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Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th April 1848, Edition 1 of 4, Page 3, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      We RiTe another translation of tha ' M&tseillaistf sod' Mourir pour la Patrie / from the pen of Erhesi Jokes : — ( From The . Labourer for April . ) THE JIAR 3 EILLAISE , TBAE 8 L 1 TED BT EtKEST JOKEB . Sons or freedom ! break jour slumbers Thb day of glory ' s drawing nigh , Against us tyranny ' s red numbers Bear their bloody banner bigh .

      Bear their bloody banner high . Hark ! hirelings fierce for brutal strife , Par end near « aun € war ' s alarms , And outrage la your very arm » , The hops—the partner * of jour life . To arms ! brave citizens J Array eaefe gallant banal Harchon ! march on ! yonr tyrants'blood Shall drench the thirsty land . We'll march I v * e'll march ! our tyrants * Wood Shall drench tha thirst ; land ! What demand their banded minions ? What duet etch despicablft king \ Amid the flap of Freedom ' s pinions , Hear their rutty fetters ring .

      Hear their rasty fetters ring . For ni ? 'Tis hut aa insult vaia That shall arouso our hearts the more , "We broke taeirmsoscles before , "We ' ll dash them into dust cgaia . To arms 1 brave ciUzsns , etc . Shall as alien crew conspiring , Kake laws to blight a freeman ' s hearth ? Shall the mercenary hireling Tread all oar ready pride to earth ? Tread all onr manly pride to earth . Great God ! ehall mighty miilions cower And ' neath a yoke so paltry jield , Shall petty deipots basely wield A nation ' s strength—a people's poser I To arms ! brave eitisens , ete . Tremble , tyrants ! traitors ! tremble , Plegue spots of the factions few 1 Plot , eonspire , betray , dissemble . You shall not escape jour due I

      Taaeaall notsscaps sour duel Por we ' ll bs loldiers one and all—If hundreds die—fresh thousands Bianfi— . Every death reciuits a hand Vowed to crush you or ta fall . To arms ! brave citizens , etc . And now , like warriori—gallant-bearted , Learn by turns to strike and spare—Pity those whom faction parted , And would be with as , did they dare ! They would be with ns , did they dare ! But for those despotic knaves , Who mate them play th 9 minion ' s part , And tsar their bleediDg country's heart , Onward—onward , o ' er tieir graves ! To armil brave citizens , etc .

      Children of each hallowed martyr ! Sindle fresh the kindred strife'ilii their &she 3 Freedom ' s Charter Shall gel the seal upon their life . Shall set the seal upon their life . Less eager to survive the brave Than to partake their honoured rest ^ How daie ths worst—and tope thebest ^ But never—never die a slave . To arms ! brave citistns , ete . Gur country ' s 6 acred love iHspires—Freedom !—those who fight with thee I yor tfee land for the land of our 6 iree , The hosae and birthright of the free I

      Tbe home and birthright of the free I right with us Freedom—at tbyvoica Tictory hails onr strong career , Till stricken tyrants dying hear The liberatea world rejoice ! To armsl brave citizens ! array eaeh gallant band , Hareh on ! march on ! your tyrants' blood Shall areusn , the tbintj Isad . "We'll msreh ! we'U march ! our tyrants ' blood Shall drench the thirsty laad .

      Untitled Article

      CHORUS OF THE GIRONDISTS . f Jfourir pow fa Pttrie . J The cannon are calling in thunder The high-hearted children of Franee , And rending her fetters asuader , See her citizen soldiers advance . ¦ chokds . To fall for liberty ! To £ dlforlib 6 rt >! Is the fate the mostaoble—mast worthy the free Let ns rush like s vast ianndation , On those who would keep us in thrsll ; Xrst us show them , united , & nation Canbaitleand conqaerthem all . To fell , &c . Upholding the rights that we cherish , Away ! to the scene ef tie strife ; And soon shall our enemies perish , Or aBS on their knees for their life . To fall . &c .

      So arms , then , saeh gallant avenger , The wrongs of our land to redress ! Then on ! for where thickest the danger , The soldiers of freedom shall press . To fall for liberty ! To fall for liberty ! Is the fate the most noble—inest worthy the free

      Untitled Article

      THE CHARTIST TRICOLOUR . ST ALFEED FEN 5 EK 1 , Seour true ess ? gu is the eky , Its folds the breezes stir ; The rallying flag for liberty , The Chartist Tricolour ; Displaying in its varied sheen , The red , the white , with Erin ' s green . Qnettnt doth the bright beams display Which lighteth up the sky—The herald of the coming dsy ,

      When sen-rise fresh is nigh ; And as she rises f&ir and free ,. ! T < s be ihs inn of Libaty . One , tbe white foam that crests the ware , Wfcen wind * and tempests play-White as the sails of gallant bark That cleavesh on her waj—May Freedom cleaTe her way along . As straight her eourte , as pure , as strong . The beauteous mantle of the earth , When Spring-time gaily comes—When gres » blades dance with wind in mirth In all their quiet tones—As glad—as pay—may wa soon be Beneath oar flag of Liberty . Then wave onr ensign o ' er the land , . prom thelizard to the Forth—Come , all ef FreeSom * B gallant band" ,

      From East , West , South , or North—And as ye see our banner f ly Salute the flag of Liberty . Salats it ! all ye nations round , When we our flsg display-That flag is mitk more glory crownsa Than monarch ' s best array . ObtiSSUW pay ! ye tyrants , for It is onr Chartist Tricolour .

      Untitled Article

      TSB ' NORTHERN STAR /

      AJT 4 CS 0 STIC . T ha friend of tne wealr , T he stem foe of mig ht , H arbieger of Freedom , H erald of Light , S zposer of Errer , E sponnder of Right , Hotle defender of Natare ' sjastlaws , Organ andjauraal 0 f Labour ' s good cause , E enegsdes' Mirror , R eforaers' trus pr ide , The Detaocrat ' o Shioia , The Patriot ' s guide , Hattr Of tyrants and . the Hard hearted knave , 2 ver supporting E ach down-trodden slaver , S egister of wrong ? , Recorder of mind , X etional leader , X one like it we find ; g tar of D jmocrscy , Bhino round the world , T ill kings . priests . and dasi , T o obi Won are hurled , A wake , KOW , ye slaves , A rise , NOW , and be . B esolTed SOW to con < jaer , B est not till yea re PEEK , Josh Aihott , Someri Town .

      Untitled Article

      HGLEnnrooD . —The silk weavers is this nelshbonri 00 dh 8 Y 6 for along time been su ffering the direst BSDreESionfrom a few unprincipled einplojers , xn tbe ehsps of reduetion in wages . Some of the employers admitted the redactions on certain fabrics were nn-• ffarrantea ; the man belieting this to be tree , called a meeting , famed a committee , aad sgwtnted a deputation to wait on the msnnfscfearers with a list of price , to which maDj ofttera agreed ; tieyalso inTited the manufaetsrers to meet , and in oonneaon with their workers , forma list of prices ... This has been rejected , and the committee , in vindication , haTe issued a Epirikd addrees to tte trade . There k net a class of workmea xrha IiaTB EHfitreamore than the silk weaTere . Hugkisson bronght rain on them firstly takiBg off the greater part . of the proteoSTe duties , and Sir Robert Peel has given the trade its death blow by his free trade measures .

      Abuse or Chlosopokk . —We regret to announce the death of Dr Andercen , of Birkenhead , who expired last " Wednesday . He was in his nsnal state of health ( which was delicate , ) till within a jreek ago , irhen chloroform was administered to . Mra for the jucpa-e of rendering the extraction of a tooth pamless . Within forty-efght nonre a rush cf blooi to taa l&ratbxeafeEed iaslaat &&fo < —IAverp <> ol 2 dercury

      Untitled Article

      THE IRISH STATE PROSECUTIONS . The following are the resolutions adopted at the meeting of the Irish Repealers held in Farringdon Hall . Mr T . O'Mahony in the chair . McTed bj Mr T . Tidy , seeonded by Mr J . Lindsay : That ira deliberately adopt the prosecutions of W . S . O'Brien , Esq . . H . P ., John Mitchel , and Thomas Francis Meagher ; tnd we tender to those gentlemen our deep and heartfelt gratitude for having asserted , in the teeth of Englhh law , the right of self-government ; aud we hereby promise to sustain them in any and every effort that they may make to break down Eaglith domination in Ireland , which briBgs nothing to her inhabitants but starvation , shams , pestilence , and death . ' Moved by Mr J . M'Lean , seconded by Mr Maher : — .

      That tee spirited , manly , and efficient conduct af the council of the Irish Confederation , since the arrest of O'Brien , Mitchel , and Meagher , entitles them to the admiration of every lover of Ireland's independence ; and we pledge ourselves to support them at every risk and sacrifice , in their noble strode with their country ' s op ? re » sor » . ' Moved by Mr Fitz » ibbon , seconded by Mr Looney : — That we hail with iBerpreBiiWe delight the determination of our countrymen to establish a National Council , and as it is more tban probable that the English government may resort to violent and coercive saesas , for the pnrpoes of crushing tfce glorious apirit which has arisen in our long-oppressed fatherland , we believe it to be the solemn auJ imperative duty of every Irishman , and friend to Ireland ' s cause , to prepare them . BekM . fortb . ttUh , with arms of some description or other , in order that they may be prepared to do far Ireland what Irishmen should Aa *

      Moved by Mr Kenny , seconded by Mr Dowling : — That at this time , when the courage , virtus , and patriotism of the Irish people are about to be put to the teist , if is the epinioa of this meeting taat all was are determined on seekiag their regeneration , should abstain , as much as possible , from the use of intoxicating drinks . ' More than 2 , 000 persons adopted the above resolutions unanimously .

      Untitled Article

      THE LONDON REPEALERS . The union between the Repealers and the Chartists of London is now settled , and the tiro parties have cemented that nnion for tbe avowed purpose of establishing the rights of the unenfranchised in Great Britain and Ireland against the evil effects resulting from class-legislation . On Sunday last , a large meeting of Irish Confederates was held at the Green Man , Berwick-street . Kr R . Hussey in the chair . Messrs Reynolds , M'Carthy , O'Mahoney , and Glass , addressed the meeting , and one of the speakers alluding to tlie liberation of Frost , "Williams , and Jones—it was heartily responded to by the meeting ; showing that the feeling is not confined to Englishmen , but that Irishmen feel with them , anddenounce

      the illegal conduct pawned towards those men by a bad government . la the coarse ef the erening-, a deputalion , consisting of Messrs Handler , Mills , and Wilkes , from the Chartist ? , for the purpose of asking the meeting to send two delegates to the Metropolitan Council of Chartists to arrange matters fop the forthcoming demonsiratisn , was received with load cheers . The deputation having addressed the meeting on the subject of tbeir mission , amidst loud and deafening cheera , ( for Repeal and tha Charter v ) Messrs Glass and Hussey were then appointed to attend the council . The meeting , which was a crowded one , then broke np , giring three cheera for the glorious onion between the oppressed of both countries . On Monday evening an aggregate meeting of the

      Irishmen and friends of . Ireland of Westminster , wa 3 held at the Working Man ' s . Temperance Hall , Carteret-street , Westminster . The hall was crowded to suffocation , there not being less than between four and five hundred persons present , and about as many Dsing compelled to leave for the want of accommodation . Mr Win . Spiller was callel to the chair . The first resolntioa recommends nnion among all classes of Irishmen . The second resolution strongly condemned the condaet of the government in Ireland , and their determination of standing by Ireland in the event of bloodshed . The third resolution advised an nnion of the workiag classes of b 9 th England and Ireland against class legislation , and to prevent the destruction of the rights of labour . The

      resolutions were moved and seconded by Mesara M'Sweeney , Driscoll , Geoghegan , Daly , M'CleaB , Walford , O'Mahoney , and several Englishmen spoke to them , and they were carried amidst deafening acclamation , and the whole of the speeches breathed the true spirit of democracy , and evinced a determination to be np and doing , if required . Afr DixGa attended from the Metropolitan Couacil of the Chartists , ' and addressed the meeting ; be said that he always advocated the right of Ireland to s parliament . Messrs Reading and Ifalford were then ap . pointed to attend the Chartist council on the next day . The meeting then broke up , gmng three cheers for Union , ( torepeal the Union ); for Repeal ; the Charter and tbe brave Frencis .

      A large and enthusiastic meeting of ike Irishmen , of Wappin ? , was held on Sunday last , in the large Temperance Hall , Mr Lodney addressing the meeting , at peat length , and a determination wa 3 evinced , by the men of Wapping , to be np and doing . A committee was then formed to carry out the organisation of this important district , and it was strongly denied , by many ; taat the csai whippers , as % body , had enrolled themselves as special constables ; they said , the thing had been magnified to suit the base intentions of a base government .

      DiriEs ' g Club , 83 , Dean-street . —On Monday evening , a crowded meeting of the Clnb was held , when two delegates were appointed to attend the Metropolitan . Chartist Council . The greatest enthusiasm , was displayed . Liberty , Equality and Fraternity are now the order of the day . Monday next will show to the oppressors of the Rights of Labour that a union—a lasting nnion—has been effected between the Re . pealers and the Chartists ; the days of the base , brutal , and bloody Whiga are numbered , and the men of no property will teach the men of property that ihevhavedntieg to perform as well as rights to protect .

      Repeal of thb Umoit . —The adjourned discussion on this subject will take place on Sunday morning next , in the Library of the Working Men ' s Ternperance Hall , Carfceret-street , Westminster , at halfpast ten . Meetikgsfor the ensdetg week . —Sundiy : Green Man , Berwick-street , Oxford-street ; Bull ' a Head , Vere-street , Lineolns-inn-fields ; Victory , NeH-enham-Btreefc , Edgeware-road ; Draid ' s Arms , Greenwich . Monday : 83 , Dean . street , Soho ; Working Man ' s Temperance Hal ] , Carfcerefc-streefc , Westminster , Wednesday and Friday : 83 , Deas-street .

      Untitled Article

      To the NgH'Ukiohist Opebative Cokdwaihees of thb Ciit . of Losdok , —Fellow Workmen : The time has now arrived when it is essentially necessary that we shonld bs united , and occupy & position that shall enable us to make ourselves heard in the expression of our wrongs , and in the demand of our rights . We , in common with the working class in this country , have either been too Bnpine , or have confided too much , to the delusive prescriptions of political quacks , false economists , and class legislators , until an eruption of the social elements has burst out in revolutions , wide spread and mighty in their effects and consequences , shaking tha whole fabric oi civilisation , and pointing to anew order of thingsin the universal reverberations of continuing peals of

      moral thunder—Equity , Justice , Fraternity , and Protection to Labour , ib security of employment and fair " remuneration , have darted their electric and exciting influences through every domicile of wretchedness , arousing the moral and mental energies of millions ^ hitherto degraded and impoverished , even to destitution , whilst producing abundano 3 for tyrants to luxuriate upon ) , whose . united loud responses to tbe enfranchisement of labour , peals a knell to class distinction . Thus a new era is opened for the exercise of the energies of united bodies of operatives , for obtaining and seeuriag in peace those rights which have elsewhere been seized and consummated through blood and tears . There is ah effort now being made in London , in the most

      legitimate way , far the redreBS of labour ' s wrongs ; it is our duty to be at our post , ready to render such assistance as circumstances may require—but divided and strangers to each other , we shall be a blot in the list of trade ? , unprotected and undeserving protection . . Every fiian Should act in Ihe present crisis as though the interests of his trade and his country depended upon his own individual exertions—every voice we re quire to fill the grand choir , and chant the bold strains of onr holy demand . Friend ' s , we call for your fraternity ; we ask you to fraternise only in the way of duty to yonr own order , your trade , and in your own locality . Our 3 is not a political society , yet if ie impossible to jhafc oiu minds' eys to the effects which political circumstances have upon onr ever / interest—we must no longer ba lethargic when questions press with vital importance to us . To those

      . who hare deserted or neglected , or who by adverse circumstances , have been driven from or unable to continue in society—the men who have stood stedfsBt and " Ims , who hara borne tha b * unt and tail of its preservation , call npon you , and they have no selfish end in view . When the men who are best remunerated give their energies to succour the isost oj ^ ptessei , without any aiv&al&ge accruing to themselves , exeepting those advantages which we think we see gleaming in the distance , of a happy Bscial regeneration—this iB true fraternity . The offer to re-enter is now offered te all for two shillings and sixpenee , en the following nights only : —April the 10 th and 24 th , and May the 8 th , at the following houses : Tbe Hole in the Wall , Chancery-lane ; Wkite Hart , Fetterlane . ; Ship . Ivy . Jane , Newgate-street ; Golden Lion , Fore-street ; and Dial , Long-alley . NoTiisonAu . —The authorities are making hs all special constables ,-1 suppose to keep themselves ia order .

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      TO THB RIGHT HON . LORD J . RUSSELL . My loan , —Allow a humble artisan to whisper Into the ear of a . philosopher—a mite amsmg the millions to remind a statesman of subjects which his high position in ( he political heavens , and his sole occupanoy with the interest of the wealthy classes , leads htm to undervalue and oantemo , nsmely—iho deplorable condition of the working classes—the ri ' pfct * they claim , the wrongs they suffer—and the pressiag necessity of restoringjthera te the one , and relieving them from the other . Whoever is not in the full possession of equal social and political rights , is a tlave . Whoever is not equal III all respects before the laws , is a slave . That body oi men who are debarred by law from the status of cltizjnship , under a theocracy , autocracy , aristocraoy , constitutional mouarcoy , or a republic , and treated ia tns

      administration ot the lavrs as an inferior order—a blatant beast' that must be chained and muzzled—are slaves * The chains may be invisible , and thu muzzle gilded , to the apprehension of tbe unintellectaal ; they may be haggei with delight by fawniDg Bjcophants ; borne ni' . b suppressed anguish by tha fortuDato few , who though subsisting comfortably at present , live in constant droad that the same social rain and pbyiical suffering which is overwhelming their relatives and neighbours , will one day be theirs ; but all are now opening their eyes to the fact , that skill , patient and persevering industry , sobriety , even for lengthened years , are no guarantees against dismissal from employment , the breaking up of their homes , the loss of their little all , end the alternative of vagrancy orproperism , Formerly , it was the worthleBB , thriftless , drunk'n ^ portion of ( tfaeir class tbat sunk to

      this wretched condition ; do it , as the caprice and cupidity of capital dictates , the honest and industrious multitudes are driven into circumstances ef misery and demoralisation . ' They enquire tbe cause—they discover that they are slaves . They discover tbat self interest is the governing principle of man in ell the relations of social life . Tbat they have never received s single benefit from legislative action , but such as was intended to give a four-fold advantage to capital . That they have betn removed in masses from agricultural to manufacturing labour , with the avowed purpose of brlngleg those in the latter industrial department to a minimnin of wagls in prosperous seasons , and to starvation when tbe markets were glutted and sales conld not be effected . Tbat every encouragement Baa been given to the capitalist , in the saving of labour by new inventions of machinery : &o . ;

      vfhile no provision has been made for the sons of teil , but the degradation of a panper- prison , and the no less proatratiag doles of profelytiog charity , whereby . they have beta compelled to sell their consciences for a warm blanket , and jeopardise . their gouls by hypocrisy , for a cnt . of coal . They discover that the eursed' competitive Bjetem , ' while it increases the country ceaa and poor rates , adds to tbe bankrupt list , crowds the ineoWen t courts , and brings the employers of labour down even below their own level ; overcrowds the labour market wi'h juvenile workers ; enables unprincipled epeculaters to reduce the proSt of trade to the injury of honest and upright employers , and compels them to practice tho

      same suicidal system , whereby the workmen and their families are turned adrift to starve , and the' apprentices ' as fast as their time expires , let Ioobs upon the world as vagabonds , or subsist at they can on the over-taxed and necessarily meagre charities of their trade . And , lastly , they coaelaie , that with a population increasing- , as ic is said , at the rate of 1 , 000 per day , this war between la boob and capital mn 6 t seen come to a crisis , as it has done in France . For that revolution , my lord , difTere from each of tha preceding onei and if you , as do tho journals in the aristocratic interest , leok on it merely as the triumph of one political creed over the other , you make a fatal mistake . ''

      A great prelate , my lord , has said , ' All actions have their appointed result , either here or hereafter . ' There is a law of retribution in all Natnre . TbiDgs good in themsulves , become evil by excess . The eternal order ot the universe is secured bj tbe msinteaance of an equilibrium . The centrical and centripetal forces , keep planets in their trackless paths around their present sun the diatarbance" of this order would wreck a world . A » in the natural , so in the moral and ooolal world ; in . justice committed by prince , peer , or peasant by government , the bourgeoisie , or the mob—will bring its owa retriSntory results .

      Hy lord , although toe working classes , and those immediately aboTe , but fastraerging into thevortex ' whlch is swelling them np , are slaves , they are equally ' as much justified in asserting and demanding their rights , ns were the mall-clad barons , who on the field of Runnymedt ex . torted Magaa , Charter from King John ; as were the earniss Puritans who dethroned the tyrant Charles , and proclaimed the Commonwealth ; as were tha Whiga , who ejected James , and enacted tha Bill of Rights ; as were the middle clais Reformer ? , who , under the guidance of the Whigs , used ' the mob' to start and run down thtir game ( as the 'Squires do theirdogs , ) aad thus carried the Reform Bill ; as were the Corn Lir ? Repealers , who nnder pretence of getting cheap bread for the poor , but , in reality / to ^ take advantage of it for farther reducing the worker ' s miserable pittance of wsess .

      Yes , my lord , if John was a tyrant , who for curbing the turbulence of his nobles , was opposed by them with arms ; if the Stuarts were tyrants , with tbeir Star Chamber , their illegalarrests , tbeir religious bigotry , their doctrine of ' Divine right to govern wrong , ' &o , ; if the oligarchy were tyrants , in their opposition to the claim of the mercantile and trading orders , for &n extension of the Suffrage ; then they , teo , are tyrants who deny those liberties to ethers , which by both moral and physical force they obtained for themselves . Yau , my lord , and your party , havo taught the lessons to the people—history has taught it—the boasted , but in . complete , Constitution' teaches it—your ' Reform

      Revolution' practically exhibited it ; that resistance to tyraany is a Briton ' s right—that ' politieal ' offence ' , ' as they are called , are not to be classed with criminalthat rebellion of ' right against might' comes not in the category of crime—that offences which arise out of a struggle fer an equal participation in political and social privlkfjsB , hare no moral turpitude . These dootlnes have made an indelible impression on the minds of the ex . eluded millions , who are fully convinced that the pretended ' virtual repreEentation' of the psopla by tho present system is a palpable falsehood , and that' it is impossible for those who live on the profit of labour to represent the labourer . '

      Allow rae to call your attention to the following facts : Sit millions of m « J , standing in tno ranks of labour , with eighteen er twenty millions of women and children , of whom they are the natural protectors and guardians , are ibut oat of the gates of the constitution , and are sneer . ingly told , in languoge * tantamount to that of a negro song : — It ' s of so use knocking at the door any more ; You ' re not good-looking , and ysu snan ' t oome in . ' 611 these men are considered to ba ' a rude rabble rout , ' not ^ orthy to utter their complaints , or demand justice from ' an assembly of the first gentlemen in the waria . Moil of them ara struggling fop an independent and honecrable existence ; thousands of them are literally starving ; yet , with few exceptions , and when their condition is mentioned with feigned compasssion to bolster up . some sinister measuro of political economy , toinrich the capitalist , their heart-rending criea for work that they may have fool , are beard mth cool indifference , replied to with bitter irony , and their few advocates interrupted with sneering cries of' Oh . ' oh I '

      The social wretchedness of tkese slaves is treated as an endemic ; the causes of that forlorn condition as a miasma , irremediable and irremovable ; the speech from the throne sometimes affects \ o pity , at other times to commend these patients of misrule , for their' unexampled patience t > nd pions resignation to tho iascrutable will of Providence . ' Politicians aver tbat it alr / ajB has been so , always will , and that all hopes of a radical cure are chimerical . Tbe ministers of the benevolent Jesus , forgetful that his system of morals , his plain and unmiitakable apophthegms , inculcate not a partial bat an entire relief to human miseries—not a sectarian and proielyting chailty , but such as that e&hibited in his

      admirable parable or history of the Good Samaritan—dare to utter tbat God ordained the poverty cf man , and , by plain logical consequence , tbat be is tbe author of all tbe < qaslor , vice , crime , ignoraaee , of which poverty ia the main { cause , and which are always its concomitants . The government treats their outbursts of desperation as symptoms which are beat allayed by a dus administration ef grape-shot , musketry , and rockets ; and if the cries of his famishing children , and the murmuring of bis wife , should atir the bile of some poor weaver to harangue his brother unfortunates about thoir common miseries , they try the chilling influence of c felon ' s cell on his excited cranium , or introduce aim to the taming discipline of a chain gang .

      Amidst all this mass of suffering humanity , my lordnotwithstanding the taunts about their inability to conuucUhcfc ; owa affairs , their ignorance of what is best for themselves , and the necessi'y that the capitalistorders should have the same care and compassion for them as the wolf has for tbe Jamb—there are men , who , ( like Drew , the blacksmith , that wrote a prize eBsay by fire light on a bellows oa his Knee , amidst the squalling of his little ones , ) can master tbe iaost deep and meta . physical subject * . There are men who can work out Eoma of the most difficult problems in Euclid ; who study the mechanical powers aud their adaptation to the work of production ; who walk the Heavens with the astronomer ; diro into the arcana or nature with tha

      chemist ; soar into the regions of fancy with the poet ; who study maD in the physiological , psychological , moral , and social aspects of his nature . Tour supply of intellectual ana moral education , by the late extension of the means of instructions-faulty and sectarian as it iswill increase their number , and give a moral power to the masses , which , will heave up the crast of society , like some migbty volcano ; bury the asinine brayers at the people ' s miseries among the p « trescent remains of former worlds , and elevate to the scats of these insolent popin . jiys , men careful to understand the condition of the people—to coasolt their wishes—to produce by wise and salutary measnres an c qalpoUe and consolidation of the claims of all .

      There are men ready te do all this , my lord , ay , in year own ranks of society , men that commiserate fee condition of starved , soul-tortnred , dying labour—that hear its wailing!—that ore above the paltry selfish prejudices of their order , and are firm in the conviction tbat tbe only nay to preserve its existence , and make it permanent in society is , to' do justice and love merey . ' Ay , and there are men among the slaves themselves , who have looked death in the face so steadily , so constantly , as to penetrate the black veil which shrouds it , and conclude that they have two rights —< o lhi-V ) dk <~

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      and il Boelety deprives them of the former they can at least risk iho latter . Mark it , my lord , this is all that lo left to hundreds—a lingering death by starvation—a speedy qulctua by & soldier ' s musket , © r a tsulaidVn grave . It will soon come to this : you must save the people—slaughter them when they rise in despair—or fall with your order amidst the wreck and ruins of tbat constitution in which you glory . The dikes , the cm bankments of society , are saturated by an ocean of discontent ; it is rushing into the foundations of the social fabric ; the once solid and oompact basis of society ie becoming a shifting quicksand . Tha modern Babjlonls hweBted ; its rulers are at ease ; they curl the lip ; they

      laugh to seem tbe coming hurrloane ; the handwriting is nevertheless upon the wall . Anon a 'Gideon' shall arise ; his ' barley cake' shall overturn their tents ; his 309 Ismp . bearerssbaH strike pale panic into tno fcoarts of the 100 , 000 mercenaries that man its wails . There is possibility—awful probibilitj—Ih all this . There is no magic in the word ' finality . ' Britons are not impetuous —they bide their time . Hoist your old standard , my lord— 'Retrenchment , Economy , aud Reform '—add to it , ' the Rights of Labour , ' and be assured that nothing less than' Universal Suffrage' will satisfy tae people . Excuse tbe candour of one whose name to know , 4 To thee it matters not Te whom related , er by whom begot . ' As Educated Abtisjp ,

      Mmtxmi Fntriunmm*

      Mmtxmi fNtriunmm *

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      MONDAY AraiL 3 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —Invasion op Lombabds . — The Sari of Aberdeen rose to put a question respecting the entry of Sardinian troops into Lombardy . He said : ' The policy of Austria in Italy may have been good or bad , but certainly it wbb not aggressive ; there was erery re&snn , on the contrary , to suppose and apprehend that the aggression would proceed frem the other Bldo , Tho state of Italy rendered this probable , aad this probability was increased , and muBt have been increased in the mind of every man who recollocted the anoiont and constant policy of the house of Savoy . It was the maxim of one of the princes of tbat house constantly to have it in view that Lombardy ought to be considered as an artichoke , to be eaten leaf by leaf ; but King Charles Albert aeemB to fancy tbat he has so good an appetite that he

      ought at once to devour the whole plant . ( A l « ugh . ) But be this as it may , it is to be observed that , amidst nil the convu l sions which we have witnessed around ub , convulsions mest unexampled and portentous , the King of Sardinia is the first power who hss directly controverted the publle law of Europe . ( Hear , hear , ) Hehaa thought right to coamand hU troops to enter the territory of a neighbouring , friendly , and allied power , without the slightest pretext of a grievance , without any provacation , aai without an ; complaint or reason assigned whatever , ond also in direct violation of engagements by whioh he as well as this country was solemnly bouna . ( Hear , hear . ) I think , my lords , that this first violation of public law should not pass altogether unnoticed by those who desire to presevve the peace of Europe . ( Hear . ) I do not wish , however , to be misunderstood . I have nothing to say to the endeavours of the people of Lombardy to shake off the power and dominion of Austria That is their own affair . If thov succeed in this

      endeavour , I only hope that they may find themselves as happy , and as proaperous a » they will be more freo , than under the government of Austria . But your lordships are not to suppose tost this endeavour is mads against an usurping power , or that tho Austrian Government ig to be held bs a government of usurpation . Lombardy has been under the dominion of the family of Austria for three centuries ; and since the-peace of Utrecht has been positively asgurod to the Emperor and Bis family hy all Eurep 9 ; therefore there arenot dominions which the K'Dg of Sardinia , wba has himself received great accessions tonis territory only the other day , can consider as having beea UBurped by the house of Austria . ' ( Hear , hear . ) He concluded by asking whether her Mojesty ' s government had at any time declared to the government ef Sardin ia that any aggression in violation of those engagements by which the King of Sardinia as well as tlm country were bound , would not be viewed by Great Britain with indifference !

      The Harqrji * of Lanbdownb Bald , tbat thoBgh ttm country was aot bound by any treaty to assist the Anstrian government ia the defence of Lombardy , yet her Majesty ' s goFernawnt bad thought It right to instruct their minister to express their hope and confidence that In the present alnrmiog and agita ' ed state of all tbe eountrles in that part ; of the world , his Majesty the King of Sardinia might be advised to preserve ft perfect neutrality . Ha coald only say in * conclusion that the entry of the Sardiuian troops into Lombardy bad been rpade not only without the concurrence , but Bgainet the advice of the British government , and in the faee of instructions sent to our representative at Turin . Lord Stanley was deeply impressed with tbe propriety of referring as little as possible at the present time , either in that or the other house of p&rii-. mcnt , to

      what was passiDg in other countries . ( Hear , hear . ) Bat he could not help saying , that ho had heard with much satisfaction the statement tbat her MojeBty ' o governaent had thought it tbeir duty to represent to the King of Sardinia their desire that he should not put himself at the head of any expedition for the invasion of Lombardy , L ~ rd Aberdeen bad , bowevsr , vcrv proparly taken the opportunity of pointing out to the bouse and the country that an example of aggression had been sot , which , if followed np by other powtrs , might bfl attended with very dangerous consequences . ( Hear . ) He believed there was no man , ehber in that or the other house of parliament , who would aot recognise the doctrine which had been so freely and fully Isid down by her Majesty ' s government , of the right of any nation , In connexion with the sovereign authorities of that nation , to introduce any Internal reformB , any modification of their constitution , which they ohou ' . d conclude to be for

      their own national advantage—( hear , bear )—and that there waB no justification for any othtr nation , from the remote fear of provable consequences , interfering with the internal affiirs of that nation with an armed force . ( Hear , ) BHt if tbat doctrine were fully admitted , and If in deference , probably , to their owa sesss of right and prudence , the government of Austria had abstained from any attempt to interfera with the affairs of Naples , Sardinia , and Sicily , then Austria had nhown an example BB

      doctrine as to the right of interference , it was this country , with It 3 widespread and outlying colonial pos « esBions . ( Hear , hear . ) It of all others , therefore , should most strongly protest against the attempt of any country by foreign force , whether on the part of the sovereign against the people , or on the part of tbe people against the sovereign , to interfere with tho Internal affairBof othe ? states ( Hear . ) He did not understand his noble ftienatohave twkedhcrMBJ ^ tj ' Bgovornnunt to inter , poae by forco , or in way to assist Austria , but he understood his noblo friend to call their attention to the fact that amid the universal convulsion of the states of

      Earope , and admitting the right of all to modify their own constitutions , this was tho first Instance of carrjing ont the daegeNma doctrine of propagandism , which , if not condemned by the public oplalon of Europe , might lead to invasion , by » bo more poworful ond active , of tbe rights of the lesser powers- ( bcar ) -for he believed that unless it was put down by the general eense of Enropo and the civilised world , even the best efforts of her Maj ^ Btj ' a government , supported as they would be , without reference to political feeliog , would be utterly unavailing towards preventing the spread of a saDgnlnary war throughout Europe . ( Hear . )

      A discussion then arose on the subject of emigration ts Canada , and after disposing of some unimportant busi-H 6 B 9 , their lordships adjourned . HOUSE OP COMMONS . —After the reception of petitions and conversations onavarie !? of subjects , arising out of questions put to members of the government , Oa Lord John Russell moving the order of the day , Thb State of Jeeland , was brought forward by Lord Jooelth . He said , the attention of oTery member of that house , and of the public , had been calLd within the last fow weeks to tbe language and conduct of cortaia individuals in Ireland , and ho was . 6 ure they had all Been with indignation and disgust —( loud cheere)—the language of those mischievous and traitorous men—( renewed cheers )—avowedly with tbe obj . 'Ct of over turning the institutions of tbe country , and levying war

      on Her Majesty s Crown , by exciting to overt acts of rebellion Her Majesty's subjects in that country , ( Cheers . ) With similar feelings tbe people of this loyal country had seen that men had been fonnd ia Ireland so devoid of tbeir own and all national honour , as to be at this moment eeeliiag- , he believed , in a foreign country , tbe terms to carry ont their traitorous objects . ( Hear , hear . ) If he were not the representative of an Uaglleh constituency , he should have called the attention of English members to tbe effect such language as hnd been used in Ireland * &b likely to have on discontented Individuals here . He knew ' the large body of Hur Majesty ' s subjects were loyal and faithful ; yet , even in this country , such language could not be left unchecked without danger ; bat the unnatural and the dangerous state of affairs in Ireland would prove his best apology for the observations with which he had prefaced bis question > to the nobl « lord . Notthat he apprehended any real danger

      to the institutions of the country in Ireland . He belli ved tbat the throne of our beloved sovereign , standing unshaken amidst tho Bhock tbat had overwhelmed the mast powerful raonarchs of Europe , rested not on the bayonets of her soldiers , but on tbe loyalty nnd affections of her people —( loud cherrs)—the institutions Of this conntry rested on a sound ond broad basis , and it was satisfactory to knoiv tbat the most enlightened Germans , straggling for constitutional freedom , showed their anxiety to follow the example we had sot them rather than th » t of any other nation In the world . ( Hear , hear . ) Fortunately , the deBign in Ireland was apparent ; but men might be urged into open acts of treason ngalnBt their Sovereign by the traitorous lsngnnge of these miscklevous persons . 11 o danger , be ap - prebended , vtas to those individuals , and not to the Institutions of tbe state . Fortunately for Ireland , » oe-ble lord was at the head of tbe government in that country Yihobad rallied aroand him tlw unlUd support of Pro-

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      testant * and R ( . man CatboHcs . ( Ohesrs . ) He believed tbat that noble lord , by his ability , nnd his courage , had rallied round him all loyal men of all religious peraua&lons and all political ejeodu .. ( Cheers . ) But it had been seen tbat while that noble lord bad stretobed fc-rth bis arm in vindication of the law he had b * en nhable to put a stop to this treasonable language . The continuance of language such ns that must eventually lead to hostile collision and bloodshed , and , although we might not fear tbe result , still the consequence must be deplored , ( Hear , hear . ) With the recollections of past conflicts , knowing that years could not wipe out the

      staia of blood shed In civil contest , in the nime of thoee who wished wnr away from our shores—in tbe name of all her Majesty ' s loyal subjects , he asked tbe noble lord at the head of the government , whether be tbouKflC tnat there was eofficient ' poffer restea in the government to crush this rebellious spirit , or whether he did not think the time had come when some alteratton should bo mada In that law which allowed tho in . sUgator to be at large while the vloiim of hta instigation suffered ; and when some powers shonld be given to the executive government to meet with vigonr and effect whatever emergency mght ari 6 e . ( Hear , hear , )

      Lord J . Rdsbeix . —I rise , Sir , with considerable anxiety to answer the question whiah the noble lord has put . It is quite true that language of the nature he has described hns been nsed in Ireland —language exciting Cbe people to rebellion against t&e CrowH—language exciting them to acts of violence against persons and property , . with a view to establish Ireland as a ssporate nation— a nation independently the Crown of these realms Such language may at some periods be passed orer ns the mere raving of a distempered fancy , and which can havo no effect . But unfortunately it is not ao at present . ( Hear , hear . ) Ib .-liive that the effect whioj has been produced by that language may be attributed partly tt > the exciteable nature of those to whom it ia directed , —partly to the very great distress which has been felt by all clasBss now during three Tears—a distress wbish

      naturally induces men to listen to any desperate language , —and thirdly , to the great excitement which ban been created by the events which have recently tuken place iu Franca and some other parts of Europe . But , whatever may bo the the cauBe , it is certain tbat the utterance of this languagebas been followed by tho manufacture of pikes —( hoar , hear ) — by the formation of rifla clubs , and by various other preparations , all of which are openly avowed by a part of the press of that country to be with a view of stirring up civil war in Ireland , ( Hear , hear . ) -Now , Sir , I cannot but agree with the noble lord tbat , viewing these proceedings as tne cause and instigation of civil war , it is not to much her Majesty ' s Government , not 60 much the instltutitmi of the country that are in dnuger , ns the peace of Ireland , and tbe well-being of all classes , especially those

      who ara engaged in the occupation of trude and commerce , in that country . ( Cheers . ) My belief is , that those who havo used tfeolanguage to which I havo adverted have done sohr thepurposeotrahleg themselves , careless ot the bloodshed and ruin which may ensue Sir , it is , however , a most difficult and most delicato task for tbe Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland todeolde what ia best to be done under these circumstances , The noble lord opposite has paid what I consider ft just tribute to the noblojord now at the head of tho government in Ire . land . ( Cheers . ) I hope I need not assure tbe house , that while my ne > ble friend is anxious to put dona disaffection an ! rebellion , it is nt the eamo time his warmest wish to listen to complaints , and to apply , so far as in hiB power , a remedy or an alleviation to any distresses or evils tbat exist . With respect to tha means now at the

      disposal of the government in Ireland for the purpose of meeting the conspira&y to which I allnde , my noble friend tbe Lord-Lieutenant has been in constant com . munlcatien with my right hon . friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department and with myself , and he haft informed us that , while on the one side thoro were evident preparations for rebellion , on the other side he had received the most Krafifyfng assurances of loyal support— ( cheers)—from a great number of per . sons , both Protestas * . and Roman Catholic ; from clergymen of the one , and priests of the other religion ; from all classes — landlords and merchants —and , in fiict , from a large number of persons of all parties and classes in the conntry . ( Cheers . ) The noble lord opposite must excuse me if at the present moment I deeJins stating what further raeaGores are in contemplation by

      the . Lord Lieutenant and her Majesty ' s govern , ment in Ireland . I troBt he will be satisfied with tho nss ' urnnce tbat bota in tbie country and in Ireland we have raoBt earefull y looked into the law applicable to the case— that we have entered into tbe most constant doily communication with the Lord . Lieutenant ; and that should he be of opinion that further powers ' are necessary than those which have yet been obtained by the government , I shall then feel it my duty being convinced that such measures as he msy ask can bo no Biere than ore necessary for the occasion—to come down to this house and ask tbia house to intrust the government of this country with such powers . ( Great eheering . ) Sir , Lord Clarendon has to consider in any proposal ho may make , and in any wish he moy express that if he sheuld appear—or if there should be the least semblance of his appearing , to favour one ' roligious

      denomination more than another , or of bis favouring ' any particular class oi tho commnnity above any other class , be xroald thereby loso a great deal of that support which ha has hitherto obtained—( cheers ) , and which has proceeded , aa . Ihave 8 lrea < 3 y ; said , from landlords and clergymon of the Prote&tant persuasion , and from priests of tho Eoman Catholic pertnasioB ; all these have joined in giving their best assistonee to him iu the maintenance of peace . ( Hear . ) Bat the noble lord may rest assured that it is the full determination of Her Majesty's government , Saving tho utmost confidence in Lord Clarendon , ( hoar , hear ) , and in his administration of public affairs , to do all that is in his power to support the law Id Ireland , / hear , bear ; , and maintain the p&aee of that country ; and , furthermore , that we shall Dot shrink , should it prove necessary so to do , from asking this house for the grant of any farther powers that may be requisite , ( Cheering , )

      A conversation of some length and Interest then took place on the subjsctof the dilatory proceedings of tis * goTcrsment in bringing forward a bill for the repeal of the Navigation Laws , e 6 p : c ! ally nftcr . tho allusion Bade to snea a measure in the speech from the throne . It was terminated by & declaration from Lord JoHit BnssELL , that before the Easter recess he would announce the final views of the government on' the eabject , Jewish Disabilities Bill . —On the question for going into committee on this bill , Mr Gobinq moved as an amendment , that ' so long , at least , as the House of Commons txerdaeo the authority which at present it does exercise over the established church , no Jaw ought to possess the franchise , much less be allowed to sit in tbat house . ' Us protested against the bill as an act of national wickedness , which was certain to draw down on the country the direct vengeance of God ,

      This led to a debate which terminated in the amendment being negatived without a division , and the house then went into committee upon the bill , when sevoral amendments were proposed and negatived . Afcer the different clauses had bean agreed to , a scene of considerable excltom « nt occurred in consequence of the indiscretion of Mr Law in proposing tbat the report of the committee Bhouia aot be received forthwith ( as h usual when no amendments are made in a bill , ) but should be postposed till Friday . Lord J . RaseeU ' overwhelmed Mr Law with ridicule , andasMrLaw had based his oppesition on his attachment to the church of Eng . land , annoyed him very considerably by regretting that the defence of that church had fallen into such hands . Jfr Law complained , in consequence , of the want of courtesy exhibited towards him by Lord [ JeHN RdsbelIi , but was afterwards pacified on his lordship ' s declaring that , although he did not think his ( Mr Law ' s ) conduct either very wise or very discreet , he meant him personally no disrespect .

      The report was tnea erdergd to be brought up in . steRttr . The houso roeumed . The report was agreed to , and the bill was ordered to be read a third time on Monday . The bouso adjsurned at one o ' cleek , TUESDAY , Ap sii 4 th . HOUSE OP LORDS . —The Marqais of Lokdondeebv in presenting some petitions , seized the occasion to ox . press his unqualified spprobatlon oi the coarse pursued by tbe government in Ireland , and to declare his full confidence in tha firmness of Lord Clarendon , and ( n the bravery of the soldiery / Bhould their services unfortu . n'jtely be required . Their lordships disposed of some unimportant busincss , and adjourned at an early honr , HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Sir J , C . HoimorjsE , the rejected of Nottingham , having been returned by tbe rotten borough of Harwich , took tbe oaths end bis Beat .

      Mr F , O'Connoe presented a petition from the chair , man of a public meeting held at Nesrcnstlo-upon . Tyne , prajing the house to address Her Majesty to grant a free pardon to Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all other po litical offenders . Tub z . at £ IitEOAt Ejections ih © Ai , wjki , Mr Sr Geoegb , whose name had been mixed up with that of Mr Blake in the Galway evictions , entered into an explanation of his conduct as an Irish landlord , for the parpose of showing that he had not done anything either illegal or illiberal towards lils tenantry .

      In answer to Mr Stafford , Sir Q . Gbkt eaid the government were about to bring in a bill to meet such cases . The bill would provide that whatever might be the legal right of the landlord , and whatever the nature of the tennra , no « jeetment should be put in force without due notice being Riven to the tenant , and also with oat due notiee being given to the board of guardians in oasao where the not of ejectment waa likely to produce estremo destitution . ' Tbe bill would also provide tbat na houses should he destroyed tv pulled down at midnight , even under legal right . The bill was under preparatlon , but that y ? s \ b its general purport .

      IBELAHD . —TUE'lfATlOH' NewsPAFIB ,. —Mr B . CoCBBAHE Wished tO ask the PlBhihOtt . gfintUman the Seeretnry for Ireland whether Mb attention had been callefl to tbe following paragraph , whioh appeared in the last number of tho Nation newspaper , pebllshed in that country , and , if so , whether It was the intention of the government to proceed against the edlter of that paper ! The paragraph was this : ¦ — ' Ireland ' s necessity demand ; the desperate remedy of revolution—it demands , and wiil justify before God and all men really made in Hi-: Image , this last resource of nations long oppressed . " A revolution means a' peaceful or a violent uprooting of a government or an upsetting of society ; its business is to cure tbo evils it cannot endure—to cure C ! em as with

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      ltttlo loBB of blood and time as the means of the revolutionists osd the nature of the opposition egalusi them mav allow Thu continental nations all had their grie . Ta / oei , but © nra are immeasurably greater-they sought the right of noting , but « e seek the rig ht of «» t « oe ; they sought liberty of the press , but wo ink liberty to live - the real alternative with Ireland is decimation or rovolution , It is evident to all men that our foreiga government is bat a dab of grovodjsgere ; they foitu poverty , and protect pestilence ; fever , taxation , e « le , ol

      death , all arise from their felonious taking away oue means of life ; we are decimated not by the wili of Qoo f but by the will of the Wnigs ; oDedienco to a & © Temment which rules to rob and legislates to destroy is a high crime , alliance with It is a conspiracy against the action ; votes of confidence in such governments aro death warrants jkfeepiBgorderfor them ia doing undsrn tRker ' s work ; aiding them In the administration of th 6 law is finishing off without nocusation or trial fresh myriads of our doomed populace , ' He held Mr Buffy , who was the editor of tbot paper , to be guilty of holding

      most treasonable languoge In that paragraph . Sir W . Someevillb said that hs had not seen the extract to which the bon . member referred , and the hon , member ' s peruoal oHt waa the first notice of it which he had received , bat he had been tot some tisne in the habit of reading in productions from Ireland language equally extravagant . Of course he was not able to state what tbi intention oi th& government with respect to the paragraph in question was ; but no doubt the attention of the Lord Lieutenant had been called to it ; he believed everything would be left ia his hands , and tbat ho would take such steps respecting it as ho thought

      proper , Mr P . O'Connob said , that seeing the harned Attorney-General in bis place , he wished to ask him whether - his attention bad bcea drawn to a letter pueliehed in The Times newspaper of that morning , in which it was aid that the government might be destroyed by othes means than by open warfare . He theught that liotLiog in the Uwjte p Ibisbhin , KatIoh , or any other aewspaper in Ireland , could exceed the language of thot letter in barbarity . Tho ATioBKEI-GfiHEBAliBaid , tbat if the bon , gentlemtn had given him notico of his intention to put the question , he should have been prepared to einwer it , but he had been engaged the whole day in tho House of Lord 9 and had not seen the letter in question , and wa » thereforeunablo to give any opinion respecting it .

      , Episcopal IUvehces . —Mr Hobshan moved 'that ia the opinion of this house , tka distinction botwaen tho episcopal and common funds , restricting the implication Of the surplus revenue of the archbishops and fc > 5 Bhopa to episcepal purposes , and permitting no pert of ii ; in an / circumstances , to be applied to the relief of parochial destitution , is inexpediint , and ougbt not to be continued , ' The bon , member after BbowiDg tho necessity for the adoption of the resolution , gave the following illustrations of the misapplication of the ecclesiastical revenues by the commission to which tho management oi these revenues Is entrnstDO . k strong and general opinion prevailed that in the recent administration of ecclesiastxU affaire , the interests ef the episcopacy had been more cared for than those of the psrochial clergy .

      He was bound to believe tbat opinion well founded , ( Hear , hear , ) Let them compare tbe conditioner the parochial clergy with that of tho episcopacy . At toe praisnt moment thero were no loss than botweon 4 , 000 and 5 , 000 parishes In which the benenced ulergji&aa had no house . What instance could be produced of a bishop not well provided with a residence ? The eecleniasticol Commissioners had spent £ 40 , 000 in providing clergymen with nousos , while tfeey had expanded no . leas than . £ 140 , 090 ou the palaces of the bishops . Above 3 , 000 of the be&eiiced clergymen had incomesunder £ 150 ; some even had incomes under £ 10 & year ; but by act ef Parliament tbe incomes of tho poon » est prelate approached tUat of a Secretary of State . This

      was not all ; having such incomes , provided for them by act of Parliaraent , bad tbe biebops ' becrj content ? Hadnot au set of Parliament been passed , limicieg the In . come ef the Biabep of Durham to £ 8 , 000 a year , but bid there not been vears in which he hud received £ l 5 , 000 y £ 20 , 000 and evon In one Instance £ 2 G , 000 ? (• Heur , hear , ' and cries of No , uo . ' ) V ? hy , In 1845 he found tbat tho Bidhop of Durham received £ 37 , 161 , from which ho had to make a payment of £ 11 , 000 to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners , which left the set income , as lie cadstated it , at £ 26 , 000 a year . It was also known that the income of the Bishop of Salisbury , which was limited by net of Parliament to £ 5 , 009 , varied fron £ 5 , 000 to , in 1845 , £ 17 , 000 .

      Lord Ashley , lit Phimpibe , and Lord Si , Mice , having supported Mr Horaman'B morion , Sir Q . Gbei explained how the distinction between the episcopal and common funds bad arisen ; but declared himself unprepared to maintain , its permanency . The resolution of Mr HoiBman struck at the very root of the Ecclesiastical Commission , without providing any substitate for it . If the abases were so great as Mr Horsman contended , ho ou ^ ht not to meet them by an abBtract resolution , but by an act of Parliament remedying them in detail . Tbcre were at present in preparation by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners measures which would effect considerable improvement in the mode of the receipt and management of tbe episcopal funds . He therefore should move the previous question on tberesoluti n of Mr Horsmss , in order to prevent the house trom coming to a precipitate vote ia its favour , when it waB not in possession of oil the necessary information .

      Sir It . Incus and Sir E . Peel supperted the government view of the CRBe—the latter , however , after lowing tbe great want of ; church accommodation , expressed himself favourable to Mr Horsman ' s object , but thought a bill better than an abstract resolution , and that such a bill should bo prepared by the government . Mr Bright , with reference to the alleged deficiency of church room , said tke statements on that subjeot were fallacious , because churchmen aWjs excluded from thtir reports tko accommodation provided by dissenters . With respeot to tha incomes of fhs bishops , he said ,, if they looked back to the twe last Archbishops of York , it might be shown that those two individtjaleff who lived a long time , received more than £ 1 , 500 , 000 , or nearly £ 2 , 000 , 000 . This was cither state money , or

      money belonging te the ehurch , and in either cnee it was scandalous tbat in any religious establishment whatever there should fie snob , gross misappropriation of these enormous funds , whilst there was a vast mass oi spiritual destitution in almost every part of the country . Under these circumstcmceB , he was amused with the coolness n-ith wliicfi theneble lord at the head of the goTernmenS said the ether night to the hon . member for Cacker . mouth , that it would be satisfactory to him to knew that the nor ? archbishop was to bs limited to £ 15 , 000 a year , tt was insinuated last year by tho right hon , member for Ripon that biBhops , after all , were not so bard worked , ¦ ihd yet here was an instance of an archbishop receiving about tbreo timea as much as the Frimo Minister .

      He believed tbat the noble lord at the head of government would not live so long as an archbishop , if ho continued to be Prime Minister ; ( Laughter . ) If there was any class of Individuals easily situated mth respect to temporals , with work slight and pay exceeding , it was those comfortable gentlemen who sat on the bench of bishops . He found that they had a strong ] dispo . sltiea always to go with the government ef the day , aud he believed it was a point of etiquette with them never , to change their seats , but always to sit on tho eamo side as the executive government . Ho considered—and the opinion was also very generally entertained in the country—that the existence of the bench of bishops had not only been unfavourable to the progress of public liberty—( hear , hear , )—but also to the OhrlBtlan religion itself .

      Mr Gladstone defended the bishops , who , eccordiBg to hiB account , are a very active , very hard-werked , and very poorly paid , body oi men . With respect to tha motion , although he sgreod with Mr HoHinan , thai there ought to be no Insuperable barrier to prevent tho application ef the surplus of the ecclesiastical funds to the mitigation of parochial destitution , yet he objected to the declaration of the principle that no part of that eurplua should be applied to tbe formation of new bishoprics . His opinion was , that , if tho government founded new bishoprics from time to time , wherever it was ascertained that there was aa opening for them , it would only be pur-EUing a good and wise economy .

      Lord J , Hgsbzll said , it had occurred to him that there were maty things at present in tho Church which required reform ; but he could not form a definite opinion upon the moflo of accomplishing that reform , until he bad consulted the new Archbishop of Canterbury , Otberreforms mnst be introduced with thnt for which Mr HorstEnn how called ; end he had cot as yet mada up his mind , nor wonld he make a declaration of his plan to the house u&til he had had a full conference with the A rahbishop of Canterbury , for the improvement ef the views which be new entertained . Mr Hcme declared his hostility to the formation of any new bishoprics . If any such measure were proposed , it nould be a question whether we bad not too many bishopricsalready . That question had beea raised last session ; and it would be the worst policy for the church to renew it again .

      Tho motion was ultimately , withdrawn , on the un . demanding that the government axe to take the matter up . Fobjiic Works ( Ireland ) . —A eonversatloa of considerable duration took place on a motion of Colonel Dunne , for tho production of a mass of returns , showing the expenditure undertaken by the authority of the Beard of Works la Ireland , under the act 9 and 10 Tic , 0 . 107 . Tha CHAKCEixoB . of the Excheqdeb stated , that hla only objection to the production Jof these returns was , that [ they would bo very volnminouii , very useless , and very expensive , for they would cost soveral thousand pounds . Colonel Dunne agreed to withdraw his motion , and to move for a return of the rapenditure in a particular barony which he would select .

      Poland . —Mr C . Ahsxet moved—' That a dutkul fld . dre . 8 B bo presented to Her Majeslj , on the ocoasion of the recent important political events in Austrio , Foiana , and Prussia , and praying Her Majesty that she will not ; consent to ary new territorial or other arrangement conscquinton Buch events that does not recognise' and secure ta the Poliah people their lawful liberties and independence . ' Mr Osbobne seconded the motion , and at the same time remarked , thtt there W 6 rS not forty members present .

      The house was then counted , and as only-thirty-one members rtmntaed in , tt stood adjourned at a quarter to twelve .

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      Untitled Article

      E ' ' ¦ April 8 , 1848 . THB .. JgQAIjBt : RN ..., 8 . EABc ::-. ^ - ——^^^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 8, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1465/page/3/