far and wide ; even the ^ lSvri « j * i * w and unwilling to acknowledge the virtues of anj Medicine not prepared , by them . ^^ d . ntwS aud frinkly admit that Abernetby ' s Pile Ointment , ii not only a valuable preparation , but a H ^ lS ^^^^ ' ^ W ^ SSffirtSS : Multitudes of cases of its emcacymli bt J ^ KSthe wture of tbe < 2 mplaL did not render those who hare been . ured , unrrtlling to pubhsh t&eir names- qoantiry of three 4 s . 6 d . pots in one for l » i with full directions Sold in ^ J ^ t 'Vtie plopHeter ) No ,. 31 , Napiw-. trect , ribxton New Town , London , where also can iSured e ^ pftent MedicineTr ^ iti , direct from the original makers , with an allowance on taking •* £ 6 a tine . i-rpwvittttt" « put OINTMEVT . ' The public are requested to be on their guard • Be sure to . Mk for ^™/ KSl l »««« e canpoM ba H ^ olM a """* ^^ I ^^ TtheZr ' ernmentSp afced to each pot , ts . 6 ( L . which U the lowest price the proprietor 18 babied to seil it at , owing to the Sre * t espwue of the lngredwnta . ^

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      llE ^ SfiS

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      f ^ S y cirlF ^ nPS ^ ra The extensive praettce of ff § j § r-Z | IS R 8 fit * I Me 55 rs s - and L - FBSBY and pif . &- ' h- m &&iJadwt >< i Co ., tht eontinued demand for their ' -srbrk , entitled , the -SILEST FRIEND . ' cone hundrei and twenty-five thoasand copies of which have beon Mid ) , and the extensive sale and high repute of their Medicines have induced some unprincipled penons to assume the name of PERRY and closely imitate the title of the Work and names of ths Medicines . The public is hereby cautioned that such persoas are not in iny way coantctea witi the firm of R . and L . PERRY and Co ., of London , who do sot visit tbe Provinces , and are only to be consulted personally , or by letter , at their Establishment . 19 . Berners-Btreet , Oxford-street , London .

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      the bonds of matrimony . Disquietudes and j ars between aarried couples are traced to Sepend , Ih the majority of instances , on causes resulting from physical imperfection ! andlerrors , aad the means for their removal are ihownto be within reach , and effectual . Tee operation of eertain disqualifications is fully examined , and infoli . citous and -unproductive unions shown to be the ncces . ; ary consequence . The causes and remedies for tbis state form an important consideration in this section of the work .

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      CELEBRATED THROUGHOUT THB GLOBE . IIOLLOWAI'S OINTMENT . CURE OF FISTULOUS SORES AND PLEURISY . Extract of a Letter from Mr Robert Calvert , Chemist , Srakesley , dated , September 3 rd , 1847 . To Professor Holloway . Sie , —Mr Thompson , National SsboOlmaBter of this town , desires me to send you the particulars of hie SOB who had been bad for tferee years and a half , and has received the greatest benefit by the usa of your pills and ointment . He is of a scrofuloui constitution ; a pleurisy had left a large collection of matter in tho chest , and this eventually formed ft passage through the wales ol the chest , and ended in three fistulous sores which , discharged large quantities of pus , when he was induced to try your pills and ointment , at this data he was apparently in a dyi « p conditioa ; the stomach rejected every-; hing it took . Your pil l * and ointment had tha effect of completely curing both the cough and stomach affections , bis strength and flash are also restored , his appetite ksen , sad digestion good . There is every pr « spect that a little further continuance of your madicines trill finish the cure ( Signed ) Robert Caiyeit .

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      Blusuiso in IIeaves . —While Raphael wag enraged in painting his celebrated frescoes , he was visited by two cardinals , ^ ho began to crifciciee hit work , and found fault without understanding it . * The Apostle Paul has too red a face , ' said one . ' He blushes evsn in Heaven to see ipto _ what hands the Caurch ha 3 fallen , ' eaid tho indignant artist .

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      THE CTOREKCr QUESTION , EKF 0 R 3 f , RATIONAL BASSRVPICY , OR REVOLUTION . [ The following poatcrlpt was attached to the letter signed ' A . Z ., junier , ' which appeared iathe Stab of Saturday last , ] Perhaps I ought to explain to you why , in the face of my former ' Tory' predilections , I havo adopted Chartist principle * , not bicauss of an ; importance attaching to the conversion of such a humble individual as I happen to be , but because you might otherwise conoolvo that I am , ia some measure , insincere in addressing myself to you —the avowed organ of the Chartist creed . The truth is , the conduct of the overwhelming majority of fto present House of Commons has proved to be so utterly disappointing—not to say disgusting—as to deprive anj man , possessed of common judgment , of the least hope that they ever will or can attempt to pass . any measure

      calculated to benefit the labouring classes and the country at large ; end while reading your papers I disc 9 vered principles therein advocated—nobly and warmly advocated— which I had ia vain looked for elsewhere , so that I at ones came to the conclusion thai there was no other courts left totha wcll-wiehors of our country—to , I will add , the philanthropists of the age—than the immediate adoption of the People's Charter . A Chartist , thertfere , I am preui to avow myBelf , and , as such , I earnestly hope that there may be a speedy union of all classes of Chartlsts , animated wi'h one spirit , nnd seeking one common object , in order that ns government may ever be able to withstand the united demaads of an united people ! Let us take our stand upon high and noblo grounds ; it is a glorious mission ,, entered upon at a moment th * most propitious , end big with grand results to England and to the world !

      The enemies of the labouring classes have , in their own estimation , achieved a great triumph , from the resuit of the meeting at Kennington Common , on the 10 th April ; but they have vastly deceived tBemselres . ' They may have conquered , I freely admit , the panic , which their own guilty imaginations , to their everlasting discredit and dilgrace bo it spoken , had contrived to conjure into existence ; but that they have In consequence extinguished the gtnius of Chartism , the fervent breathlDgs of patriotism , I utterly dony ! Continue then , my countrymen , to rally ronnd the glorious banner of Chartism , and ere long you must have jour rights—therights of labeur and the rights of man—for now you are but slaves ! slaves to Mammon—subjugated by the despotism of gold ! No wonder the' base , brutal , and bloody '

      Times played such a desperate game . ' One pistolshot vras to tura the world upside down , which means that our present system , which the sapient aditer of the Quaker Economist cills ' a delicate fabric '—delicate without mistake — would have tumbled to pieces at the bidding of s trumpery pistol , and Mr Baron L . de Rothschild ' * occupation , like Othello ' s , would have been gone ! Wbat a lots to humanity ! The very name of Chartist [ has consequently , and with a deeply sinister object , been revHed , spurned at , and seoutcd , but , I thank God , it hes been reviled , spurned at , and scouted , in vain ) Tbo principles remain and the cause of them is still unmitigated . Hunger—not rascality—brought the Chartist Convention together , and hanger took them to Kennlngton Common , where , instead of bread being given to them , they were told to behold the

      cannon ' * mouth ! 1 And , gracious heavens , by whom ? The men of the Reform BUI—tbe men who rode into power in 1832 , through a revolution , upon tho shoulders of tbe labouring classes !! Oh ye hypocrite Whigs I and have ye , too , like Louis Philippe , become blindfold tyrants !—tyrants at the bidding of a hireling preen , rpurred on by the muckworms and grabs cf Capel-court —the drones of society—tbe ruthless enemies of the labouring classes , who , in their abject shortsightedness and blinded selfishness , they forget , are tho mainstay of England—the bees who produce all the honey !! Tbe present is a critioal period—a period which may prove the most important in England ' s history , and yet ne find men , said to represent the nation , coolly telling us that nothing can be done for the relief of tho starving industrious ; they fold tbeir hands and tell os that things must take thsircouiao ! What a strange infatuation !

      ' Quern Dens vult perdere priua dementat ! And so it appears in the case before ns , since they not only coatent themselves with doing no good , bat , as fate would have it , proceed to pass Gagging Bills , to hurry oa that deatructi 9 n ! to hasten their Impending doom !! In the name of goodness , I demand to know if it be not enough to make one ' s bleod boil , nhen the condition of &ns class of onr countrymen , is contrasted with that of tbe other ? Did that Great Being , wbo called this world Into existence , ever intend that one set of men should wallow in the very profuseneas of luxury while aaother , and that the more deserving class , should literally drsg out a weary existence , if « ach you can call It , ia misery and wretehedness f for let political eoonomists , those fiends in human shape , twist tbe subject as they will , the working classes of Britain nnd Ireland have for the ' paet thirty years , and especially during tho latter , part of it , b « en most inhumanly treated ; I believe it to be a libel

      on high heaven—a libel oa the goodness of that God who is all good , that such a state of society should ( xist ; and yet those true patriots and philanthropists , who have so nobly placed themselves in tho van of tho people , and plead their cause with such earnest sincerity , are reviled and calumniated as firebrands , robbers , and d'Stractivos . We must mark well , however , from whence these assertions emanate , and then we can judge their value ! Who represents the moneyocracy ? A corrupt and aervilo press , vrbioh Immediately U bounded en to the rescue , whenever the labourer a demand their ownwhenever they demand that of which they have been so basely plundered—I mean tbe bread bequeathod to them from on high , the sweat of their brow ! It is the vile moneyocraey , my brethren , wbo are tho plunderers , the robbers of our birthright | Union , then , my friends , and we shall yet have our own—tho contest may be severe but the issue cannot be doubtful !

      Hereditary bon-iannD , know ye not , Who would be free , themselves must strike the blow I * A . Z . Jan . N . B . —The people ought to bear in mind that , previous to the accession of the Houso of Hansver , { hire was no National D . bt in this country : — 'Duteh finance , ' as Disraeli tells us in his 'Two Nations , ' ( 'Sybil or the Two Nations '—a brilliant book , with a ^ si gnificant title , — a title , which in itself speaks volumes—nay , mote , which is a trao interpretation of and apology fer all Chartist discontent and agitation 1 ) was imported into England by William III . My countrymen , in Scotland , especially in the Northern parts , where the poor but aoblo . hcarted Highlanders have been so cruelly treated ,

      are well aware of the fact ; often have I heard them repeat it with sighs—at the same time doing justice to tho memory of the Stuarts , by whom no such debt was bequeathed to us . A noble bequest , in very truth , as the condition of England now tells , Mr Cobden , in & late debate , made a pointed allusion , apparently with & warning voice , to the Republic of the United Stateo , where , he said something to this effect—that the grand economical experiment of tho day waB going successfully on . He did prosperous and happy America no more than justice . When will our aristocrats and money-mongers learn wisdom ? I fear they hava neglected , and are bent on neg . kcting their duty . The cry may soon be raised , ' It is too late ! ' ' Lit us make no mistake this timo ! ' We must hare a Paternal Government .

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      TO THE CHARTISTS OP ENGLAND—BROTHERS IN THE CAUSE OP DEMOCRACY . We embrace this opportunity of tendering : yon our sympathy , battling qs we know you are against a system of misrule , injustice , ond fraud , in tho land of eur nativity ; but we hope tho time is not fnr distant when reason and justice will gain the ascendancy , and con . vinco tbe proud aristooracy , not only ef England , but the world , that you—the working classes—have a right to a voice in making tha laws that you ars compelled to oboy , and that you will never relax your tffjrti until your rlghteouj object is gained . Friends , wofeel proud of being members of your noble land . TT * , like you * , nsvo suffered persecution ; but it is an eventful year—a year that has finished tho political career of many a haughty despot . We lovo our father .

      land , and we hope tkatyou will be nbleto work out your poltticai emancipation , and enjoy those privileges which are the inalienable tight of man , and without which you are but serf « and slaves to tho powers that rule your destinies . Great coacesBiens have been granted , and are still being made ta the industrious clas » e 3 , by most European governmen t . ; and shall the tolling millions of Great Britain effect no amelioration of their condition —shall the working classes of England still bo kept at starvation point—shall Scotland and Ireland remain the foup depots of the universe—shall it be Bald that mil . lions dleannnally of starvation , to tho sheme of tho British government , and that thousands are emigrating to distant lands for the attainment of that inherent right —the right to live—which Is denied them in the land of tteir birth ?

      We meet together tbis day not op . l y to sympathise ) , but to fraternhe , and to form ourselves in ' o an association . But our objects are , first , to obtain correct information of the movement , and other affairs of interest—to procure the Nobhebn Stab , as tho news we get are mero extracts of Whig and Torv journals , calculated to give us anythisg but a true position of tbo stato of tbe country . Second , to subscribe and send our remittances qb often aB necessity or occasion may require , believing , as we do , that the Charter is calculated , if passed into a law , to give to the famishing millions their fair share of the bounties of a beneficent Creator , who showers down his blessings for tho benefit of all his creatures , without distinction of caste , dims , or colour . Wo hope the dny ia fast spproaching when none , liko us , will become voluntary exileB in a strange land , seeking liberty , in order to leava their children in tho enjoyment of freadom and happiness , without which lifj U a curso and not a bleRslng .

      Tho Irish aro holding Urge meetings here , nn < l oro subscribing tbeir dollnra freely in aid of their friends in Ireland , and we consider it our duty to bo up and doing . We have corresponded with Mr William Jones of Liverpool , the Chartist lecturer ; ho is at Brooklyn not far from New York , and ho has kindly offered to disseminate those great principle !) we still cherish , untl are anxlons to prcraote . Enclosed is anordtrfor £ l , for Nobtbbim Sxabb .

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      Please to send eight papers every week , and befora the money in run out we hope to Baud a much larger sum . We want to see our old advocate , the Nobtbebh Scab . Hurrah for the Charter f Thohao Kendall . VStvrark , New Jersey , United State * , 7 th May , 1848 .

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      MISREPRESENTATIONS OP THE PRES 9 . TO THE EDITOB OF THS NOBTBEUN STAB , Sib , — I am bound in vindication of ray character ; to request you to insert tbis reply to a number of false statomonts made in the Lbids MsacofeY , of Saturday last . I hero inclose you the lines takes from tbo columns of that paper , —statements the whole of which I emp hatically dony , as I do not remember making a single allusion either to moral or physical force at onr meeting held in the West ward . Proclamations wore- issued by the magistrates of this borough , cautioniDg tho people against training and drilling openly to tbe use of arms , Why , Mr Editor , tao only advice which I gave , to that assemblage , was to give up training and drilling openly for the safety of our cause , as I nas well aware that tbis epen practice could be abandoned without the least sacrifice of principle ; and I hereby publicly declare that my principles are the same , and former convictions unchanged , , You will oblige by inserting these few lines , together with any comment you may be disposed to mako upon them , I am , yours , in tbe straggle , ' John Shaw .

      ' CHABTIST PBOCEEDlNQg IN LEEDS , ' Several meetings of Chartists have been held in Loedi and the vicinitj during tbe past week . The measures , however , adopted by the authorities is this and tho neighbouring towns appear to hare produced a very perceptible effect upon the bellicose tone of tbe Chartist leaders , and their speeches have been tempered with a degree of moderation to which for some time they have been strangers . On Monday evening a meeting was held on & plot of ground opposite the Britannia Inn , Welling , ton . road . The chair w . as occupied by Mr Councillor Roboon . The meeting was addressed by Messrs Firth , Lister , Barker , John Shaw , &c . The only feature of interest was the speech of Mr Sbaw , It will doubtless have been noticed that this individual ever since his return from tho ' National Convention , ' which he attended as a delegate from Leeds , has invariably advocated the employment of physical force as tbe oalr means of obtaining tbe Charter , Upon tbo present occasion ,

      however he appeared to havo forgotten all his previous warlike sentiments , and cautioned the people against resorting to force for the accomplishment of their object . He warned ' them that tho Charter was not to be obtained at the cannon ' s mouth , by tbe edge of the sword , or by the employment of the pike ; declared he was total !; unaware that the people- were arming , and urged them to agitate for tbe Cbarter by peaceable and constitutional means . The iff ct of tbis speeeh was rather startling upon his hearers , nearly oil of whom entertained a very vivid recollection of his previous sentiments , and during its delivery he was frequently assailed by lond expressions of' you are a traitor , ' ' you have been bribed to say that / &c . At tbe conclusion of his afldreBS a strong deeiro was ezpressod that Mr Shaw should be requested to explain the motives which had induced him so suddenly to change bis opinions , but upon tho chairman looking round f > r him it was found that he had taken the precaution precipitately to decamp at the termination of his observations . '— -Leeds Mercury .

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      MR ZEPHANIAH WILLIAMS . TO THE EDITOB OF TBE NOBTHEEN STAB . Sib , —Tbe following , I trust , in justice to those whom it concerns , will be allowed to appear in overy paper in which the report in question was inserted . I am , Sir , youra respectfully , Llew £ i , th Williaus , Boar ' s Head Inn , Caerphllly , . 'Jane 12 th , 1818 . A report having recently gono the round of tho papers respecting Mr Zcphaniah Williams , the following has been receive } by Mrs Zsphaniah Williams , in reply to a letter addressed by her to Sir Gaorge Grey ; ' No report has bstn received at tbis office from tbe Lieutenant-Governor of Tan Dieman ' s Lind with regard to the alleged circumstance of Z ; phanUh Williams having been » e » tencod to labour in chains at Port Arthur for having attempted to mako his escape . '

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      THE TEN HOURS' BILL . TO ME StELDEM . Sie , —On seeing a paragraph in the newspapers that a tea party on a large scale , wao , to be holden on the 7 th Juno , in the Free Trade Hall , Manchester , to celebrate the passing of the Ten Houra' Factory , Bill , and that you and others friendly to that righteous measure were to be there , I thought it advisable to write to yon on tho operation of that bill in eur quarter , hoping that you would there take . our case into consideration , and devi 6 o for us the best method to be adopted , to get rid of-that oppressivo system that eeme of our employers have adopted .

      We aro sorry , sir , that we should have any eanse of complaint , either against that humane measure er our employers , for wo looked forward with pleasing anticipations and anxieua hopeB to tho 1 st of May , 1818 , when the Ten Hours' Bill was to come into operation . Wo considered that we would have a time for meral and religious instruction ; for heartfelt recreation , and enjoying all the benefits that were intended to be conferred upon us by the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill , but ns yet none us have had any cause to rejoice ; not on account of a reduction of wages proportionate to tho hours of labour , or of any evils arising to trade from such reduction , but on

      account of tho bad arrangemen t of tbe hours of labour and meals that some of our employers have adopted ; that is—dividing the day into two parts , with fire hours tnch , with only ono interval for a meal—that is one hoar from one till two o ' clock—commencing in the morning at eight , and leaving off In the evening at seven o ' clock . This system we all find , sir , to be a grievous burden imposed upon us , operating against us physically , morally , and mentally ; it is more oppressive to us than when under the twelve hours' system—not that we wish to return to the twelve hours—although it is the principle object our omployora have in view , no doubt , to get us stirred up to petition for them .

      We consider ten hours long enough to be confined within the walls of a factory , Tho benefits Intended to be conferred upon as are eatirely overruled by our heartless employers . When , I would bbIe them , is onr time for mental cultivation or healthful recreation ? Where is tho time that was intended to bo devoted for the education and instruotion of tho young , wbo comprise by far the greatest portion of those employed under the act , and for whoso benefit the measure wqb chiefly intended ? Our employers tell us that we have two hours in the morning , and that one in the morning is worth two at night . In somecasos this may hold good , but not bo in ours . The two hours in the morning are entirely taken up with preparing and taking breakfast , and getting ready to begin work at tho appointed hour ; bat allowing there wob time in the

      morning for education , where is the school that is open at five o ' olock in the morning ? They may be in some places , but it is not in Kirkcaldy , therefore wo consider the two hours in the morning to be entirely lost . The framcrs of tho bill certainly never Imagined that the factory lords would ride rough ehod through it in this manner , or they would have betn more explicit in this clause , whioh they seem to tako advantage of , which states that we are to be allowed one hour and a half for meals from half-past seven in tbe morning till half-past seven in the ovening . They consider if we have any time , either beforo or after the tirao Bpeoified , that they are within the act , and the factory inspector of the district

      has defined it in the same wny , and allowed them to go on with their oppressive system ; but we are of opinion that we should have one hoar and a half for meals , from the time we go on in tho morning till we leare off in tho evening ; but vro nil ! not insist ou tbi ° , but leave it for you end those friends to our cauee to dtfino for us , and to devise a proper plan for us to adopt to obtain redress , as we do not intend to take another otcp until we get advice upon the subjeot . We hure petitioned our cmploj ero again and agnin—we have detailed to them our grievances—we have appoaled to their sympathies as Christians , but they havo still turned a deaf ear to our entreaties . They tell ue that wo petitioned for the ten hours , and that we should now petition against it .

      Now , sir , you will peroeive from what I have written , that wo are grievously oppressed b y 0 Hr employers , and without any hopeB of radross exoept by compulsion ; we therefore , trust thnt jou will take our caso into your serious consideration , and lot u « hear the result of your deliberations . Trusting that you will excuse the liberty I have taken in writing to you upon this most important subject—I havo done it bocnuae I know you to be a lover of the whole human family , I am dear sir , yours respectfully , Kirkcaldy , Juno 6 , 1848 . A pACT 0 BT BoT .

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      TO THE MEMBERS OF THE UNITED ORDER OF FRIENDLY BOILERMAKERS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . ^ u , Feuow-Wobkmen , — , As our annual delegate mooting andembleg at L ' . yerpool nes week , I hope t he last year ' s experience has taught us a Uason that wo may profit b , in future , and that we < Ji . ll bo longer be guided by any antl-progres . sionbt party , on the reasons well-known wh , we , a . a body did not join the N ationul Trades last yoar although by Mr Newton ' s last letter i n he StaE ) wJ are led t 0 > . fer bat we have partiall y joined , and may join individually , i had thought a gentleman of his talent would h A 'T '" dahumble ! ndlTW «»» ' * mjBrtf wlib

      _ . w . « more courtesy . lie states that he knew nothing of tho case of th ° shoemaker , until his attention was called to t by m , otter . Ho Ml « if I am 60 , nt Qfl t ° know that too money paid to trades sooloties cannot bo appropriated to any other purpose than that for which it is subscribed . My opinion of iho principle of trades unions is a mmual co-operation to carry practically into effert . by collactivo moans what a man would do indivldually if ho had the means . He says he had a hope that tho monoy had been given with a good will , as all trades were intortated in that trial . I acknowledge th » laturtobo the caso . I wish he would under take ths task to convince tho boilermakers that they r , ero Interosted in the resultB of that trial , I hare en ? eavowed to

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      do so bat I b » ve signally failed . He » ays he eipecfed the money was given freely and not with a bad grace . I leave him to judge if such was the cam . The London No . 1 . Lodge after much discussion , passed a resolution to levy one shilling per member on those th » t were in work , to the amount of 200 to raise £ 10 ; we collected upwards Of three pounds by that means , and in order to forward the money to Manchester with dispatch , we drew upwards of seven pounds from our treasurer to makeup the ton pounds ; the result was , that after the iadignity with which our delegates were treated , the members that had no « paid the levy would not pay a farthing , and oar lodge lies out of that money till thia day ; let him reconcile that with his dec trine of grace , He says I have wilfully misrepresented them ; I have

      the eridence of the four London delegate ? , whom 7 think are as worthy of credence as Mr Newton . I hope this will not be < taken with a bad grace by Mr Newton or any of the body ; if there is an error it has not emanated with me ; but it Is of the utmost importance that we should know friends from foes , in order that the trades may know the sentiments of our respective orders , and the Mason the iron branches are so dogmatical in still Bdhering to the sectional system , and so averse to progress . Why koep aloof from honest intelligent men ? as witness the report of the delegates at the National Hall , Holborn , on tho 26 th April—a report that doeB infinite credit to those delegates . Such a combination of talent was displayed upon that occasloa , that we ought

      to vie with each other to carry out the objects of their resolutions ; end if the other trades outstep us in political knowledge , wby should wo lag behind in political movements ? Is it because no political qaestfcrae are allowed to be diacussed in tho club rooms ? If that be the case the sooner such laws and rulos are abolished the better for society . Is it not in consequence of a want of confidence In the present Whig Ministry that all the foreign orders in tbe various shops in London ere stopped , although many of them in a state of forwardness t Is it not owing to political influences nnd the pressure from without , that even our own government orders are stopped and tho men discharged ? This is well-known to us .

      Then , brothers , politloal rights will glvs us the power to control our social righto . I do not say that it would bo advisable to discuss political questions Rnd leave the feu . oiness of the society undone ; but ae our best efforts to effect social amelioration are controverted by political influences , I hold it folly on our part , if not criminal , longer t 9 continue the system . Times and . manners change , and bo t&ust wo . We must Identify ourselves with the other trades and no longer remain as fossllated relies of antiquatedinotlons : let us , as men having but one aim in view , unite , and move forward , a mighty organised mass , and attack with irresUtiblo force that citadel of corruption—class legislation , bo long the worshipped idol of our tyrannical oppressors .

      I hope , fellow workmen , you will Bee the necessity of joining the National Confederation at a body ; by eo doing we shall take the first step amengst the iron branches in the right of direction ; the others will , and must follow , Our interests and tbat of thousands demand us to do so , tho voice ef millions calls on us to arouse from our lethargy And assert our natural rights ; humanity weeps for her degeneracy ; then let us do our duty like men determined to be free . Tbe other trades have already entered the field , let uo also share the toils nnd beat of the day , that it may not be said of us , we entered the field after the battle was won , and claimed s share of tho victory . Alex , Fi . etcheb ,

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      THE LABOUR QUESTION . TO THE TRADES OP ENGLAND . The claims ofiabour are a fertile subject of discussion amongst political economists , who dogmatically affirm that supply and demand regulate the price of labour . The axiom is correct in the present commercial state of society , which supposes raan ' a labour to be a saleable , and therefore , a marketable commodity ; but I conceive that such an affirmative goes but a short way to settle the question satisfactorily . An English tailor , starving in the streets of London , asks for trade , at tbe shop of an employer , and ia informed that he cannot be employed . To quote the arguments of supply and demand , will not either satisfy the cravings ef hunger , or render kia frame impervious te tbe storm . The value of tbe tailor as & producer oannot be . doubted , and it must be admitted that be iocs hot receive a fair reward for

      ma skill and industry . Such a man ha 3 claims on society that cannot be answered by the smart retort —that to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest , is tho only law in commerce . Tbe most subtle reasoner has never attempted to deny that labourgives value to capital , and therefore all the labourers give value to all tbe . capital of the capitalists , and without labour capital is of no value , and cannot exist . I will not at this time push the argument to its ultimatum , but if reason and justice , aa abstract principles , were to decide the case , judgment would be shortly come at , and we would never again hear of death from starvation , nor the heartless doctrine of 'let everything alone , ' which in a state ¦ where all the land and rivers , mines and Quarries , factories , and

      accumulated property , are ' possessed by a few members of the Commonwealth , simply means— ' let the rich few possessiall , the poor man produce all ; or , in other words— let the nation ccnai 3 t of slave ewners and slaves . ' The great question of the day is what can be done with the starving and unemployed labourers , who , after contributing to produce all , have nothing ; and if supply asd demand be the cause that produce the result , the wisest step must be to ' get at the means that control tbe supply , aad balance the demand ; for as we have to deal with facts as they are , rather than as we wonld wish them to be , it is , in a mixed state of sooiety , perhaps , not so important to endeavour to fully emancipate labour , as to regulate the balancing power so astofiecure tho

      relative claims of classes as they exist . The present enormoBS burthen of unwilling idlers pres : 63 heavily upon all above the rank ofiabour , but is most keenly felt by yon who are the first and most intimate sufferers , and you have endeavoured by various methods to secure to yourselves a fair , or living share of the fruits ] of your industry . Your trades unions have been denounced as conspiracies against the public , and it is considered illegal to conspire against the price of labour ; these conspiracies ( so called ) exist of necessity , and show tte honest desire of workmen to live independent ; but though supported by sick clubs , money clubs , < fco . i they have proved ineffectual for your protection ; yet despite of all the abuse heaped on them and their supporters , I think

      themofservice to your interests , and though they have not been a solvent protection to your rights , they have been in many oases s useful check against aots of deepstism and wanton aggression , and are at once indicative of your virtuous resolve to earn your bread by the sweat of your brow , and direct evidence of the oppression and wrongs you auffar . The disorganisation of these societies would be injurious to your interests ~ and it is to be feared , that a general introduction of political and social questions would tend to break them up . Yet , it is clear that Labour required a more extensive representation and protection than the medium of these societies afford , d . When bad trade overtakes you , the unemployed workmen are a burthen , requiring

      aid , and unable to contribute towards the funds of the society , and destitution , tramping from town to town—in many cases leaving young wives and families unprovided—with , other horrors , Euchonlyaea workman knows , follow in the train . This is not an occasional circumstance , but one of every day oocurrenoe to almost every one of you . At this hour there are many thousands of our best workmen and staunchest unionists , wandering through our country in a state oi vagabondage and mendicancy . The government of England , as at present constituted , legislates for and represents all interests , but the primary one , on which all others rest . The Law , Church , East and West India interests , Army , Navy , and all the remainder , are represented , and we have actually a government department named rd of Trade

      the Boa , and having a ministerial representative . Now , all these interests look to tho fraiachise as their means of protection , and ail make laws which affect you and your interests . A declaration of war against America would endanger our trade , and affect the price of your labour . The Minister declares war on behalf of the Crown . The Parliament supports the Minister . You pay ihe expense . An Enclosure Bill is passed , enclosing the common lands—tho property of the people . Your property is taken from you , but you are not consulted . Now , if it be right to have a Board of f rade , to legislate on that which is produced from Labour , it is imperative to have a Board of Labour , so that the primary interest , on which all others rest , shall be represented in that legislature which makes laws bearing on the interests of all .

      The elements of disorder , isolation , and oppression , are fast gathering around us , and there ia a cioroaa doubting written on tho face of society that ioretells the coming Btorim Now is the time for Labour to buckle ou its panoply and prepare for the struggle . Tho day has arrived when you must become more comprehensive in your sphere of action not giving np tho narrowed power you possssg , but being organised for tho acquirement of greater powers . Political economy , or the source of wealth

      producing , is no longer able to control England wisely , irrespective of distribution and moral obligation . England has grown so rich tbat her workmen are without strength , and her merchant princes plethoric and dropsical ; whilst the scrutinising ealculation and kten competition of her middle men absorbs her generous Bentiments , and give no fruit , but « sour and acid hatred to all struggling for existence , orucified between the poverty of her labourers and tho endless gold-loving ambition of her money lords .

      A society of the united trades , organised for political and social purposes , » 3 lately proposed by the London stonemasons , would havo a lofty and grand field for useful action—gathering within itself the changing ideas and sentiments of its lncuibeva ; da . veloping new sources of national industry ; imp-nmnc and emancipating Labour , amidst the breaking up ol factions and the wreck of errors , and throwing out a flood of light on all social and industrial subjects , valuable to the present and future generations . But good thoughts unrealised are like good dreams * pj ^

      Untitled Article

      .. _ ^^ sant tot the moment , but useless in the comhw time . It is the practical working that makes con ception valuable . Political power and social im " provement are worth struggling for . A change mm take place , where wealth reigns supreme over misery or worse will follow . ' I shall shortly be in London , and , as one of yog r will endeavour to do my ahare . The reoult reato with you . I am , fellow workmen , Yours , fraternally , Samuel Ktdd . Birmingham , June nth , 1848 . ' ¦¦ ,

      Untitled Article

      THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION . TO THE W 0 RKWG CLASSES . Fbibnds , —Oar glorious Constitution has bees the boast of the ruling powers , and these who shared ita patronage , ever since Magna Charta was wrung by the mail-clad Barons from the tyrant John , at Runnymede . This I take to have been the birth of . the British Constitution : since its birth , however it has often changed its garb—has sometimes enjoyed liberty but too often be ^ en kept in bondage , —when it has received such cruel uaago from royal despots adventurers , adulterers and assassins , and been

      physicked by state qoacka , that the British Constitution has become an indefinite thirig—an evanescent shadow—existing bat in name , and Goneeqaently dead , and hence the difficulty in defining wBat the Constitution really is , and what are its component parts . Some laud our glerious Constitution in Church and State , and others the privileges of the sub < ject ; such as trial by jury—the right to meet in public , to discuss grievances—the right of goine to law with the king—the right to petition parliament —liberty of the pre « 8—liberty of speech , &n . < fco . ; from all of which I infer , that if the body of the Constitution is dead , the spirit or ghost of the Constitution has existed up to the present time .

      jSow , however , the British Constitution does hot exist even in name , fsr the libetty-professiHg , finality , loving , perfidious , ' base , bloody , and brutal Whigs , ' —tired of being haunted by the spectre of the Constitution—have , and are now ( by raking up obsolete acts never before enforced , and enacting A despotic Gagging Bill , for the suppression of public opinion ) laying the spirit of the Constitution in the red sea of the blood of British subjects . "Alas ! poor ghost . " In proof of the foregoing , we have but to glance at the recent acts of the Whigs to prove the truth or falsity of those assertions .

      Many months prior to the French revolution , the then ChartiBt Executive had given public notice that s National Monster Petition should be presented to the House of Commons , sometime in May , by T . S . Duncomte , Esq ., ( it being hoped that that gentleman would have so far recovered his health , as to be capable of performing his parliamentary duties by that time ) and a Convention consisting of forty-nine delegates , elected at public meetings , was to meet ia London for the purpose of arranging the procession ! &o . on the day of its presentation .

      The political events on the Continent expedited this movement , and the Convention met in March . The Whig Government recognised thi 3 body by sending two of its reporters , to note the doings of the Convention , although it refused to acknowledge or receive deputations from that body . As befora stated , however , the chief object of the Convention was to hold a hvg 9 meeting , and arrange the pre * cession on the 10 th of April , the day fixed for tha presentation of the petition , —due notice of which was given by larga bills posted over the Metropolis . This had been done before , not only by Chartists , but by other bodies , without any interference on tha part of Government , and was believed to be the constitutional right of Englishmen , publicly to meat and discuss their grievances , and petition the Legislature for their abolition .

      One member of the Government lays some claim to literary honours , and has lately appeared in tha light of a dramatic author . Be this as it may , tho Whigs were determined to prove

      THE CONSTITUTION A FARCE , and apolitical drama of strange events was' strung together , to show the world that the Constitution of England nas all moonshine , or at best but a spectra or sprite , whose gambols , for the preservation of despotism—it sras high time to put an end to .

      THE FIRST ACT commenced by showing John Bull the vanity of boasting about his glorious Constitution . The state doctors thought him ill—too ill to walk abroad—ha must stay at home—take their pbyaic quietly , and continue bis low diet , —he had lived too well—waa too corpulent , and not dropBical , as he asserted , from taking skilly , —and by a special act passed 100 yeara ago , LARGE BODIES were not allowed to walk abroad , particularly in the neighbourhood of St . Stephen ' s where they resided , without loss of liberty . Well , John sent his petition , praying for a change

      of diet ; but the doctors boys who administer their nauseous drugs , wrote some filthy stuff in his petition , and the cjuacks , their pupils—lickspittles and boys , from Colonel Thrashem down to little Jack—laughed at him for a fool , in ; believing hi g Constitution strong enough to walk to his doctors , and scorned his petition for a change of regimenhis Constitution was so bad it could not be allowed . Thus closed the first act , after destroying the right of petition , amidst the applause of Whig and Tory , and a flourish of bludgeons from the Special shopo > cracv , and Blue devils .

      THE SECOND ACT . Although the . right of Petition , and of walking to preaent it , was taken away , still the right of public meeting , liberty of the press and of speech , waa thought to be possessed by old John . A million , of bis children had died of starvation , and the survivors were clamorous for bread : they spoke in plain terms , saying , they would not starve quiatly in a land of plenty . The Whigs enacted a bill which p , a 7 ged the mouths of him and his family , making it felony , should either he , or they , ( compass , imagine , invent , devise 9 r intend , express , utter or declare , by publishing any printing or writing , or by open and advised speaking ) seek any change in their condition or food , or a change of state phyaeians , under pain of transportation for life .

      Ihis was the denouement of the farce of the British Constitution . Not only liberty of speech , and of the press , bnt even of thought denied . This last would be rather a ouripus prosecution . What thea has become of the glorious Constitution which has made this country ' the envy of surrounding nations , and the admiration of the world ? ' er rather , is there a Constitution in existence ! Alfred , who lived in tbe ninth century , said ' it was his duty to leave his couutry free aa the thoughts of man . ' The Whigs of the nineteenth century fetter theught , and punish it with transportation to penal colouiea . Perhaps I am wrong with regard to the Press « The Press has perfect liberty to act the part of bloodhounds to the government—to libel and caricature the people—to be silent at their privations , but to trumpet forth the ravings of their despair—to

      issue forth garbled and l ying statements of their movements and intentions—* o arrest and prejudge politioal offenders before they are in custody—to give orders to Boldiers and police to flesh their swords in the blood of the people , and to prostitute their great power ol doing good . Yes , the Prea 3 has perfect liberty to be—as it is—filthy , venal , aui corrupt . But , what liberty has the Press thai advoca t es tha poor man ' s rights , and proclaims his wrongs ? The Gagging Bill far the in security of the Crown ia the best answer . Thus has liberty of speech—of the press—tha right of petition and of public meeting—and laat though nofc least—trial by jury—been destroyed . The last state trial in Ireland , shows the fallacy of expecting justice from trial by jury under a government possessing both the power and will to pack tho jury against its victim . Courts of law are now a

      mockery . The lawa corrupted to tho hands that mako ' em , S ^ rve but as instruments of soino new tyranny That every day start up to enslave us despor . The most rabid of the Tory press acknowledge that the jury was packed that tried the patriot Mitchel . The Examiner , professing no sympathy tor Mitchel , fays , he was convicted by jugglery , ana * asks ' By what marvellous chance was it , that Catholics being to Protestants on the Dublin jury list aa three to one , the former were to the latter oa the panel as one to five , and upon the jury NONE totwelve ? ' At the St . James ' s Theatre , Mr . Houdin will help a dozen persons to different liqueurs out of the same bottle . Iu Dublin there is a magic not less wonderful , which out of a reservoir . mainly Catholic will give you a samplo of pur «

      Protestantism . You see a field of Shamrock , and , presto ! it ia changed into an Orangery . ' Thus , then , we have not the shadow of a Constitution . WhilBt continental nations have wrung oonfltitutiona and eonoessiona from their rulers , wehava euak atill deeper in the gulf of slavery . TO 9 . Englishman can read ithe preparations of a weas government to slaughter a defenceless people on Monday last , should they assert the rig ht of pub" * meeting , without the blood tingling in his voio 3 » and the conviction that he ia a slave ? Truly » fearful responsibility rest 3 upon those who bavfl crushed an industiieus people beneath a heavy pressure of taxation , for the support of ft panjpe « aristocracy , a bloafed state church , and a p roflig « £ government , -while they bave also wre 3 ted from that poople the hat remaining vestige of their liber ties-Ob . I when is it corning , the glorious time , When the fetters ofsluvos shall burst , And earth shall bu fair as its Eden-prime And man shall be free as the first , EmviN Gill . London i June 13 .

      Untitled Article

      MiRBuoB . —Love brought to trial . —Going home by ' , daylight after courtship masquerade . i Pawnukokeii — T ' ae- poor man ' s banker . —A ® $ t » ha holds your 0544 whiiat you fight .

      Coitesponuence*

      COiTesponuence *

      ' ^Effectual Cure For Piles, Fistulas, Fa.

      ' ^ EFFECTUAL CURE FOR PILES , FISTULAS , fa .

      Untitled Article

      — — — - , .. . . . . ——THE NORTHERN STAR . JTOE 17 , 1848 . 1 M i M mwran—¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ m n -rawi m ^ ii ¦¦ ^^¦ ^ nnwr ^ Br —*^*^*^**^^*^^^^^^^^^^ ¦^»^ M ^^ gM ^^^^ a ^ E ^^ BMMM»^^— ,, i i ¦ —¦ ¦ i ¦ i m ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1848, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1475/page/2/