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Northern Star (1837-1852), 10th June 1848, Edition 1 of 3, Page 3, ^^ poetry _ -" ~ ^ fl PtrB*

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      - - " ^ sTinroe " *™ " ^ BT * OBE * T BrtSS . thf tea ° ; be fir ( t Freach revolution , but JjS ^^^ y ^ i !!! - ifr bi «« nf « ar a »« nd the chid , wW tied Gl ! lia l 1 * Iarei mim ' And £ t » R'd & branch , ipite o' ths dell , F « 9 J ° at the western waYes , man Fair rirtos wetere 3 It iri' care , Asanoir she sees « l' prlfie , min , H « w ireel it ka 1 ** snd blossoms there , I « breaches gprsading wide , man . Bst ricioai folks ey hste to tee The norke o ' Tirtne thrive , maa .

      ybe courtly Te « nln '« btnn'd the tM * , And grat to gee it thrive , man ; Kiag I / onU thought to cnt it down , Wten it wa § nncs tma ' , man ; for this the watchman crsck ' d his crown Catoffhisheidand * ' . man . ^ w icked crew Bjae , on & time , Bid tsk ' a solemn aith , man It ne ' er should flourish to its prime , I ffSt they plsSg'd their faith , man ; Awa' tbej gae ^ i wi' mock parade , Lika bsifilet hunting game , mas Bu t soon grew weary o' the trade , A . nd wish ' d thej'd been at home , man Heard ye e' the tree o" France .

      I vatm what ' s the name o ' t ] Aronsd it a' the patriots dance , We « l Europe kens the femeo ' t . It stands where once the b&stile stood , A prUoa , ballt by kingi , man , TChen wptrititiQa ' i twllitU brow , Kept France in leading string ! , mas . Cpo' this tree there grows sic fruit , I : § virtues a' can tell , mtn ; It raises man tboon the brute , It make * him ken himiel ' , man Gif ance the peasant tatte a bit , He ' s greater tkan a lord , man , An wi' the beggar shares a mite 0 ' a' he can afford , man

      Tto fruit it worth s' Afrio ' s wealth , To comfort us ' twas sent , man ; To give the sweetest blush . o health , An' mak' as a' content , man . It clears the e ' en it cheers the heart , H&ks high and low guid friends , tpbk ; And he wha acts the traitor ' s part It to perdition sends , man . For freedom standing b y tee tree , Her sons 4 id loudly ca " , man ; She sanff a sang o' liberty , Which pleas'd them sue and a ' , man . By feer inipir'd , the new-born race , Soon drew the tTesging steel , man ; The hirelings ran , feer foes gied caa « , And baug * d tfee despot weel , man

      Let Bntain baast her hardy oak , Esr poplar and her pise , man , Aald Britain ance coold crack her joke , And o ' er her neighbours Bhine , man . Bat seek the forest round and round , Asd soon ' twill be sgreed , man , That tic a tree cannot be found , * Twirl London and the Tweed , tfian . Without this tree , alack , this life Is eit & rale e' woe mas ; A scene o * corraw mix'd wi strife , Xaere&l joys we know , man ; We labour sooa , we labour late , To feed the titled knave , man ; And a' the comfort we ' re to get It t&at sTent the grare , bud .

      Wi' plenty &' sic treei I trow . The world would live in peace , man ; The sword would help to mak' a plough , The din o' war would eease , man . Like feretferen In s coxunos cause , We'd on each ether smile , man ; A Ed equal rights aad equal laws Wad gladden erery iile , man . Was worth the loon wha wadea eat Sic iisleEosie daintj clieer , mm I'd gi ' e my shoon frae off my feel , To taite sic fruit , I swear , man . Syna let us pray , auld England may , Sure plant this far-fam'd tree , man ; And blithe we'll sing , and tail tke day , That gave ui liberty , man

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      THE LABOURER . A Monthly Magazine of Poli tics , Literature , Poetry , &c . No . XVIII . Juse . London : Korthem Star Ofnee , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymatket ; J . Watson , 3 , Queen ' s * Head-jassage ; Manchester : Abel Heywood . Tiiis deservedly populsr eagazine has now reached its third volume , the concluding number of which is devote i ta a most apprapriateand timely treatiK on Lsboar . bj F-O'Connor , Esq ., M . P . Notwitnstend « ing the phrase , ' rights of Labour , 'is continnslly on the lips and in the written productions of a great raanj peisiBS , it is undeniable that those rights hare hitherto bees but rerv obscnreJj ; and imper / ectlj defined . Mr O'Connor's essay dispels the obscurity which has hitherto sarrounded this question . A fes- exii&cts will show the character and value of this treatise .

      Mr O'Connor commences by reviewing the hostile sections of society arrayed against , because living by the plunder of , the labourers ; and implores the tetter to look only to themselves for their own regeneration . ' Ever , ' says Mr O'Connor , 'bear this faet in mind , that it is madness to suppose that the capitalist , whose whole profit is aade of the labourers' dependence , will acquiesce in securing bis in * dependence . ' Mr O'Connor then traces the dtrefnl consequences 6 f the non-representation of Labour in the legislature ; proving chat the labourer is the mo 3 i heavily t&ied when least able to stagger under the burden . TLaTing shown how aristocratic idleness is quartered upon ill-r . qaited industry , Mr O'Connor proceeds to tdminister the following honest reproof to the Ub urers themselves : —

      POF 0 LAB roiLT , When trade is good , and the majority of the people are EiaDloTedjthey measure their condition by the eomparatire * cale , fend the parings from tke board of each will eo f £ r provide for unwilliRj paupers , as to hu 3 h their voice in the din of satisfaction . These temporary gleams of liEEhiae brrafc and interrupt the coHtinuous chain of Ubour ' s opposition to despotic misrule ; they doubt each oiier , riv 3 l each other , eorapete with each other , tnd contend ezainst each other during this

      eea-ES 2 of comparative prosperity ; and when adrersity csaes npon them like a thief in the dark , the labourers ieing uon for the most part from hand to mouth 6 X isters , turn in frenzy , an 4 with impstnosity , to their leaders , an 3 siy , ¦ Here we are starving , why do you not Sarshal n ? aod prepare ns for the Btroggle ; ' while Eli ia tne ?; curof coraparstWe proBDfcrity WW 8 desf to the words of wisdom , and laughed at him who WES e : 1 ) j enough to foretell the coming cloud and the storm . In the fcliftring paragraph Mr O'Connor powerfully sketches the

      HI EEI OF THE WBALTH-CEEATOBl At home , yon cannot consume the produce of your own labour : the mnn who weaves shirts f jr others is shirtless fcimssH -, the man who makes shoes for otfeers is barefoot ; the man who spins far others is bnried without a winding sheet ; the man who makes coSns far others is himselfbarieSinasfeeHin a pauper's grave ; he nko ec * - « S 3 d he who resps mast put up with a scanty fare , While thoEe who neither reap nor sow , live in effluence isd luxury . How comes it then , that the Englishman , ¦ R ho cannot ? ecsre a mere subsistence at home , is to bs able as a foreigner and an outlaw to purchase the prodace of his o « n eeuntry in loreiga lauds , stamped with fee br&Dd of English taration , and increased ia price by tieexpsDse of importation , riik , freight , and insurance Oi raw material , and exportation of the manufactured Wide with doable risk , freight , and iasurance !

      Mr O'Connor argues the great truth that the interests of all who live by labour , are identical and inseparable , and impresses upon the working men the duty to thensselres , as well as to their fellows , of Eciing npjn the principle ^—

      rtca fox aix , a « d ali- ros . ~ ns itonemEjons , plsstertra , bricklayers , flndcsrpeEiirs , ena all o ! ht « connected with the building trade , "R ' aajBEybe engaged in the erection of the Houses of Jailiimenr , or in baildin ? new streets in the neighfconr-EDod ti Loiidon , cianot whUe so eisplcyed see the effect ^ atttepoverry of the Spitalfie ' - ds wearers , the destitution of the framework knitters of Nottingham , or the eistreisof the woelcombers of Bradford , can possibly fcsre upon tbeir ord ; r . The shoemaker can recognise so iatnhtv between bis o * n interest and that of the

      pttpsr in ihs workhenie . Ihe tailor cannot see how he « Effectsd fry -hs poverty of the weaver who is shirtless ia the micl » t of his own surplus produce , nor caa the ¦^ eaTer see what bearing tfie condition of the coatless t 4 ^ orcaa have upoa his htpless fate ; but I tell all , that fe intsrsE-. s of all who Htb fey labour are jaeatical and ^ separaHo . I tell the well-employed building trades , ^" tbe sii kweaTrts . the stockingers and weolcombers , "theiriutdreds of thausands , would , if will remonentei for their labour , be better employers of their incasttj thaQ bnU 3 ing m » ster « , corporations , or single ^^ iocrati .

      Ittll the shoemakers , that the well-esplojed labourer * trald b * r bct ' . cr cu % tcmtr than tke i 3 ie paup « r . I tell «* Uilor , -. hat th ? free labourer end the well-requited ¦*^ carer , K ., nli wtsrmore costs than the hired slave ; ^ d if th-. r = is enj man who doubts theillustrations that ^ gii ' . ' j , I will f um op tue power of the millions E ?^ ri 5 t tbat < , f the single ones thus : — « iat euat ; e 5 ( . rery shflpketperof sigh and low degree * £ S'Te krge < redit to his aristocratic customers t It is *~ e rei ^ j puue which come acrosEthe counter from the j ^ kr- . dfcsnd of the toiler , aad yet so disconnected is ^ P ' JKir o . ' this fustainiug force , that , upon a general i ^ ! ' * shr . pk-seper , who was enabled to accommo . tesf ^ £ ! e nri = iocrat bj the ready peace of his ready

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      money customer , , U aiKBTg prep 6 red to MerifiM ft tewiti of tke Ou $ to tht patronage of the aristocrtt . L % t «» forking mii ^» d the following , he wlU at oaco form & clew idea of the mon 9 7 c ^ tomeri , ti alweyg prepared to werifiea tfc . !„_

      . TALDS OP LABDPB . A fwmsr who rents 203 acres of land , will be an ex . ? nil ? ^ mpl 0 Jer > U ^ o ^ GUt the yeat he empioy . clgUtaDounn ; andoitof ttaoprofiti of their labour he wUl pay hU rent , the interest of hi . e 8 pital rested la hit opmttou heiriU support his family and educate then ? make provisions for them , keep his hunter and his horse t » take him to mill and market , and hi . famUy to church ; and he will al 89 have the fOnd wttclp 3 £ S iither iddnig to hi , amount of twritory , or of Securing I sufficteut amount to enable him and his partner to retire in ease and Idleness , leaving the farm to his eldest ion , and premoting his younger children

      kow o » can form some estimate of ttoTaluoofton eight men ' s labour ; and if I am told that the whole » ys . ^ w , r v ? ° u thU "ate of deP ^ dence , I answer , that if the eight are satisfied I am satisfied , but they aasterpMM their satisfaction after they understand that the two hundred acres , if beneficially applied , would sup . port one hundred families in affluence , instead of eight in penury . 8 Hiring reviewed the causes which have led to the prostration of labonr , and the reasons why labour nerer has had its reward for any victory it has achieved , Mr O'Connor proceeds to affirm , in the following startling propositions , the

      CEITAIK EritTLTS OT THE EXAKCrrAPIOK OF LABOCB . llt ""* That the association of free labour and airea la . bour , of free labour expended upon agriculture , and hire * labeor measured by the value of the amount that the free labourer could ears , and by his increased ability to employ himself an additional portion of aired lasour—that Great Britain and Ireland could maintain in luxury a population of OTer OXE HUNDRED AND

      FIFTY MILLIONS . 2 ad . —TEAT THE REALISATION OF MY PLAN WOULD MAKE THE RICH RICHER , AND THE POOK KICH . S . -a , —THAT IT WOULD MAKE THE COMMUNITY MORE INDEPENDENT OF ALL MONETARY SCHEMES . 4 tb . —That it woald destroy the necessity of taxing one portion of the community for the inpport af idlers , for the punishment of crime , or for the education of the people . We now call attention to the following convincing and ananswerable illustrations of Mr O'Connor ' s argument , showing the

      HODE OF EMANCIPATION . Labourers , I can illustrate the subject as well by the state of a district , as by the state of the nation . Suppase , then , that there it > aiitrict wherein the employers require the labour of 3 , 000 hands , and sappase that there are enly 3 , 000 available hands ; In such case , asof old , the 3 , 000 hgnds required to do the woik will be courted and bid for , and ths employers , notwithstanding the a 3 ai > tlonal amount of wages peid , will make a profit upon their kbotip . Bat enppote anether 1 , 000 comei , mtk . ingi . 000 , into the game district , where labour befors bore a . fancy but yet a just , price ; in that csse the

      4 , 009 will not receive as much wages as the 3 , 000 re ceived , while the masters win make more profit ; bat suppose that the scantiness of employment in other die . tricts augments the number to 5 , 000 , the additonal uumfeer coastftatin ? s grill isrger compstitire resarrs tor the masters to fall back upon a » a means of reducing tha price of labour , will not receite as much wagei at ths S . O 00 , which was & ecaaty supply ; whae those employed , besides being compelled to submit to a reduction of wages , will also bo compelled to sapport the surplus ia idleneM , as labour pays every tax , and capital not ft farthing , bat , on ths contrary , makes s profit of taxation .

      Ia Great Britain and Ireland there are sixty million acres of land not cultivated to a tenta part of its cspa . bUlt y ^ of yielding ; there are firs million paupers , be 3 iueB a large majority who exist in a state of comparative sa . tisfaction , being reconciled to their condition by the worse state of their pauper order , while that amount of pauperism presses hardly upon all classes , bat mest hardly upon the labouring ctaes , * * * Gire me then threo million acres , or one twentieth of the soil of the empire , and upon those three million acres I wQlIocate the one million heads of families , repreeeutisg tna aTe million paupers ; and from their increased comfort and increased pewer of consumption , I will make them better customers is tke artificial market than all the world beside .

      There are sir hundred and forty acres in a square mile of land , and I will take two mlleg square , ( or four square miles ) as my landscape . Two miles tqaare is four square miles , and in four square slles there are two thousand fire hundred and sixty acres of land , wiish would gfre three acres each t » eight hundred families , and IeaTe a hundred and sixty acres for roads and a rural Tillage standiDg in the centre of this little paradise . You will obserre , by this arrangement , no cottage upon any one of the eight hundred allotment !) would be mech above three quarters of a mile distant from toe Tillage , while the distance of themsjority would be less than half a mile . * * * We beg those wko sneer at the Land Plan , to take into account the following illustration of the effects such a plan , if pnt into operation on a national scale , would harenpon all classes of artisans and me > chanical labourers , not excepting female workers : —

      THE LA 5 D AKBTHS TEASES . I find that eight hundred families located upon the land , and recipients of the produce of their own labour , would give employment to tke following number of tradesmen : — Tailors „ . 20 Shoemakers 20 Carters 15 Blacksmiths 10 Wheelwrights ... 8 Butchers ... 4 Bakers 4

      Barters ... ., 2 Schoolmasters 8 Provision dealers 4 Agricultural gardeners > .. ... 8 Bonnet makers 4 Dressmakers .. 15 House carpenters i Sawyers 2 Bricklayers and stonemasons ... 4 Plasterers and sUterS ... ; 2 Plumbers , painters , and glaziers ... ± Linen and woollen drapers ,,. ... i Hatters 2 Hosiers and glovers 2 Basket makers 2

      Grocers * Schoolmistresses ... 8 Timber dealer 1 Coal merchants 2 Cabinet aakers ... ... ... £ Toy makers ... ... ... 2 Curriers and leather sellers ... 4 Saddlers and harness makers ... 2 Cutlers and grinders 2 Whitesmiths " Dealers in earthenware ... . - Booksellers asd stationers ... ... - Seedsmen . ¦ 2 Umbrells maker ... 1 Wireworker ... *

      Ironmongers ... Tin-plate worker 1 Dairymen ... .. < 2 Ceopers 2 Tobtcconlsts 2 Ciock and watchmaker * ... ... 2 Cnemists and surgeons " Cowleech ... 1 Uiller and corn factor ... •» 1 Tradesmen of all descriptions 2 C 4

      Thus , I show yon the number of . tradesmen actually required to Eupply the wants of an agricu ltural population of sight hundred families , or four thousand people at five to a family ; and as butchers wear coats and 6 UQe . S , and as shopkeepers eat meat and bread , and are customers to ell those who deal with them , if eight hundred families require ths number of trades to supply then that I have set doiro , those two hundred tradesmen residentin tha village—allowing that they live no better snd are no better cnsionirrB to one another—uould require an addition of fifty to those I have already stated , making a total , snstained by the agricultural population , of two hundred and fifty families ; and to which may be added trades of a different class , for instance , printers , confectioners , dancing masters , music masters ,

      greengrocers , artists , glovere , fancy dressmakers , and the suppliers of the theusand end one little luxuries which comfortable tradesmen are in thsfcabitof indulging in . I haxe notmade any allowance for bricklayers' labourers , or plasterers' labourers ; for shopmen , porter ? , and agricultural labourers , employed by tha shopkeepers ] and tradespeople in the cultivatioa of tbeir gardens ; which , if every five employed only one between them , wonia give emplojraeBt ta fifty . I have allowed no margin for the increase in the employment of thoie engaged in mines and minerals , in tan-yards , and the factory . I msy assame , as this would be an agricultaral village standing upon nearly one hundred acres of land—as I allow sixty for roads and s . pleasure park ia the centre of the village

      —I may fairly estimate that twenty retired tradesmen , and widows with small allowances , would be bni too bsppy to flock to tfiis paradise ; so tbat , upon she most micuta calculation , I am bold enough to assert , that this rural population of eig ht hundred families wonld be the means of sustaining nearly an equal number of trades ; and if you , the labourers of England , nnderstoed the difference between well-cultivated and ill cultivated land , you would not start ; were I to add a further population of sir hundred families more , or three thousand psrsons , to the number . From the first of February to the first of Norember , every one of the eig ht hundred husbandmen would employ 3 labourer at remunerati ng wegep , and eight hundred men employed for nine months in the year , is equal to six hundrsd men in

      the year . You will perceive that I have assigned DO BOUSB for the banker , the lawyer , thep 3 rsoD , the publican , the pawnbroker , or the brothel keeper , because tbey are the « i * t ^ &i .-is ^ - *" - ~ . _ i » V —« .. - ¦ ' •"• • •

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      « eitroyer » of p * ace , tk « fonenten of discontent , and the enemies , of trne religion . It may bfe preso ' tned , thai I have named trades tthbie work could ba better performid bj the hoatenlfe ; but I reply no—because tht role of eooiety is a just competition « ndii eitablUb . 14 upea too trua b » si « of cooperation at it is chwptr far a mia to glva gavenpance a pound for a pound of b « ef to a butcher , than to make a slovenly use of an os , ¦ % « heep , or a calf , which he should sell wholesale for sixpence a-peund ; while I further believe , that the baker , under the iufluetce of fair competition , aad with a large trade , caa sell a loaf cheaper than a housewife coald make it . However , in my estimate of the several number of tradesmen that a rural population would require , I have left a large margin for fancy , as 1 assign onl y four bakers to eight hundred familiesor ... . .

      , ene baker totwohundredfamUieB ; and if each family consumea four pounds of bread a-day , each baker shoald supply eight hundred pounds of bread a day , and if he made half a farthing a pound profit , or a halfpenny profit upon the four-pound loaf , he would realise 8 profit of a hundred and fifty pounds a year ; and quick sale and light prefit being the dealer ' s motto , If the mother had not the benefit of the light profit , she wonld take care that the dealer should not have the benefit of quick sale , as I assure thoBe who estimate the genius of the working classes by the necessity that misery imposes open them , that there is a great difference betnreen the housekeeper taking her account book anS her brass to the sLopkeeper ea a Saturday night : in the one case she is obliged , in the other the obliger .

      We must refer the reader to the Treatise itself for tha full explanation of the beneficial results which would be reaped by all sections of the induBtnon . 8 order , by the employment of comparatively a small number of the unwilling idlers and paupers npon the land . We append a description o

      rsiE LiBOUa fl YlLtAOE . In the two miles Eqaire there are 2 . 5 S 0 acres of land 2 , 400 I kave assigaed to agricultural purposes ; fifty for fences and roads ; ten for a green in the centre of the village , inrroundedwlth treeg , for the villager to walk In and the children to play In . Around this green should stand the eight school houses for the education of tho agricultural population , and which , by a proper dlstributton of time , might be also made to serve fer the education of the village populatien , or rather four hundred faotlies—while I hare oaly estimated two-hundred and fifty—this would allew & quarter of an acre for streets , each house to stand upon , and a garden ; and which , as I have shows , would more than occupy fifty agricultural labourers , independent of the rural population . This village should be Built on the true ' sanitary principle , and would give you ten eqaares , at forty houses to a square , and in these several squares the different trades may be conveniently classed .

      After unmiskinfi tha sophism of the MalUuigiauS , on the question of over-population and emigration , Mr O'Connor sums up—WHAT HIGH ! BE DOME IF EKQLAND ' s EUL 28 S VfEBE YfIBB A HP 3 OHE 8 T . All that I require is one Billion and a half or acres , or the fortieth part of the land of this country , to locate five hundred thousand heads of familUs , each upon three acres , at Bra to s faznilj , that wonld be two millions and a half of our population ; they will give employment to five hundred thousand tradesmen and

      shopkeepers , making at five to a family another two million and a half , thus taking five millions of the surplus population out ef the idle competitive marker , raising the wages of those who remain behind them , andthere ' s the rnb—relieving the IaEd altogether of poor rates ; and allowing these five millions transferred from pauperism to industry—from the idle to the laborious market—consume one pound ' s worth each per year of the manufactures of our country more than they do now in their present state , there is an increase in our home consumption to nearly double the amount that America pays ta England for the goods she imports .

      We regret that want of apace preYeuta w doing full justice to the merits of this able and admirable exposition of the rights of industry , and the means by which those rights may ba practically asserted and established , for the benefit of all classes ef the community . We trust that this number ef the' Labourer ' will have an extensive circulation .

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      1 We ctiU the choicest . ' HEROES AND C 0 MJUEROR 3 . It is Dot known where he that invented the plough was born , nor where he died ; yet he has effected more for the happiness of the world than the whole race of heroes snd conquerors , who have drenched it with tears , manured it with blood , and whose birth , parentage , and education , have been handed down to us with % precision precisely proportionate to the mischief they have dose . THE FASr .

      The following remarkable resolutions were passed by the English Parliament m 1619 :- 'That the people under God , are the original of all just power ; that the Commons' Honse of Parliament , being chosen by , and representing the people , have the supreme power ; and that whatever is by them enacted , has the force of law , though the consent of king and peers be not added to it . '—Godwin ' s History of the Commonwealth .

      THE PRESENT . 'The legislature of Great Britain consists entirely of a certain class of people , viz ., —the landholders and monied men ; of consequence the laws are made entirely for their iaterests ^ the rest of the nation being nothing accounted of , excepting ia as far as their labour can be productive to the extravagance , caprice , and ambition of the former ; hence the phrase which they perpetually adopt—our industrioas poor : a 3 if any man ought to be poor , or would be poor , who is industrious , if it were no 5 through their oppression . ' —Historical Register ; -

      THE F 6 IURK . In his journal , under the date of January 13 tl 821 , the poet Byron writes : — 'Dined , news oame tie powers mean to war with the people . The Jntel igence seems positive—let it be so , they will bi eaten in the end ; the kingtimea are fast finishing 'here will be . blood shed like water , and tears liki list , but the people will conquer in the end ; I shal ot live to see it , bnt I foresee it . ' ' Ambition is a principle which , if it finds a mai onest , will , perhaps , never leave him so . —Godwin .

      THE FELON . 'Tis Ireland's rallying cry—We'll raise it to the sky , With flashing sword and eye—The Peloa ! It sounds in deathless pridefTkro' the aation far and wide , Wept , cherished , glorified , The Felon 1 'Tis strong as trumpet ' s call To rouse the sleepers all—To strive—to strike—to fall—The Felon ! Lika flame that watchword rolls—Within our inmost sonla Ab a brazea bell It tolls—Tae Felon '

      As summer's foliage riven By ths arrows of the levin , From our hearts is softness driven Bj that word . Doubts , mijta , and fearR are flowa—No pith for us bat one-He Bhow'd the way alone—The Felon . ' That great voice struck the chime Of a new and wondrous time ; Those deep tones rang sublime Thro * the land . 1 ' er comba t wrong with wrong ; In truth alone bs strong Strike boldly—and ere long Ton are free !' Now , in this time of woe , That gospel truth we know—No parley with the foe

      Shall we hold . 'Tie the silent , brooding hour 'Twixt the strife of right with power ; Dark , lurid glances lower Everywhere ! Each refl . hot passion now , In this its liqaid flaw , We mould for that dread blow To avenge . ' By tho laws that maddening mock ; By tbe convict sbip and deck ; By that parting ' s bitter shock , Stand prepar'd ! By the all nnconquer'd mien In that Uit moment seen , Triumphant and serene ,

      Kerve your hearts ! By Ms wards , like sabre swing , Calm , keen , unwaverine ( To the winds endurance fling From this day ! B / tho sacrifice that seal'd The doctrine he revealed , Think now hut of the field And of Bim , ' For one—for two—for three 'Ay ! hundreds , thousands , see ! Por vengeance and for thee To tbe last !

      Oh ! surely Bhall we show To that bsso , detested foe T . ; af e'en in wrong and woe , The victory' tvas tMne * BvA . * ' And , my lord , the viotory it with me . —JoBH Mir-CHSL ' BLAST TT 0 BD 8 .

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      [ The following letter , with the exception of the postscript ,. was . writteo to appear , in last Saturday ' s Stab , hut pras 9 of matter compelled its postponement . ] . .

      TO THE PEOPLE . The French Republic — Lamartine's ' policy , ' domestic and foreign — The 'National' cli q ue — The People again deceived and betrayed— Conspiracy to prevent the Organisation of Labour—Louis Blanc and his enemies—Ruffianly treatment of Barbes—Anti-Republican proceedings of tke National Assembly- "' King Smith' and Mv brood —Joinville ' s intrigues—Bloody designs of the Bourgeoisie . —What the Provisional government should have done to have secured the victory of Democracy .-Fribnds . Countrymen , and Brothers , As on tha issue of the experiment at present goiDg on in France , depends in a great measure the hopes of the flaman race—afc least for in all probability a lengthy period to come—I may permit myself some observations on the Fxench Republic , in addition to those I submitted to you in my last letter .

      For a month past , the last mournful words of Robespierre have Bounded in my ears : — 'Tbe Republic is lo .-t ; tLe briganda triumph ! ' Heaven avert so sad an issue of this second great experimeat in Gallio history . If indeed the Republic is des fined to perish ; if indeed the brigands are destined to be once more the victors over honest men , the people © f France may blame themseWes for having elected an Assembly , composed of the enemies instead of the friends of the Republic .

      In my last letter , I commented at sufficient length on this misfortune . But biama is attachable to others besides tbe ignorant or apathetio majority . I must new trouble yeu with a few observations on the exceedingly censurable conduct of certain public characters , to whose treachery or folly we owe the fact of the reactionnaires , lifting up tbeir heads and plotting the destruction of the Republic . The public characters I allude to are—Lamartine and the National clique : — Mabrast , Garnier Pa g es , Abago , Marie , Cremieux , &o . &c .

      I would fain believe Lahartine to be honest , but I confess I have my doubts , when 16 ee bim constantly labouring to increase tbe military force Btationed in the capital . Whea in February last victory declared for the people , the troops withdrew from Paris , and for eor aa time the French metropolis was left to the sola guardianship of the National Guard , and the Garde Mobile . These-were found more than sufficient for the preservation of' order . ' Indeed had there been neither National Guard nor Garde Mobile , Paris would have been justas tranquil . The 15 : h of May was the first occasion on which there appeared any

      symptoms of distrust and disaffection on the part of the people , occasioned by the infamous conduct of tbe National Assembly . Why , then , h » B Lamartinb laboured SO unce ' . Bingly to bring back the army to Paris ? There can be but one answer to thai question : — ' To overawe the people , ' Afc first under the specious pretext of bringing the soldiers to fraternise with the people , the Parisians were persuaded into admitting a regiment * or two . More and more regiments followed , until now the number of troops of the line in tbe capital is f aid to equal the number stationed there by Louis Phiuppe , previous to the revolution of February .

      Lamartinb ' s state papera and speeches on the foreign policy of the French Republic certainly have tbe appearance of great candour and unexampled diplomatic honesty . But I cannot forget that the Belgian and German legions weie permitted to enrol , arm , and drill in the atreeta of Paris , and were allowed , unchecked by the provisional government , to march to the frontiers , and then only were disavowed by that government—that is after the unfortunate enthusiasts had committed theraaelvea to detraction . Again , on the question of Poland , I cannot congratulate Lamartine on having pursued a coursa worthy of himself or his country . His speech of Tuesday , the 23 rd of May , in the National Assembly , was obs long , laboured apology for doing nothing for Poland , I say nothing for his polite messages to the cabinet of

      AuBtria and Berlin , declaring that' the independence of Poland is a cause which the French government will never abandon' will be regarded by those cabinets precisely as the hypocritical votea of Lonia Philippe ' s Chamber of Deputies on the same question and to the Bame effect were regarded ; as so much ' sound and fury signifying nothing . ' In effect , though not in word 3 , ' Peace at Any Price' is the motto of Lamar-TINE . He can only express bis ' sympathy' for Poland . Unhappy Polos ! what have you gained by the displacement of Gmzoi for Lamartinb ? Newly awakened hopes d 9 omed to produce only new and bitter disappointment ; and eloquent phrases which , as a member of the National Assembly insinuated , would only be preduotive of a repetition of Sebastiani'b sentence on Poland : — ' Order reigns in

      Warsaw . ' I admit the difficulties of the Polish question for France , and I am not one who would risk an effnsicn ofbloodfora doubtful end . But without invading Germany to reach Poland , means might have been taken to arouse the Germans , Swiss , Hungarians , and Bohemians to march fraternally with the soldiers of France against the oppressors of Poland . Such a fraternisation will , however . not be brought about by Lamartine ' s diplomacy . His sugary notes and

      eloqaeat speeches are not likely to move the breasts of savage kings and princes , and his miserable cry of ¦ peace , peace , ' will destroy instead of excite the generous enthusiasm of nations . In short , Lamartinb is , no doubt , a very charming poet and a very pretty speech-maker , but , nevertheless , a very indifferent statesman . As we say in England , ' fine words won't bntter parsnips , ' and it will bo seen—nay , is already seen—that' the pcet of Elvira' ' u not a political Archimedes , able and willing to raise the world .

      But it is principally within the bosom of the French Republic that the evil effects of Lamartine ' s timid , halting , do-nothing policy are most sadly evident . In that policy he appears to have been aided , if not governed , by thQ ' . National oliquo aforesaid . Only a few hours after the glorious victory of the 21 th of February , it was proclaimed by the provisional government , that ' the revolution having BEEN ACCOMPLISHED BY THE PEOPLE , ODOHT TO be accomplished roR the people ; ' yet only three months after that declaration we see the working men suffering all the evils of poverty—their political associations put down by armed force—their petitions unheeded—their honest leaders prescribed and flung into dungeons—and their , bourgeois oppressors openly avowing their desire to shed t&e blood of their victims . This comes of Lamartine ' s ' moderation' and the sceundrelism of Mabrast & Co .

      It may be well to repeat here the declaration of the principles avowed by ' . the provisional government , when carried to the seats of power oh the shoulders of the triumphant people . I repeat what has already appeared in the Star , but which is well worthy of repetition : — Whereas , the Revolution having been accomplished by the people , ought to be accomplished for tbe people ; whereas , the time has arrived for putting a Btop to the long and iniquitous suffering of the workmen ; whereas , this Gubjeot is one Of immenee importance , and worthy of the greatest consideration of a republican government ; it therefore behoves France to deliberate carefully , and to bestow its earnest attention npon this problem which is now p ieced before the Industrial nations of Europe , and to consult , without a moxent'a delay , upon the

      means of guaranteeing to tbe people tbe legitimate fruits of their labour . The provisional government decreesthat a permanent committee be appointed , to be entitled the committee for the government of workmoc , with the express and special mission to watch over their interests . In order to demonstrate tho importance which tho trovisional government attaches to the boIh . tion of thin giand problem , it appoints as President of the committee , one of Its members , M . Louie Blnnc , and an . other of its members , M . Albert , ( mechanic , ) to be Vice-President . Workmen will themselves bo called upon to form a portion of tho committee , which will ait at tha palace of the Luxembourg , ( Signed ) Lons Blanc , Abhakd JIaebast , Onsmia Pages .

      There was also published the following : — That tho Republio guarantees an existence to every one through labour ; that It guarantees work to every citizen . It recognises the right of workmen to associate among themsdves 1 b order to enjoy the full benefit ol their labour . It promlsea to glvo to the ouvriers the million cut off from the civil list . Gabnier Pages , Lotus Bl 4 . ho .

      These promises have not been fulfilled , and the expectations excited by the first proclamation have been utterly disappointed . The ' guarantee ' of existence to every one through labour is come to this , that the Minister of Public Works calls upon all able-bodied men , between eighteen and twenty-fivei to enlist at oncB in the regular army upon pain of immediate dismissal from the national workshops . I acquit Loun Blanc of blame , sb I do likewise his colleagues , ( in the late provisional government , ) Lkdru Rollin Flocon , and Albert . 1 believe , had this minority not oeen thwarted and outvoted by Lamartihe , Marra 8 t & Co ., they would have taken such energetic measures as would have ensured tho success of the

      Republic . But the four Democrats were from the outset constantly calumniated and d' nouncedby the journals and creatures of the bourgeois-conspiratpva , and every possible obstacle placed in the way of their endeavours to establish the Republic upon a thoroughly democratic basis . Low Blanc bavins specialJy devoted his talents to tho great work of promoting the Bocial regeneration of the maaBes , was for that reason specially singled out for alander . _ I he enemies of the people anxiously desired to bring nib plans and principles into discredit , and have partly succeeded by taking means to ensure tho failure oi the national workshops , and employing masses oi working men on useless or unnecessary labour . Tho levelling of tho Champ de Mars was very like setting

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      the men to dig holes and fill them ap again , at the same time that va * i tracts of land were lying barren , or but wretchedly cultivated , lor want of labour ! The' petmanenfc committee' appointed by tho provisional government , at the commencement of the Republic , charged with . the special mission of watching over the interests of the workmen , dissolved itself after an existence of two months , because it was unsupported by the majority of the provisional government , and calumniated by the National Assembly . Its vice-president , Albert , is a prisoner in the dungeons of Vincennes , and Ha pre&identi Louis Blanc , is menaced with a similar fate . Louh Blanc ' s enemies have successfully plotted to prevent him carrying oat hia intentions , and now they have the Bhameless assurance to turn upon him and charge him with having tfi '

      sorganiaed tbe labourers , frightened tbe capitalists , and caused the present stagnation of trade ! Thus it has ever been . In all countries and times , scoundrels have prevented the success of good measures , and then represented to the unthinking multitude , that the failures they had caused were proofs of the incapacity or dishonesty of the true friends of the people The systematic hostility to Louis Blanc was exhibited in a most rancorous form on the opening of the National Assembly . His first address to that body in his character of ( then ) President of the Commission des Travaitleurs , waa received with' excessive coldness , ' and calumniated by the reactionary journals , one of whom , the Pbesse , descended to the pitiful meanness of ridiculing his personal appearance , on the ground of hia littleness , and that he had to stand on a footstool when in tho tribune , You Bee that there is no act too contemptible for these wretches of the presa-gang .

      On his next appearance in the tribune , Louis Bi , iKc called en the Assembly to establish , a special minister ot labour and progress . His speech , we are told in tho reports , excited' great agitation , " expressions of doubt , ' ' violent interruption , ' 'ironical laughter , '' loud laughter , ' 'increased laughter , ' and ' renewed laughter / I ce nnot see what there was in Louis Blanc to have excited so keenly the ridicule and wrath of the Assembly . Could our infamous parliament have done worse ? ' I demand , ' said Louis Blanc . ' that labour be immediately organised , to prevent tha revolution of hunger ! ' This was received with shouts of derision and hatred ! Were not the 'insurgents' of the 15 th of May justified by the previous oonduot of the respectable ruffians of the Assembly ?

      ' Ruffianly' is the only term that can truly characterise the treatment Barbbs experienced . ' Ilia very appearance , ' said the Times' correspondent , writing on the 10 th of May , ' seems sufficient to call forth an explosion . ' The moment he mounted the tribune , he was assailed by a chorus of fories , who never permitted him to speak but in defiance of their howlings . The TiMBs-serving correspondent had theimpudence to blame Babbb 3 as the creator of these tumults , when it is very evident tbat the disturbance on each occasion of hia attempting to speak was the work of the villains who refused" him a hearing . On tbe 15 th of May , according to the reporters , the members , when Babbss attempted to speak , acted upon a preconcerted plan of drowning his voice I Is there any wonder that , witnessing the treatment of their honest representative , the working men , through the mouth of Hubert , proclaimed the dissolution of that rascally Assembly ?

      Thia fury against Babbes one little fact will account ior . A fsw days before the meeting of the Assembly , he had put his name to an address in favour of Robebpibrrb ' b declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen ; an offence unpardonable in the eye 3 of the aristocratic and bourgeois intriguers in the Assembly . These worthy successors of the Thermidorean assassins would , evidently , be only too happy to immolate Barges , as their . predecessors murdered Robesfibbrb . From the 4 th to the 16 th of May , the Assembly wasted nearly two precious weeks in disgraceful personal debates , and the discussion of rules and regulations , which ( latter ) might have been disposed of at a single sitting . Wisely and honestly , therefore , did Bl . m > OjUI demand—that ' the Assembly Bhould , without intermission—without stop , —without manifestation of fatigue , continuously concert together , to give work , to give bread to the people . '

      But thia and every other demand for justice was imhoeded , and then only were the peeple excited te proclaim the dissolution ot the Assembly . I am convinced that this had not been intended . I am persuaded that the only object of the clubs was a manifestation in favour of Poland . Men who intended to create a revolution , and who contemplated as their first step the forcible dissolution oi the supreme au . fchority , were not likely to aet about their , work without arms . It was , I repeat , the refusal of the As-Bembly to vote any one of tha people ' s demands 6 hat induced the motion of Hubert . It must be borne in mind that Barbes and Hubert had but just been released from a nine year * ' incarceration in Louis

      Philippe s dungeons—hence their patriotic impatience was natural . A man who for nine years has been subjected to the hell of dungeon . tortureg , and during that time has brooded over his wrongs , and pictured to his excited imagination the rapidity with which he would right the wronged , had he liberty and power—it may be conceived will not patiently endure to see dajs , and weeks , and montbs frittered away by knaves , who do nothing but conspire to wrest from the people tbeir newly-won political freedom , and keep them in their old state of social slavery . I rogret the precipitancy of Barbsb and Hubert , but their motives were God-like and deserve our unbounded admiration .

      In ruy last I fully explained the events of the 15 th of May , and vindicated the principles and intentions of the patriots . I will here add a reply to an additional calumny of their enemies . The reporter of the Assembly has stated in the Moniteur , that when Bardbs proposed a tax of 40 , 000 , 000 of francs on the rich , some oi hia followers cried out 'No , _ no , Barbbs , give US two hours pillage of Paris . ' This is of course either a lie of the reporter ' s , or if such a cry was uttered , it was a cry irom the throat of a villain employed to bring discredit on Babbbs and his friends . Men whose vocation is plunder , are not in tue habit of shouting their intentions before-hand ; on the contrary , suddenly or stealthily they Bet about plundering at once . Common sense shows this alleged cry to be the production of the reporter ' s fopl and fertile imagination , or , if really uttered , the voice of a Judas employed by the rcactionnaires .

      lam sorry to have to add , that Blanqui and several good patriot * have been arrested . The prisons are filled with the very men whe by their sufferings , blood , and valour founded the Republic . I 3 it not time chat once more the towers of Notre Dame rang out the t icsin . summoning Saint Antoine to the great work of justice and the Republic's salvation ? Since the 15 th of May , the Assembly has progressed (?) from bad to worse . Questions of etiquette and similar contemptible frivolities , have engaged tho attention of the members , at a time , too , when unif ersal misery and impending national bankruptcy demanded the moat wise and energetic measures . One feature the National Assembly possesses , in common with a most honeat ( . ' ) and enlightened (!) Assembly nearer home—we allude to its propensity

      to laugh down almost every just proposition and every honGBtman . A bad sign ! When senators laugh , the people groan ! Tho only exception to the Assembly ' s bad acts that I have observed , was its vote , by a great majority , for tho perpetuaJ exiJe of Lovia Philippe and his brood . Still this vote is a makebelieve , a Bham , to gull the majority of the people inio the belief tbat the memberB of the Assembly are really Republicans ; but I have seen sufficient of their acts to come to the conclusion that nearly the same majority would , under other circumstances , vote for the restoration of ' King Smith' and his crew . Let them only continue their present proscription of the real Republicans for a short time loDger , and royalty , in some shape , will certainly be restored .

      The ' protests' of their sublime highnesses , tbe ' Duke de Nemours , ' the ' Duke d'AuMAt , E , ' and tho ' Princede Joinville / against the law decreeing their banishment from France , are amusing Bpecimens of royal impudence . These ' gents' ought to be very thankful that they were allowed to escape to England upon conditions bo easy . Although no saints , they would have shared the fate ef St Donis , had they met with their deserts . Let it be borne in mind that , to support Itheir father's usurpation and their own pretensions , these ' nice young men' aided

      in the murdering of hundreds of their noblest fellowcountrymen , and doomed hundreds more to languish in duteous ( where many perished ) , some for the term of fifteen years . On the 24 th ot February , the Dllke de Neimuhs exclaimed , ' The cannon must be fired upon this mob ! ' The Duke de Montpehsier bad ordered the transport of seventy pieces ef cannon to Pari 3 ; the order waa found in his own handwriting . Amiable family ! What cruelty to banish them ! Truly , did-the Rbpoume say , 'Theproscription of princes is the safeguard of tbe people . '

      Joinville ' s letters , published in the Fressk , were , of course , written for the purpose of showing that his swaggering ' highness' was open to an engagement , if tbe worthy bourgeoisie considered things ripe for the restoration of royalty . Uo has certainly succeededin making himself ridiculous . ' I walk enormously , ' uayo Joinville . Wonderful ! But stop a minute— - hear him again : ' We live an idlo life—DO interest animates n 8 , Iatpresentreadagosddeal . ' That is a good Bi « n . ' A tew writing lessons Buperaddod

      wonld bo of eerviceto him . He eeemsto bo agluttoc for books , for agate he says : 'Stretched on the grasa I read an immensity [ mark what follows ] whilst our wives work ! ' Now , for a mest affecting nveiatinn ' . — ' They ( the wives ) make all their own dresses , bonnets , Ae ., and I can assure you that they could earn their own living ! ' We understand that this heart thrilling picture of Joinville ' gone to rmsk , ' and the prinocBaes turned ' bonnet builders , haa brought tears into the eyes of all the ' snobs' of England .

      To return to the Assembly and thoBO it represents :-thc reactionnaires and counter revolutionists . Of their treason to the Republto there can be no doubt . The ^ res pondents of the Londonjournais

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      announce that the return of Thiebs to the Assembly for the department of the Qironde is now sure , and 'a constitutional eystom like Jbatof Et-.-iani , under a regency , with Thibrb for Prime Minister , IB'the programme'Of the ' respectables . ' Ot the bloody ^ intentions of the bourgeoisie , I could giv « many proofs , but I will confine myaelf to one , a letter which recently appeared in the Liverpool Cimes ; ' from / as that paper said , ' the pen of a I'renclw man-a raaH of property and educa tion—addresaefl to a gentleman in Liverpool : '— PiBi 8 , May 2 o , 1818 . ... . . ..

      Jfr DB 4 B , Terj far from improving , evorythmg Is getting worse ia our unfortunate country , ami I am now no fwihe * arivaneod thnnlwaaen tliv- first day , # * I have reoelved jour Pcscu . I most heartily applaud your John Ball kicking the republican to the other elde of tbe channel . You ought mightily to congratulate jourselcca on havlBg noted ao vigorously on the 10 th April , —it is a htdoons thing to be in the power of the mob . * * * * I do not know for what to pat ap my rows—repcWto , monarchy , constitutiouU , or absolute , —all U ,-. i ; iij t » me , provided wo can et-capo from this state of . venation .

      Whan the horizon appears clearer , I become moved —« I feel an interest—then seeing that no advance i * made , I fall baok into a ntnte of discouragement and drj-ciion of which you can have Httlv idea . Eow happy 1 should be If , like you , I lived ia n country sheltered from revolutions , where you do not every morning hear the rapjpcl beating , and the same air shouting all tke day long . « * * * P . S . —I am in better spirits tOtday . Wo have ft man in the ministry of war—fifty thousand men surround Paris , anxious to take their revenge ; they will not dig . arm them this time , I'li promise you . i trust there ivil be at > aUlt , and . I shall not spare myielf »» iS ; but I wan toU decisive—Ui < u « nty tfousavd of the rufllans be thrown into the river and 1 shall bi satisfied . What Imnlis great commotion—conquerors and conquered— no gnma to play over again every day . Let us kill or be killed afterwards we may sing mourir pour lajpatrte .

      Although I have only given extracts from this letter , lean' assure the reader that I have not omitted anything that qualified the atrocious sentiments of thiB incarnate scoundrel , whese name I am sorry to say , tbanks to the Liverpool Times , I cannot give . See how the rascal deplores having to live in a republican country . Monarchy , constitutional or absolute , would be all the Bame to him , if he could only escape from therule of ' the mob . ' Mark his ' dejection' because he and his infernal class cannot have thmga all their own way ; and mark , too , wbatputs him into ' better epirita '—the ecent of blocd ! Oh ! delicate moBSter . How hegloats over the fifty thousand soldiers surrounding Paris , ' anxious to take their revenge . ' ' I traat there * ill be & battle , ' sm

      he ; 'What 1 waDtisa great coraniotion—conquerors and conquered . ' ' Let twenty thousand of the ruffians ( he means the Republicans ) be thrown into theriver and I shall be satisfied ! ' You see , working weft , what wiij satisfy a dourgeoit—your blood , * not poured out in drops , but in streams and torrents * The assassination of Barbeb and a few others would not appease the bloodthirstinees of this genuiue representative of ' the ebop ; ' nothing leap than a holo caust 6 f 20 , 000 victims will' satisfy' this miscreant This comes of' moderation . ' Thia is the consequence of Lamartine's ' eoothing system ; ' as if anything bnt terror could make robbers honest , and assassinshumane ! The spirit breathed throughout the ' respectable ' Frenchman ' s letter , is the spirit which everywhere animates the middle-classes . A letter from & friond in

      Germany says : —* The revolutionary governments are worse than the old outs , The JPoJeg in Fo 3 en branded upon hand asd ear with nitric acid , and flogged to make them Jjive no their arras . The people disarmed in Manheim , Aix-la-Chapelle , Treves , &c , and Mayenca bombarded within the bearing of the National Assembly at Frankfort , ' So much for bourgeois rule in Germany . At home you see tho middle eta trying once more to hook you into ano < ther humbug agitation for their benefit , and , on your refusal , taking up bludgeons to help the aristocracy la crush you . The middle-class' g pcciala would only be too happy to have 20 , 000 Chartists thrown into the Thames . The profitmongera are the same plundering , tyrannical , blood-thirsty crew all the world over . They would massacre half the working classes to reduce tho other half to a state of hopeless subjection to their damnable role .

      As I have imputed great faults to the Provisional Government of France , and charged LjumixE and the majority of his colleagues with having , by thei ? treachery or incapacity , prepared the ruin of the Republic . I may be fairly asked to show what course they ought to have taken . In ray humble opinion the provisional government should , within tho first twenty . foiir heurs of its existencs , have decreed : — 1 st —The entire soil of France National Property . All landholders not holding more than a limited portion of the soil—say twenty acres , to be maintained in possession of the same ; tbe surplus to revert to

      the state . A CQtnmiasioa to report on questions of compensation to parties deprived of land ? , &c . 2 nd The immediate employment of the Hnemployed classes on the lands belonging to tho nation . Each cultivator to be guaranteed possession for twentyene yeara , and to be provided with cottage , implement ? , seed , &c , by the state . A commission to fix the rent payable to the State . Labourers desirous of engaging in the cultivation of tbe soil , home manufactures , &c , on Communist or associative principles , to be furnished with the requisite assistance . The funds to be supplied by a special tax on the rich .

      3 rd . —The confiscation of tho entire property of all persons leaving the country without permission of the government . 4 th . —Tbe taking possession of the Bank of France , and all other banking establishments ; all railroads , and other roads ; canals , mines , woods , fisheries , and every other description of monopoly , as National Property ; at the same time arranging for the compensating of the classes dispossessed . 5 ; h . —The banishment of all Orleanist , Legitimist , and known' English system' intriguers , under pain of death if found again on Frenoh soil , unless permitted to return by the vote of the French people .

      6 th . —The marching of the entjre army to the frontier . The dissolution of the National Guard , and the entrusting the defence of Paris , and all othe ; towns and cities , to a purely civil force , in which all classes ( and ail individuate by rotation ) should be required to serve . Two-tnirds of the force on duty always to consist of the working classes . I have said sufficient to show my views of what the provisional government ought to have done , and if such measures , and others conceived in the same spirit , had been decreed whilst the barricades were yet standing , the aristocrats and bourgeoisie would have submitted to them ; or , if fools enough to have offered resistance , they would have been beaten , and

      taught justice by force—the only teacher that can enlighten them . Had the course I have described been taken , the Republic would have been erected on indestructible foundations . The social emancipation of the millions would have been accomplished , and the promise holdout by the ' provisional government , that the revolution having been accomplished by the people , should be accempliaaed for tbe people , would have been realised ; instead of being regarded as it is at this moment , as a lie put forth by men merely intent on their own aggrandisement , or at the best a mockery proclaimed by men not courageous enough to make it a verity .

      ' Those , ' said StJast , ' who make half revolutions but dig graves for themselves . ' Whether the majority of the late provisional government have dug their own graves time will tell ; but most certainly in somethings they did , but in more they did not do , they have done their best to dig the grave of the Republio . Ho ! Saint Antoine ! thou alone canst save the Commonwealth ! L'Ami du Peuplb . May 31 st , 1848 .

      P . S . —In 8 recent number of the Mohhinb Chbo * niclb , tbe writer of an article on the French Repub " lie says : — ' We can well understand , if wo cannot sympathise with , the alarm and indication of the Republicans . It must be admitted that the National Assembly has gone even faster lacliwards than ihe July Monarchy ; and that with a suppressed conspiracy , and the prisons full , ive may imagine ourselves almost once more in 1832 , while even the h < . ws of Sfeptember mighl , without much surprising anybod y , any morning be re enacted and renewed . '

      This is an admission winch thoroughly justifie s ; he hostility of the Clubs to the National Assembly . Since the above letter waB written , a daring attempt has been made by the reactionnaires to impr-ncii and arrest L"uis Blanc . It is true tho attempt failed . It is true that the majority recoiled from tho responsibility of throwing down the gauntlet , by r . rospribinj tbe man whom the millions regard as their friend ; but it is also true that the majority have giTen an unmistakable expression of their eentiments by eleoting the accusers of Lodib Blanc to the dignity (?) of Vice-presidents of the Assembly . Thus , have thoso dastards shown themselves ' willing to wound , bnt jet afraid to strike . '

      The reaction , under Republican colours , is advancin" rapidly ! The Commons dk Paris announces that the forts of Paris are being fitted up for the onetation of offensive measures . Against whom ? Of course the people ; How dare Lkdru-Rolun sanction a measure from which both Philippe and Gdizot recoiled ? This is not all . The Mobwisg Chbokicls ' b surmise , " that the laws of September may be reenacted , is already in course of realisation . On Monday evening last tbo Minister ot the Interior presented to the Assembly a law against assemblages in the streets—a law of the meat atrociously tyrsnni cal character . According to thi 3 project of law ' all assemblies which may be calculate !} to disturb public tranquillity , ' are to be treated as criminal . Of eourse this means " all assemblages offensive to the reigming party . ' An assomblage is to be considered as armed , if several individuals amongst it carry arms either openly or concealed . ' Police spies , armed for the purpose will thus be enabled to give any meeting th

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 10, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1474/page/3/