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Northern Star (1837-1852), 3rd June 1848, Edition 1 of 3, Page 2, Untitled Ad

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    • , "" an effectual " cure for piles, fistulas, &c. ^-^— * eg —^"**'^ *^*'
    • &Qvttswt3m\ tt*
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      Untitled Ad

      IBERNETHT'S PILE OINTMENT . : c ^ conse is the Piles ! and comparatively how few of the afflicted hava been perma-: TXTH AT a painful ancl b ° * ° « « s "f to Medical skill ! This , no donbt , arises from the use of powerful aperiente YY nentlv cared by ord ^ ¥ ^ l ^ TWes ^ n indeed , strong internal medicine should always be avoided in aU toofrequsiiily administers dj > _ r of tte atuve ointment , after years of acute Buficring , placed himself undw cases of this comp laint- «« ' £ yr Abemethy , was by him restored to perfect health , and has enjoyed it evet the treatmen t of ^ V ^ return of tne Disorder , over a period of fifteen years , during which time the same Aber jjnee without tne siisnKsi nsofheali vaEt number of desperate cases , both in and out of the Pro-^ jethian Prescription * £ *?™ t - which coses had been un . ier Medical care , and some of them for a very consider-Bli etors circles of h ?"" ^ , ™ ointment was introduced to the Public by the desire of many who had been perfectly ; * ye ttoe . AberneUg S rue v ia [ roduction , the tame of this ointment has spread far and Wide ! even file ; healed by its apii'ic * twn , » nduaw . . ii fo acknowkdge thc ^ rtnK of any Medicine not prepared by them-Xedieal Frof ^ wny ^ Yrankly admit that Abernethy ' s Pile Ointment , is not only a valuable preparation , bat a ^^ . ^^ Sl ^^^ A ^^^^ Maudes <^ -es of its eScaey mi . ht te S p ? odu " l , ^ t ^ nature of the complaint did not render those who have been cured , unwilling to publish ^ en- namef . quantity of three 4 s . 6 d . pots in one for 1 is , with full directions ^ co ' hvC KroS-Sit ^ to the Proprietor ) . Xo . S ^/ xapier-gtreet , H , xton Sex , Town , London , where also can SfJr ^ SS" S pltent aetoine of repute , direct from the original makers , with an allowance on takugnx ¦ V- ^ inrPtn * ck fo r' ABERVETHT'S PILE OINTMENT . ' The public are requested to be on their guard f \ t n 4 Tnu coisosUion " sold at low prices , and to observe that none can possibly be genuine , unless the name S&foStSKl ; GoVernment Stamp affixed to each pot , 4 s . 6 d ., which is the lowest price the proprietor IS enabled to sell it at , owing to the great expense of the ingredients . CORNS AND BUNIONS .

      Untitled Ad

      Q * THE CONCEALED CAUSE THAT PREYS ON THE HEALTH AKD SHORTENS THE DURATION OF HFilAN LIFE ItLUSTStTED vriTB NUMEROUS CotOCEED EKSKATISGS . Just Pnblished , in a Sealed Envelope , price 2 s . Gd ., or free bv post , 3 s . 6 d . COSTROTJL OF THE PASSIONS ; a Popular Essay on the Duties and Obligations of Married Life , the Enhappiness resulting from physical impediments and defects vnth directions for their treatment ; the abuse ot tlie passions , the premature decline of health , and mental and bodily vigour ; indulgence in solitary ana Oelnsive habits , precocious exertions or infection , inducing & Ions train ef disorders affecting the principal organs ot the body , causing consumptions , mental and nervous g = bility aad indigettioi , with remarks on gonorrhoea , Itleel , stricture , and Bjpnilis . illustrated with Coloured SBCTarinesand Cases .

      Untitled Ad

      iPHV- ^ ^ ' - ^* - *) ' ^?*^! The extensive practice of f /^ S /> vi I ? Z $ $ 8 s I C H Messrs R . and L . PERRY and faSl ' r - ; i- ~ t ! v . ' :- > - £ - -- ;'• -, Co .. the continued demand for their work , entitled , the ' ' SILENT FKIEN * D , '( one huniiei and twenty-five thousand copies of which have been sold ) , and the extensive sale and high repute of their Medicines have induced some unprincipled perrons to assnme the name of PERRY and closely imitate the title of the Work and names of the Medicines . The public i ; hereby cautioned that such persons are not in any way connected with the firm of E . anil L . PERRY and Co ., of London , nho do not visit the Provinces , and are only to be consulted personally , or by letter , at their Establishment , 19 , Berners-Etreet , Oxford-street , London .

      Untitled Ad

      shown to be within reach , and effectual . The operation of certain disqualifications is fully examined , aud infelicitous and unproductive unions shown to be the neces . sary confequence . Tho causes and remedies for this state form s . a important consideration in tbis section of the worfc . THE CORDIAL BALM OF SYRIACUM expressly employed to renovate the impaired powers of life , when exhausted by the inflaence exerted by solitary indulgence on the system . Its action is purely balsamic i its power in reinvigorating the frame in all cases of n « r . ous and 6 exual debility , obstinate gleets , mpotency , barrenness , ana aebiiities arising from veRereal excesses , has been demonstrated by its unvarying success in ibou . sands of eases To those persons who are prevented en . ering the married state by the consequences of early rrors , it is jivalcable . Price lls . per bottle , or feur quantities in one for 33 s .

      Untitled Article

      THE ODD F E LLOW S . TO THE EDITOB OF THE NOETHEKS 6 TA . B . Sib , —Having Ecen in tbe Lendon Daily News of the 10 : h nit . a letter to the Independent Order of Odd Fellows , written by a Sir Erasmus Williams , a magistrate and clergyman , I think it my duty as an Odd Fellow to make a few remarks by way of answer . This gentleman appears to labour under an isipression that every man becoming an Old Fellow at once becomes a passive subject to the powers that be , whether good or bad , and that , above all things , he is forbidden to take any part in corroding the evils under which he may live . On this mistaken idea he warns the members from having anything to do with Chartism , and wisheB them to eonform to tbejast , tsild , and egnitsble government , under which we at present enjoy bo many blesBlnge ! It ap . pears from the tenor of the address that tbe reverend gentleman is labouring under a gross mietaUo with regard to the nature and duties of OJd Fellowship .

      It is well known that this body is composed of men Of all rcligiou 3 creeds and political opinions—religion end politico being two matters forbiddea in the lodges—consequently , a m&n mBy be a Whig , Tory , or Ridical , Christian , Turk , or Pagan , providing be is a good moral character , and conforms to the rules of membership . Either through ignorance or deElgn , he endeavours to make it appear that Chartism is a doctrine opposed to everything good , and that its advocates are a body of men leagued with Beelzebub nnd Belial , te carry out their wicked designs , even on Sundays and Good Fridays , To judge , indeed , from the language of the addretB , a well-meaning and ignorant person might be led to suppose that Chartism was the religion of the lower regionB , and that every advocate of tbe sis points

      was the personification of the gentleman with the horns snd tail . Now , to convince tbe reverend gentleman tbat he ib eeither acquainted with Odd Fellowship nor Chartism , I shall prove tbat he himself , as fin Odd Fellow , is acting upon the Cbartlst principles . The Chcrtists adroc 3 te TJniTersal Suffrage—that is , for every member of Bocicty to have a vote in returning the re . presentative to make the laws which he will have to obey . So it is amongst the Odd FellowB , —every man has a vote as soon be becomes one ( honorary members exempted ) in the appointment of all officers , ana the maKing of all rules , Chartists advocate Annual Parliaments , in the election of members once every year ; ~ and the Odd Fellow * act upon the same principle by electing their executive annually .

      Payment of Members is one point of tha Charter , Odd Fellows act upen the same rale . Chartism advocates Eqnol Representation , by dividing it equally amongst the inhabitant of the country ; and Odd Fellowship acts upon the same rule , by allowing representatives iccording to the curaber of the members . Vote by Ballot is another point of the Cbaitcr , and is also the method of voti&g amoDgst the O 3 d Fellows . Ilere we have every point of the Charter carried out In the government of the 03 d Fellows , and we wonld ask the reverend geBtlem&n , what harm could it possibly do if tbe same just and Ealntary forms were uarried out In the government ef the nation . I know it has acted well with tbe Odd Fellows , sad I am quite confident it would act eqialiy as well for the nation at large .

      The writer wants to make it appear that a number of loflgcB were suspended for drawing out money to dlBtresfi tbe government , when the fact is , tLat a few lodges were only suspended till euch time as they had refunded it . Each Isdge is at perfect liberty to deposit its money where the members may think proper . The reverend geatlemao appears to forget that Odd Fellowship is intended ( o support its members in case of sickness , distress and desth ; and that they are consequently interested as much as any member of society in endeavouring to procure a good and cheap government .

      In proof of this I can state as a relieving-officer , that I have myself paid £ 20 out of the funds of the district to which I beloDg in the course of one month , towards relieving members out of employment , which want of employment I ascribe to a bad system of government . I have considered it my duty to make these remarks ia reply to the reverend gentleman to prevent tho public at large from supposing that 03 d FellowB era men Indifferent to the interests of themselves and fellow la . bourers , and that to become aa Odd Fellow is to become 3 supporter of any government , however wicked and corrupt it may te .

      I presume that the reverend gentleman is an honorary member , and , as a magistrate and clergyman , cannot be expected to view matters in the same light they aro viewed in by a working man like myself . Aa a clergy , man and msgistrate connected with , and supported by government , he considers it , no doubt , the essence of perfection ; whilst I , on the other hand , who am only a working znaD , and sufficing under its acts , regard it as a monstronB pitce of injustice , which deprives mo of my rights as a man , and robs me of my means of existence . On this account I am a Chartist , and a political follower of that terrible can called Feargus O'Connor—whom the reverend gentleman seems to vitw with so much dread ; and to convince him that I am not eonsidered a very bad member of the society , I can assure him that I have been one nineteen years , and have enjoyed the office of P . P . G . U , v JoHH Tows ,

      Untitled Article

      ME CANDELET AND HIS CONSTITUENTS . TO THE EDITOJl OF TBE NOBTHEBH STAB . Sib , Ia a department of your paper of the 13 th of May , headed ' Mr O'Connor and his act users ' , I find tw o resolutions appertaining to myself—one from Hyde branch of the National Land Company , and another from Dukinfield branch of tho Land Company ' ; the former asserting tbat I procured my election to the National Assembly by falsehood and deceit . In answer to which , perhaps you will permit mo to say , In ordt-r tbat the minds of your readers maybe disabused of these fallacious calumnies , that the only foundation thero iB for tho resolution from Hyde is , that I requested certain individuals not to allow themselves to be placed la nomination against me ; 6 uppoEing this te be correct , which I deny , r . re they tbe cumpUining parties f This canaot be , for allow mo to Inform jour readers that one of

      those gentlemen proposed me at the public meeting for the office of delegate , aad the other spoke to the memorial previous to its adoption . Then who are the complaining parties ! Why , forsooth , a section of the land Company . What absurd nonsense ! preposterously so . Da the propssers of the Hyde resolution lorgst that my election was at an open air meeting on Good Friday , the 21 st of April , called by placard , posted five days previous to the election ? If not , then by what means could I procure my return to the National Assembly by falsehood end deceit ? Ridiculous ! I will not occupy your space further In noticing the Hyde resolution , as tht National Assembly have , in reply to their arrogant and presumptuous Intimation , viz ., « that they no longer recognisedjme as their representative ; ' fully explaining tbat they could not receive such an intimation unless emanating from the same source that elected me .

      I was In the Assembly , not p-. rticularly as th « representative of the interests of the Land Company , but as tfie representative of the inhabitants of Hyde . I maintain , in common justice to myself , you ought not to have gives insertion to such a resolution as that emanating from the Hyde branch of the National Laud Company , being only a Bectlon of my constituents , proposed as it was , by known enemies of mine , whose time and talent have bsen devoted to the creation of feuds and diesenBiou for a considerable period past—knowing as you did at tne same time that tbis resolution had been secured in my absence . However you may complala of yoor » pace being occupied by the ' sayiDgs and doing 9 ' of the Na . tional Assembly , the thinking portion of jour readers disapprove of tho insertion of such matter 88 that emanating from the Hyde branch of the National Land Company , and abhor tbe idea of each being tbe people ' s verdict .

      In reference to the Dukinfield resolution , I never knew until after my arrival in London , that any agreement was entered into between any portion of my constltuents in Hyde , and the Dukinfield branch of the Land Company . But from the mode In which they express themselves , it would seem that , in otder to do them justice , I was to dtvote my time in the National Assembly to the delivery of panegyrics on the Nobtiiebn Stab and its editor , which ia to suppose that tho Star is infallible , and that its editor is not as liable to error as any other man in the movement . I have yet to learn that criticlsisg the conduct of Mr O'Connor and tbe Nokthebn Stab amounts to o sacrifice of principle . If all that emanates from Mr O'Connor and the ST . A& , is to be considered correct end it is to be criminal to

      question the right or wrorg of what emanates from those two sources , then tha working classes of this country who espouse the cause of Chartism , had better say oo at once and abandon the Idea of holding any more assemblies , conferences or local council committees , and centralise the government in the Nobthebn Stab office . I am not the first who hare been knocked down under similar circumstances— -I hopa I may be the last , ( if I fall ) . With v < rj few exceptions the references to Mr O'Connor and tlie Nobihebn Stah in the Natumal Assembly were provoked by Mr O'Connor himself . Mr O'Connor himself is aware how far I disapprove of some statements published in the Stab , of April 22 nd—state , ments which have never been explained away by Mr O'Coanor .

      In conclusion , allow me to state , tbat whatever might have been the case with Dome of the members of tbe lute Assembly , I never , during the trn years I have been connected with the monment , received a fartbing of Mr O'Counc-r ' a money In my life , nor solicited him for a favour of any description . Tours truly in the ciuso of democracy , May 23 rd . Geoeoe Candelet . [ With all deference to Mr Candeiet , we venture to believe that it is not exactly true that the ' th ' . nkingportion' of our readers disapproved of the publication of the resolutions nnd addresses in reference to Mr O'Connor , which we denominated the people ' s vordict . At any rate , euch a complaint cornea with a . bad grace from a maa who ailed and assisted in provoking the said ' verdict . ' It is rather amusing to witness MrCaodelet ' s anxiety for 'fair play , 'when wo know tbat Mr C . sent private letters to his constituenta for the purpose of secretly excititig prejudice against Mr O'Connor . We saw one of those letters , which had been Bent by the parties who had received it to Mr O'Connor . ]

      Untitled Article

      TO THE RETAIL TRADERS OF ENGLAND , BY ONE OF THEIR OWN ORDER . BaoTflia Tbadesmen , —As our avocations bring us in immediate connexion with the working classes , and our prosperity depends very greatly upon theirs , anything that may tend to alter their position , either for good or evil , Bhould be treated as a matter of the utmost importance by ns ; and it becomes us , as thinking men , boasting of some portion of education and intelligence , to canvass calmly and dispassionately all questions of a political nature affecting their interest . Capital is the child of labour , and we are the children of capital ; we live in an age to see an unnatural war cf capital against its creator . If it has so Httlo respect for its parent , will it have more effection for its offspring ! Da we nst already sea capital crushing us ? Is not the system of retailing at ' wholesale prices , and the tbrowing of several

      branches of different businesses into one , as practised hy capitalists , doing everything to exterminate u » , aad throw U 3 into the ranks of the working classes ? The working men crushed by the capitalist 1 ) , open shops for tbe sale of their own manufactures ; and if the system be continued , you know well that none can compote with them . If eur capital now locked up in tbs weekly credit accounts of the labeurer , could through his prosperity be returned to us , could wo not join together , and by bujing largel y in the best markets for ready cosh , defy competition ? Are we doing- our duty ' our neighbour ? or are we not rather deriving a precarious and uncomfortable subsistence from the ten or fifteen per nent— we charge the poor man for his week ' s crtdit ? In fact arc we not m reality acting tho part of screws employed by tbe capitalists , to extract the last drain between the

      labourer and his daily tread ? and do we not possess the power for altering our position ? In the war between capital and hbour it is our duty , as well as our interest , to take part with the latter ; depend upon it our very existence is at stake ; let capital conquer , aud in a very few years nineteen-twentiolhs of us will be in the union , the gaol , or what is at present worse , in tho labour Market . And why should we fear the office of a labourer , do not many of us work bb bnrd ? How many of us aspire to more than a cottage and independence in our old days , to see our children well educated , industrious and free 5 It is becauso these blessings aro unattainsble by the labourer that we fear his fate ; let U 3 then aid him with our whole souls , is obtaining those political rights by the due exercise of which he may at no very distant period secure to himself those juBt rewards for his labour .

      If in the present political struggle it was intended to deprive the capitalists of their rig ht to representation , and to mike over that right to any other body of men , I wonld strive in every way to overthrow bo unjest a proceeeinjj ; but when it is a struggle to give that right to the most useful part of the community , whobavo hitherto been so unjustly deprived of if , and to hold eacred the rights ef others , every conscientious man ought to blush for s > . country where ( he ncecsHy for such a struggle exists , and do all in his ' power , without delay , to wipe away the foul blot on the institutions of his fatherland .

      An unrepresented class cannot be a free class ; and slavery , however disguised , can never bo respectable . Let us do all in our power to raise our unenfranchised fellow countrymen , in tho political as well bb social scalo , and they will not be ungrateful to us for our assistance . We shall have to encounter many difficulties , and perhaps make great sacrifices , and mta of no principle bad better remain neuter , they only bring disgrace on a good cause . To liberals of a certain clasp , I would eay , if complete suffrage is right , tho Charter muBt he right also ; and if they would not have another Reform Bill humbug , stick to the Charter and no

      Surrender . I regard the Charter as the means—the land as the ena . Which would you prefer for a customera man with 10 s . or 15 s . per week , or one with a bouoo and two or four acres of land ? In the former you would have a poor fellow ready on the slightest misfortune , to throw himself and family on your bounty , in the latter a friend , who , grateful for pest services , would be ever ready to join you against the attacks of powerful foes . Believe me it lays with you in a great' measure to acjust the balance between labour and capital , and if you neglect the important taBb inevitable and speedy ruin attends you .

      Trusting that the intelli gence and humanity , which , as [ a class I believe you to possess , may not be imposed on by f&Ue reports , and special arguments of evil-minded aHd Influential dronts , but that you nill give free scope to the ixerciss of that sound common sense for which the active and industrious portion ef this nation are proverbial , j . beg to subscribe myself , Your Bincere well-wisher , A Citizen op ide 'WoBIk .

      Untitled Article

      MR COBDEN AND THE CHARTISTS , TO TDE EDITOE OP THE KOMHE&H STAIl . Sir , — I was much astonished to read in to daj'jC ^ eSnesdny ) Tmrs , tho following assertion of Mr Cobden ' o , made by him en Tuesday night in the House of Cgmmonp . In adverting to the opposition of tbo Cliartitt body to the Anti-Corn-Law League during th ? agitation , Mr Cobden Bays , ' I have set the hon . gentleman ( Mr O'Connor ) publicly at defiance , and ell h'is followers , end I never failed to beat them by votes wherever I met them at public meetings in the optn air in any county in the kingdom . The truth of this assertion is known to the ' Old Guards of ' 42 ; one ] for ose , I cau assure Mr Cobden , that what

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      ever might have been his success , and the success of his colleagues , in ' beating ' the Chartista bj votes at aBy public meeting in the kingdom , it was not so in the Potteries ; for , wherever a show of hands could be taken , the majority was generally found against the Corn law Repealers , and in favour of Chartism . But , sir , what were the Bort of public meetings they were in tbe habit of holding ! Were they open and Free ? Did they no * . findoavour to suppress all inquiry and free discussion ? Did they not use every means within their pawer to exclude tho ChsrUBts , and render their meetings packed and oao . pideo ) , by issaing tickets of admission ? These

      questions must bo answered in the affirmative , and I would again aek , did not euch proceedings prove tbat they were afraid to submit the justice and popularity of these principles to an anerring verdict of a fair cxpresnien of publiff opinion ? Hence the issuing of tickets of admission to ouch as they could confide in . But , sir , oven these ticketed meetings foiled to procure for Mr Cobdon his boasted triumphs over the' organised faction , ' as the Chartists , somehow or another , managed to assemble their forces in powerful numbers , nnd defeated by votes' the Com Law Repealers , instead of being beaten .

      There are thousands in the Potteries will doubtless remember tbe ' signal victory Mr Cobdtn obtained thero in th 6 Betbseda school room , vthea Mr S . Kydd—I believe it was — so eloquently and so successfully opposed him ; and I can only say , if I am to judge from tbe re 6 ult Of tbat meeting of Mr Cobden ' tf singular triumphs , then indeed he has little to boast ef ( silence would have better become him ) j for as far as my memory serves me , there were at least tivo to one ugainst tbo Repeal of tbe Corn Laws as an isolated measure of reform ; and it Is my opinion , had Cobden and Co , not taken tbe precautionary steps they did in tbe selection of their audience by issuing tickets of admission to tho elect , they would not lmve obtained even the number of votes they did . Beside * Mr Cobden and his friends ebeuld beer in mind tbat

      after the mean and disgraceful stepB they took to proscribe tbe Chartists , and to exclude them from these meetings , that it ill becomes him , and reflects nothing to his credit if he did ' beat tfrem by rotes ; ' for granting him all the glorious conquests he assumes , achieved under such circumstances adds nothing to hia honour as tho loader of the movement , nor dignity to the cauBo ho re . presented . Far more crcdltoble would it have been for them to have pursued a straightforward , dignified and independent course—then might they have appealed to the working classes for their co-operation in any subsequent measures of reform , calculated to enhance our national freedam ; but as it is , I think they will cut a sorry figure In their next performance , in bringing forward their milk and water , halt and-hfilf measurers—grouuded upon pure policy alone—for the purpose of frustrating '

      the objects of the Charter—to traasfer public attention from the Cbartist substance to their Middle Class shadow , and thereby retard our progress . But I tru « t the Chartif ts will not swerve from the whole bog ; and tell Mr Cobden if bo hitherto set you at defiance , he alwnjshas done , tbat our turn is now come , and that we intend to return tho compliment , by paying him in his own coin , For , sir , it h quite evident now that Mr Cobden has taken his stand agalnit us , and » ve need ue > t congratulate ourselves upon eDJojing the frllowsbip of this far-seeing statesman , for ho hns determined that he ' never will fraternise with Mr O'Connor , nor hio myrmidons . ' Tbe Iobs of tbis cUizce , however , will not be so great nor so lamented , especially if this second attempt at political reform is attended with no greater advantages than what attended their Free Trade Speculation . Their Cheap Bread and High tV ' uges System is ' vanished Into thin air ! ' or , allow me to SBy , their high wages promises havo been fully realised ; for since tho Repeal of the € orn Laws , ' Wcge « have risen so high as

      to be infinitely above the r : ach of the tallest man among us . ' And as to having plenty to do , erery one knows tbat to re ( qually as fallacious as their other theories ; and having been detected in deluding the people with false hopes , no rnoro codb Icnee can be reposed in them ; but should they succeed by their sophistry and cunning to lend U 6 once more as ' . ray , then ought wo to suff . r all they desira to iEfliot upon uh . The last few years' experience baa taught uo a lescon—a lesson that will not soon bo forgot , having made a deep impression upon our hearts—inspired us with a growing de 6 irc for freedomwe have determined nevtr to be satUfied until we obtain our legitimate proportion of political power guaranteed by the People ' s Charter . This being our fised resolve , we mny perhaps show Mr Cobdau thac ho will not be able to beat tho Cuartists by votes in any county in tbe kingdom , tvtn by thlR new measure of Parliamentaay Ileform , as the people will show him that iio measure re-Iatine to tb , « political enfranchisement of tha millionsshort of the Sis Points in too People ' s Chart , r—will do for them .

      Excuse these remarks , and should you consider them worthy of insertion in your columns , you will oblige , Yours respectfully 25 , Cleveland . street , E . HnurnRiES . Fitzray-fquare . May 24 th , 1818 .

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      THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER . —THE LATE MEETING AT BRA 1 NTREE . TO THE ED 1 TCB OF THE KCBTHEBN STAB , Sir , —— Tbe enclosed eommunicativn , addressed to tbe oditor of the 'Essex Herald , ' commenting upon the pro . ceedinj-B of a meeting reported in its columns on Tuesday , tlie 9 thef May , was Bint in time for publication in the number for th j 23 rd , tut the editor has thought fit to refuBe insertion to it , in the following terms : — Mr Thomas Ireland's letter is too lengthy , considering the speech to which it refers waa delivered some weeks since , and that we published an olaberate reply to it at the tiroo . We admires the writer ' s ability , but wo feel disinclined to step out of our way to publish doctrines which wo hold ns mischievous to the working man ao inimical to the peaoo of the country . '

      I shall not be so intrusive upon jour columns , as to attempt a reply to the reasons above assigned , but I may incidentally mention , that the speech of Mr Courtauld may have been ' elaborated , ' while tho' reply to it , ' by Mr Stallwood—the gentleman alluded to—must necessarily have resulted from the spur of the moment ; and , therefore , not such a complete answer as farther study would feave augjested . To furnish tbat answer is the object of my communication . Reminding your readers that tbe meeting referred to , hel 3 in tho town of Braintree , was convened by Thomae Courtau ' . d , E 9 q > , resident in tho neigbourhood , for the purposa of discussing tho principles of tho Peopled Charter ; and begging invrtion in jour next number , I am , Sir , yours mpectfully , Thomas Ireland .

      TO THE EDITOR OP THE ESSEX HERALD . Sir , —Having rea < 1 in your journal a report of a meeting held in BraJntreo , convened for the purpose of discussing tho merits of the Charter , and believing that jour senso of impartiality will be tho key of admission to your columns , I have to beg insertion for tho following remsrks . In place of stnting my pretensions to tho character of a critic I aesert that the public acts of all men aro tho legitimate subjects of oil other men ' s animadversions ; and , though tbe criticised mny be princes or millionalrce , and the crhic a huitble workman , the right of discussion should be as free and inviolable as if the partita ivere socially equal .

      The reverberating echoes of tuftering humanity proclaim that discoseiocs on tbe means of elevating mankind are as universal a * profound , —though partaking of the tJieorelical , tho practical is tbe predominant cbaruc teriBtic . However much influence tho soul and the heart may have in these discussions , the belly is the ruling principle ; hence the speculations having a Boclal tendency , raising tbe hopes of the eons of poverty , and eliciting the fearu of those of wealth . But these generalities apart , I will come to the subjects of my critique .

      I emphatically object , at tho outsot , to the po ' . icy purtuodby the gentleman , Mr Courtauld , who convened tho meeting . From having dono an , Mr Conrtauld thinks himself warranted in assuming possession of the chair , and determining the terms of discussion . The practical result of this aeaumption is , that Mr Courtuuld hereby declares himself greater than tte wholo of the persons assembled at tho meetisg , He subverts a natural , a mathematical law ; he , n part , is greater than the whole . To his will and dictum those of the many were

      to succumb . But the gentlemen need not hare come If they did not like tbe terms of my invitation , ' So , having called his fellow-men together , to commune on a question of vital interest to them , their wills were to bo in abeyance tbat hia may bo paramount . What is tbo rnoet characteristic evidence of a frce-mnn ? The pOBBOiBlon of a mind untrammelled by that of another , ' If I'm designed yon lordling ' a slave-By nature's laws designed-Why was sn independent wish E ' er planted in my mind V

      Sut Mr Courtauld , exercising his influence ) as a man of property , cnlls together a number of his fellow . nien , with ' all tlie affections of life as sacred' as his , aad tells tbrm , ' my will be dono ; I am greater than you ; I possess iho eupreme intelligence ; 1 will preside ; I tun tho unit of this meeting ; you the ciphers . ' Thoir individual identity und aggregate importance were absorbed in his omnipotence . In how much greater light would Mr Courtnuld liaie appeared had ho allowed the meeting to elect liim to tho chair—had ho allowed to the rndny tbat which he claimed only for himself—the right of free-will . The meetiEg waa called for a ' full , fair , and free discussion of the principles of tho People ' s Charter' with a self-pppointed i . rbiter of the terms and resultB Besides , sir , judging from , the report in your journal , it appears that Mr Courtauld monopolised tho greater portion of the discussion .

      Now , as to the arguments he used . I will give Mr Courtauld credit for their profundity . Hewevtr like most gentlemon of wealth and erudition , he has not cendesceuded to recur to firet principles . Thcso are coneiderations too vulgur for the philosoph y of men of wealth Truo , Mr Courtauld acknowledges that' man as nun ' hBB an inherent , en absolute righe to the escrciee of hi ' senses , nnd to breathu and to think . ' To bo inherent ar , d absolute , this right mus ; esist Irrespectively of any conventional arrangement . Ab society cannot give it , In w'thT * i £ ! taTO * Sut apart from the terms w . ; >!) I » S bt neipMMed , of what does it oontlst ? What » it ? Emphaticall y I answer , tho right to live ,-f *™™?* - 1 , ? " ™™ ' - ^ of breath ^ ,-be how h / f , ' " "T thc 80 arcltB nonlfofltailonsV But the right to live implies wsaBB to tho end . These means es » 9 t abundantly in natoro , In entering Into eocioty ,

      Untitled Article

      in following the tendency of his gregarious nature , man does not abrogate bis claim to these mean * , but a new right , a conventional right arises-that of particlpat ng in tho making of those social arranjements by which the means ( o tbe end—tbe preservation of li ! c-the inherent right to the exeroiso of our senses , « tc ., &c— rosy be best secured , and most equally enjoyed . Henco the natural right to the suffrage—hence tl . e basis of true morality . But Mr Courtauld demurs to this natural right , because its advocates dictate the period of manhood at which the exercise of H shall commence . 'Ifit be a natural' right , ' says Mr Courtauld , why should it be exercised at fourteen , or any other age ? . « tj . .. M « iAna notnrfl . man

      I demand to kflow if life—that is , the senses and faculties of the human being- 'I demand to know if these arc fully developed , aro completely matured from the firBt germ of existence ? Can the embryo humanity feel , smell , tasto , hear , see , breathe , and think ? The prattling infant—emblem of innocence asd love—what does it know of natural rights ? Its tiny finger , thrust into the dazzling flame , bespeaksits knowledge of the inherent right to feel—its wondering gnze at nil new objects presonted before its eyes , tells of the appreciation of the sense of sight . Tell me of the child who , immediately at birth , can di&tlnijuieh colours , sound * , flavours , odours , and can fully appreciate the Bcose of touch . Since these inherent natural rights are not , cannot in

      their very nature be , the same for all the various stages of existence , shell wo , following the dictum of Mr Cour . tauld , declare that therefore they do not eiiet ? As the unborn existence cannot see , shall we say thst tbe Benso of sight is an assumption , or at leant a conventional i xpediency ? I call upon Mr Courtauld to demand of the legislature the abolition of the laws affecting premature pnrturlenc . r and infanticide , Such a demand is consist , ent with his thi ory . Mail ' s social bting denied , because he cannot at all oges exercise tbe rights appertaining thereto—why not deny his right to birth and life , because hiB Ben 6 es and facultieH art . not matured from the first gleam of existence ; The exercleo of the suffrage , toys Mr Courtauld , is not a natural ri ^ ht , b ^ cauKe it is

      demanded only for the male adult . On a parity of reaponing the exercise of the senses is not a natural ritfht , be . cause they are not fuliy developed and equally matured In all the stages of man ' s being . Be consistent , nnd tell us that , because in infancy our senses are not ripe , we do not possess the natural right to taste , smell , feel , hear ami see ; that , because In childhood and boyhood our thinking faculties are not fully matun d , we must abjure the sacrqd right of thought . Bat Mr Courtauld grants to man tbo right to think : I ask , ha ? thought only an intrinsic value ? Is not its greatest value derived from its action upon other thoughts or upon matter ? But in denytag to man his political rights , Mr Courtauld forbidi to him the exercise of this influence . Mr Courtauld ' s arguments are Buicldal—they destroy themeelves .

      But if tbe exercise of tho suffrage is not a natural rig ht for all men—If itba only a conventional expediency —whence did the men who now exercise the right derive the authority for so doing ? If to all men the possession of tbis natural right is denied , it never couler have been delegated from the many to the few , and hence tbe conventional right cann » t exist ; for all conventional right involves the { principle ef delegated power . It results , then , from Mr Courtaulo's arguments , that the present electors do not exercise their power in virtue of delegaUd authority , because the natural light is not possessed by any man , and for tho latter reason , they do EOt possess it In themselves . If , then , they exercise the vote neither in virtue of their personal right , nor of deftgated authority , it necessarily foliows that their exercise of it is oh usurpation . No , no , says Mr Courtauld , they exercisB it for tho good of society . To them belongs the

      ' selection of wise and able men , to dehoirate in parllament for tho well-being of the community . ' To this I demur , | I emphatically deny that the well-being ef the people is either the object or the consequence of the government of this country . For proof of that it is not the consequence , I point to the undeniable evidence of tho all-pervading misery and poverty which stalk through the land—to the continually augmenting ranks of idle labourers—to the ever widening breach between the few rich and the many poor—and to the increasing degf < vdntion of tbe many to the imperious few . That the well being of the people is not the object of the government , is evidenced by the fact that its s ; licitude is always dirscted to the means by which the ptoplo may bn excluded from all participation in their own well-doin ^ , and that their wants are ever disregarded , their entreaties trtv . ted with scorn , their 6 uff <; rings with derision .

      Mr Courtauld compares the government of the country with that of a Friendly Society or Railway Company . Let us see how far the comparison will hold . In the Friendly Society , or the Railway CotRpanj , are tbe offi . cers—tbat is to say , the government—self-appointed Or rather , if thtre are rial duties to perform , aro they not tbe pnid servants of the society or company ? Did Mr Courtauld ever know of a society or company with a perman > ntly self-appointed treasurer , secretary , and managing committee , or tnard of directors ? and these officers possessing ar . 3 exercising the power of payit ) g themselves oat of the general funds , and otherwise disposing , according to their unchecked wills , of tbeg'no . ral interests f I apprehend that Mr Courtauld would sot subscribe to the funds sf any such society , or buy shares ia aay such companv .

      DtnjiDg that political arrangements or inetltutiona ' can bo ascertained by any abstract principle or dogmatic theory , ' Mr Cjurtauld asserts . that they must ' ba adapted to the particular condition of each community or nation , ' I aBk , who are to bo the judges of their adaptability ? We have soen , from Mr Courtauld ' o arguments , that no man possesses an inherent right to the Suffrage , —that is to the making of lawn and institutions . Again , then , wo came to the logical deduction that the men who claim this decisive power are usurpers , since they exercise it neither in virtue of an inherent or delegated right .

      I claim , for society at large , the rights which , I hnve no

      I assert , then , that man s right ta the Suffrage , —that is to an equal participation in tbe making of the laws nad institutions of the nallon , community , or society , of which he ia a membtr—is as inherent—ae inalienableas his right to the exercise of his senses—to the act of breathing , or the faculty of thinking . May this right embrace oil tbe other rights . It ib tho secial condensation of tfcose rights , becasse it fs tho medfam by which all men guarantee to every other man the complete development and crjjojment of thoso right ? .

      But it may be said the non-posscssioa of the elective franchise surely doe 9 not prevent a man from feeling , seeing , hearinp ; , smelling , and taking , from breathing and thiald . ig . I assert it does , Eiclusivo from political power Is slavery . Slavery destroys man ' s individuality , and dooms him to hold his senses—bis faculties—Mb very life , on tho bufierauco of his matters . But the proofs of this position belong to tho social rather thaa the political theory . Before I touch upon these , I will hastily giaf . ee at somo objections urged by Mr Courtauld to ( he details of tho Charter .

      Against the objections urged to Equal Electoral District a I can say nothing , bat am disposed to think that Mr C ) urta'ild ' s objection is founded on reason and jub . tico ; not that a better arrangement of the constitutncies should not take place , but that tbe modifications suggested by Mr Courtauld recommended themselves to consideration . Expressing my dissent from Mr Courtauld ' a views rfspectlng Annual Parliaments and Payment of Members , I proceed to offer a few romarka in referonce to his views regarding the ballot . It is strange that , although Mr Courtuuld , seems fully to appreciate the Immoral tendency of the ballot , It , nevertheless , appears to him that there Is a ' conclusive reason tbat It should bo given , ' although h encourages a man 1 to belie his professions to landlord , roaster , or customer '—< tO piny the hypocrite and turn a csirard , Mr Courtauld i 5 willing to give It I In another part of hia speech Mr Courtauld has talked cf 'drfrelliug sophistry , ' but I will not retort it .

      Lot us , however , enquire into the ' conclusive reason ' that weighs with Mr Cjurtauld . It is tho mere ' fact of tbe protection of the ballot being so almost universally demanded , ' I respectfully recommend Mr Cosrtnuld to allow this reason to balance his objection to the right of the suffrage . Thus much of the political , now proceed , wo to tbe consideration of the social theories reported as advanced at the meeting . Mr Courtauld auks , ' why not say at onco , that God has created nil men equal upon earth , and therefore , all tbe gifts of hia Providence , all that contributes ^ to the enjoyment of life , should be equally shared by all men ?' Without quoting scriptural authority , or referring to the history of our owe country , both of which would prove

      theeffirmallve of the question , I respectfully suggest that Mr Courtauld has never read in any authorised publication , or heard from the lips of any authorised speaker , connected with tho Chartist or Democratic movement of these countries any languugo that can bo construed to imply , « that all property should be equally distributed ; and that so soon as a man has gained one pound , or a thousand , all whe have gained nothing , or have gained less , should share equally with him in the fruits of his labour . ' So far from this being the doctrine advooated by tho leaders of Chartism , nnd the friends of political and social justice , I , in tho name of my fellow workSne-men , indignantly repel the charge , ana ascribe it to those who , under tho Biibterfii £ e of the ' rights of cr . pital . ' olaim the almost entire ftuitB of labour . It ie

      not my business to defend the Socialists of England , or the Communists of Franco , but I know enough of both to sny , that kr Courtauld utterly mistakes their cha raotir , and miflrepreicntB their motives . All enlightened , all juBt mer , dcclnro' that the gifts of God ' ts Providonca' should bo i qually shared by all men ; nnd tho same enlightened & » d just men say , that that which a man mnkcB or fashions , if in so ( Hung be does cot prevent the exercise of ths snmo right by another , should remain his sole , uudividtd properly . In God ' s Providence all ufcould share , —! n a man's iadustry , —roue . Thst ' s tfco morality of tho CHartiota , In my humble conception no honeGt man can r . 'fusa bis subscription thereto . To turn for a moment from the speech of Ms Cour .

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      tauld to that of Mr P . A . Tajlor . jun ., who in ^ to the question of Labour and Capital , < K r 9 fet ( Ht , working classes to uphold the security ofcapit ^ 11 " >! was the result of labour , ' and urged them' to *\ ward and show there was no danger to propert ° ? ' i becsuso the working classes know , bltttrl y jj / ' ''li there is ' co security for capital , the result of In )!* ' i ' that'property'is ia 'danger , ' _ that the "liad ' ' are removed which protected the poor , — -anjj t . m 8 tki . are' idle , ' worthless men , who will not work / ' ""* living ; it is , therefore , I say , that they demand 1 ) S power as a means of removing these evils . Xhev * " want other men ' s property . They want to prtvc-n , "'•'• men taking their proptrty . l " \ They want not to commence spoliation , they » . pat an esd to it . Believing tbat rights belong to * ' * not to matter , —to labour , and not to Ca i ' whlnh { a t-. hn mitflrial coasermenca nf « . . P'M . tauld to that of Mr P . A . Tailor , fun _ »>!« ^

      bodily aotion ; believing this , Chartista and Dimoc 8 ri 1 Socialists Rnd Communists , Insist upon the jaetj ' " ' keeping and enjoying the fruits of their own inaattt 6 ! Mr Coartauld says , that ' the comparativel y qn J i cated multitude , not having had ldsnre to studv y modern soionce of political economy , do not undersu the great fact that the workman ' s wages can onij v paid out of the master ' s profits . ' How should the / u derstand Buch an abstruse problem , stated in such n , terious phraseology . The most uneducated man ^ easily understand these truths of political econom / 1 that all productions are the results of labour , —that , real value of the labour is fie whole of that which produced , —its wages , or exchanging property , aneqJ ount otner laDour

      am or men's , —thhmay be culled c , munism , I call it immutable justice . It is that , nfa * ] which ' the natural right of every man to breathe the a \ around him , to see , to hear , to smell , to taste , to fJ to think , or to worship his maker , ' exists but in nao )' A political economy which teaohes truths like theBe , ^ j i not on / y be understood by the peopie , but , most ass redly , will be consummated by them ; while that Coij doctrine which teaches that a man may engage ialab ™ 1 on any terms that can be made , ' and that in exchj 8 , for the product of to-day he only obtains a mieerabf share sf that of yesterday , will as certainly be abj nr ' and contemned . This poflt ' on is not less verified b y , ^ unsuppressed fear . ' of the rich , than by the loudl y e , presoed discontent of tbe poor . Thus , in my humble opinion , have I proved , tbat td , political and social rights of maa are bat another phasu

      —another expression of his natural rights—and tt 5 . the deprivation of the first is an interference with , and j prohibition of , ihe exercise of the latter . I have purposely retrained from quoting authorities , support of tho views I bave advanced , though it win j granted that they are not less numerous than importam I have expressed the expressions of my mind ; myos ]» object beins to assist , according to my very means in the ellcitntion of tru'h , I » hijll conclude by Baying ' j the languaga of Milton ¦ . — 'Lot truth and faU ^ ' grapp ' e , who ever knew truth pat to the worse in s fre . and open encounter . ' I beg to subscribe myself , Sir , Tery resppctfull y , THOM 48 IBEUND

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      IMPORTANT TO TBE TRADES OF ENGLAND . THE LAND ! THE LAND ! THE LAND !

      TO THE EDITOR OF THE H 0 B 7 HEBK STAB . Sin , —Nothing h » B tended nomuch to weaken the work . Ing classes and make them the slaves of society , as the want of a system adequatel y ta protect them against il ; encroaehment of the capitalist . Hundreds of thousaads cf pounds haveb ^ en collect andespendfd , in order to accomplish this desirableob . ject ; and huudreds of men whose pstriotism and talents have enabled them to take an active part in thescmots , ments , have bacn driven from their homes , reduced tj bfggaryand want , and recegnised only as outcasts of society ; while the masses , for whose boneSti thejlj . boured , have been continually deteriorating in position , tbat the most industrious , economical , and persevering find it extremely difficult to obtain the commenejtut , eesearka of Ufa .

      The great and glorious doctrines propoucdt d by Ike greatest man of this age , havo begun to be felt and ap . prociated . The able and philosophic expositions that have appeared on the truo value of labour , and tie scientific disquisitions that have been put forth on the capabilities of tlie laad , are awakening a spirit of in . qulry amoag all paries in thia country , . and they are teaching the working classes rn improved system of securing the value of their labour . I earnestly call the atfenSion of th « trades of this country , to the recensideration of the question of labonr , as put forth to the world by that much esteemed patriot , F . O'Cennor , Eiq ., M . P . and they will at once see that they can nevor secure a proper remuneration for thelt labour , only by regulating the supply according tothj demand , and employing in the best way possible , the surplus labour on tho land .

      Tho trades of this town are takifg the question op ia earnest . They begin to see tbat the land is their onl f resource ; and I find that tbe edge-tool grinders bavi taken seventy acres , and they nre now employing taeit surplus labour on tha land , four days per week , at 2 s Hi pet day . They have already one cow , and one lioii ! and cart ; aud there is a strong desire Ur Mr O'Connor to visit tktir estute , when he visits thij town oa Wbi ! . TU' sday . The p . n-blado grinders havo taken eight acres , 'l'he Britannia metal amiths bave token eleven acrei , A small body of file hardeners have taken fouraerei , The Bcissars forgers have £ 7000 worth of rough stimu insstock ; they have no markot for them yit , but will 6 ell them as soon as possible and are intending to turn their attention to the land

      litre we soe the noble spirit the poor are posucsseel of , Oh ! how they labour—how they struggle—how they suffer , that they may eat the bread of their own indui . try . They want no charity , but they yearn for justice . Go on then , jou noble band of herioc spirits , persevere in the noble struggle you have marked out for your re . demptioa . R ; st certain the day is coming , when joa must and shall meet with your due reward , I remain , yours respectfully , Sheffield . X . Y . Z .

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      R . 3 TAL Polttechmc Institction . —One of the greatest , attractions at this admirable establishment ia , perhaps , the Diving-Bel ! , which has for a very long period afforded va ^ t interest and amusement to its numerous visitors , and we may also add , the marine experiment ? , which are daily exhibited in the basin of the Great Hall ; among the-e we particularly observed a belt for preserving life from drowsily invented ¦ by Capt . Smith , R . N ., which has pmed highly satisfactory , another also answers the donblo purpoae of a bed , as well as a life preserver , p atented by Me 3 srs Taylor and Sons , of the Dover-road , Borough , These mattresses are stuffed with coik , which is cut by quito a new process into exceeding

      small fibre , about the siza of small twine , and comequcut ' . y , is nearly as soft as horse-hair ; although admirably adapted for all kinds of mattresses , it J mo : e particularly intended for shipping , as they take up no additional room , and being articles ef dsi !? use , are alw&yB at band , and ready for service in the event of a calamity arising from accident , shipwreck or fire . Tiie buoyancy of these mattresses is n > great that they will easily float twelve persons , and in the waist of a ship will resist inuaketry , cannot ) and grape shot . We hear that the directors of this establishment are making great preparations iot their numerous visitors during the WhiUuntiw holidays .

      Orgakisation op Labour League . —At Farringd'M Hall , Snoff-hill , a congress of Communi sts snj friends of co-operation , many of them from distant parts of the country , held sittings daily daring ttfl first week of the present Rjontb ; reports from tw d fferent Communist societies were given in , and an association fomied , entitled , ' The Organisation oi Labour League . The orgret of the League is W create a national public opinioa in favour ot associative or co-operative arrangements , in which the interests of the neonle shall he made to harmonise , SB "

      the condition of the suffiring masses elevated irf ignorance , poverty , and crime , to ona of virtue , w « tf lligcnce , and happiness ; and with the vie * oi impressing tho legislature with the necesa'ty ot an alteration in the industrial economy of the conn '" ' and in ordrr to be prepared for any political cww that may arise , ona essential feature of tho inoTC ' ment is to call upon parliament and tbe government on all suitable occasions , to consider the question w the Organisation of Labour , and tho duty incumbent to provide measures for the reDroduativa employ

      nicnt of the people . The Congress paused a resoW ' tion in which they acknowledged' the justice of y ' demand made by a large proportion of the Bfid '" population for the extensiun of tho suffrage , and de ' c ' . ared its uympathy with the great European m ovement for electoial reform , in connexion with fadi * trial organisation . ' The council of management & »' i « Rued an address to the National Assem bly , « France , acid are preparing a series ot public meeting in order that they may lay the principles of the ne w association before the public , and to solve to «« » the great problem of the age—how labour is * ° S emancipated in harmony with natural ana B 0 C 1 Destrcctive Fire in St Mart-street , W ' ' ?'

      cuapei . —On Tuesday evening , shortly before } o'clock , a fire broke out in the extensive V rtva Z f occupied by Messrs W . J . Browne and Co ., im PS , and manufacturers of chicory , in St Mary-Btn Whitechapel-road . The premises , which were ow nally built for a sugar house , and haye only " *¦ , applied to their present use about four years . ^ great extent , covering an area of about 150 ' square , and consisting of seven or eight fl ° or S | /! , { total altitude of the building exceeding lfl 0 '/ L The tire appears to have originated in the coU ,,, house on the * first floor of the building ; . The J *»* s tinu of theflitnflg was distinctly seen at Va » j w * aud other dUt-mt points of the metropolis , ana «* City thoroughfares teemed with spectators hasteniBb to the Bcene of the disaster . All the metropolis " bridges were densely crowded with spectators , « the greatest excitement prevailed . Several enS' ^ i *» itT / ifl nn < lmBnnf . ahnrf . lv nftar thn alarm had Spre *

      but any atlompt to save the premises being „ » futile , the firemen confined their labours to keej "» the school houso opposite and the adjoining P 1 cool .

      , "" An Effectual " Cure For Piles, Fistulas, &C. ^-^— * Eg —^"**'^ *^*'

      , "" an effectual " cure for piles , fistulas , &c . ^ - ^— * —^"** ' ^ *^*'

      &Qvttswt3m\ Tt*

      &Qvttswt 3 m \ tt *

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      THE NORTHERN STAR . _ June 3 , ig ^ i iib ir 9 gw a l w " '" '"^ . . . ¦ ¦ "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 3, 1848, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1473/page/2/