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Northern Star (1837-1852), 18th March 1848, Edition 1 of 3, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      JiY VERY DEAR FRIEKDS , The time has now arrived when yen have a right to expect a simple , plan , and definitive exposition of the future views and policy from one in whom you have so long and so generously confided ; and fearless of all consequences , and regard ess of the taunts of all factions , I shall now proceed to a review of the past , and to the developement of niy future policy .

      Many laughed at the extravagant notioa of a union being ever formed between the English and the Irish working classes , and the W ° f the severance and dissatisfaction of that class was based upon the slavish , the corrupt an * prostitute mind of our Irish brethren , created by the venal , corrupt , and prostitute Irish leaders , who , from the origin of agitation to the present moment , have systematically eaught their own aggrandisement \ at the expense of their country , which they have ruined , debased , and destroyed .

      When I addressed my first letter to the Imperial Chartists I was mocked for my presumption , and laughed at for rey ignorance ;; but I was aware that out of evil comes good , and that the Irish people , though slow to acknowledge their own criminality , would be the first to retrace their steps . Who will now doubt that a union of brave and sympathising hearts is about to take place , between the oppressed of both nations , against the common oppressors of both countries ? and , assentin 0 ' to this , who will say that my true teachin / of the English people , and the false t eaching of the Irish people , has not produced good fruits for both countries ?

      Often deceived by the prospects entertained from revolution , whether physically or morally achieved , I was slow to comment upon the good results to be anticipated from the French Revolution . Past history made me sceptical as to whether that change was to present great hope which could not be subsequently realised , or whether the change was to be one of permanent national benefit . These circumstances , operating upon my mind , impelled me to natural caution , and not an unjustifiable reserve . I watched not the mode by which a tyrant—despot—robber King ¦ was overthrown , and his plundering accessories put to flight , but 1 waited for the

      developement of that system which was to be established upon the ruins of the strongestbecause / . for the time , the most corruptdynasty in Europe . And now , from the change I derive hope , consolation , and ample reward for all my services , because I see in the exposition of the Freucn mind the resolution that Labour , that achieved the victory , shall be the £ rst partaker of its fruits ; and because I learn from the declaration of the Provisional Government that France , strong at home , and strengthened from abroad , is henceforth to be the nurse and protector of weak nations , rendered weak not more by the corruption of their rulers than by their own disunion .

      After a quarter of a century ' s agitation , the French Revolution is the only one which brings censslation to my mind , because , whether moral or physical , the English and the Irish people , as 1 shall presently show , have been robbed of every promised benefit from every change produced by their courage , inflamed by their oppressors with the hope that they should be participants in those changes ; but , in every instance , they have been deceived .

      In the case of France , it is different . There , although deprived of the power of meeting and conferring together , they have adopted every principle of the People ' s ' Charter ; thus g iving the nation the assurance that Labour shall be represented in the French House of Commons , and giving you the proud assurance that , from your deliberative assemblies , from jour speeches , and your sufferings , great nations have learned wholesome lessons;—lessons , the benefit from which , although others have reaped the first fruits , have not been lost upon you .

      PerhapSj there never was a time in the history of this or any other country , when courage , resolution , and p erseverance were more required , because , if we retreat an inch , the enemy will take advantage of our fears ; and if we stand still , they will laugh at our quiescence . We have no other course , therefore , leit but to advance . And now , let me show you how the people have been robbed of the fruits of the four great revolutions which have taken place in this country within the last quarter of a century . b

      In the year 1822 , the Irish people , crushedjy ^ i -rents and war-tithes , waged what is called the " White Boy Revolution . " They fought the army of the oppressor in several pitched battles , and although many of them were hung like dogs , and although I was obliged to fly my country—but not , till the struggle was overfor thirteen months ; yet the Government of that day , forced by the courage of the people , made many changes from which , however , the tools of the oppressors were the only gainers . In 1829 , Catholic Emancipation was gained by popular power being brought to bear upon political influences , and the only effect of chat measure was , to ticket the emancipated representatives as Treasury hacks , to be bought and

      sold like stock upon Change . We had reform brought about by political influences , promising " Peace , Retrenchment , and Reform "—but its fruits have been <• War , Extravagance , and Corruption ; " because the present House of Commons is , out of ali comparison , the most corrupt that has sat for the last half century , and because the Minister supports his influence by the votes of corrupt placemen and pensioners . We have had Free Trade , the promised fruits of which were " High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty

      to do ;" But the results of which have been" Low "Wages , Dear Bread , and Little to do . " This also was procured by political influences , and all these changes were severally contended for by the besotted working classes , who howled in the wake of treacherous politicians , artful and designing knaves , trafficking beggars , who , being too idle to work , and too poor to live without labour , sustained themselves upon the credulity of a . confiding people , whom they have ever and systematically deluded .

      Now , mark my reason for anticipating . better results from the nest change . It is because you have been instructed in the value of a uew social system , of the fruits of which you have resolved that you will not be robbed . I have told you a thousand times , that from a perfect social svvtem alone can a perfect representative s \ stem " spring ; and , in this teaching , ! have shown you now the greater value than ever existed before which you will derive from a compete political revolution , because you have adopted the social system , which is _ to be made national instead of ' sectional by the political change .

      Look to the present state of unhappy Ireland , and there you will find that , alter the ravages of pestilence , disease , famine , and the galWr , the tvrant oppressor still hopes to uphold his sway by the bayonet and the bullet ; and so debased has the mind of that country become by the false teaching of hypocrites and knaves , that a young and enthusiastic Irishman is comuelled to place himself within the of the

      very f ; tn ^ s - ' , and to dare and invite the opjires = or ' s persecution , for the purpose of destroying the vice engendered by Ireland ' s teachers for half a century . And the Press , the authorities , opp ressors , and tyrants , call the man mad , and demand his life as a sacrifice ; but should he fall in the cause of his country's regeneration , he will be the victim , not of " his own but of his country ' s folly . Of

      coui > e I mean John Mitchel , the proprietor oi the Untied Irishman , a gentleman whom an exterminating Saxon landlord ( Lord Lansdowne ) , has described as one destitute and devoid of character .

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      Aiy friends , having always looked deeply into the motives and objects of those who profess to lead the public mind , I naturally informed myself as to the former position of this characterless , destitute patriot , Mr Mitchel , and you shall have the result of my inquiry from the very best source , Mr John Mitchel is the son of a Unitarian clergyman of Newry—a man remarkable for his sagacity , intellect , honour , and love of justice . At the age of seventeen , our young patriot and Jiero—for as such I wish to cha racterise the characterless and destitute

      Irishman—at the age of seventeen he married . He became partner in the firm of Fraser and Mitchel , solicitors , of Newry . He carried on his own department of the profession at Banbridge , within ten miles of Newry , where he had a comfortable and happy home , and was in possession of every comfort . His mother still lives ; and , as if the whole family imbibed their patriotism from her breast , his three sisters—all lovely girls—are as devoted to the cause of Ireland as himseif . He is not now more than thirty years of age—has . five or six childrenis a fond father , a kind brother , and an obedient son—all characteristics of a great and good

      man . When the promising Nation was launched upon the flood of disturbed opinion created in Ireland , its proprietor looked to the intellectual market for talent , and finding none equal to Mr Mitchel , and that gentleman believing that his country demanded his services , and that the editor ' s desk was preferable to the attorney ' s counter , he abandoned a profession which brought him in from 800 / . to 1 , 000 ? . a year , broke up his establishment , left his happy home , and tendered his services to the proprietor of the Nation .

      This aspiring genius soon discovered that the fetters of the press were as galling as the fetters of the law . He discovered that Mr Duffy was a PHRASE MERCHANT , and that his wares were cut down and altered to suit the Nation market . The . patriot could not stomach this galling masterdom—this menial situation —and he resolved upon creating anew mind in Ireland . Now , my friends , without ever having seen , or without ever having received a line from Mr Mitchel , this is the true bio

      graphy of a gentleman whom the worst Saxon landlord in Ireland ( Lord Lansdowne ) has designated as " an ' adventurer , without character ; " and you will draw your own conclusions as to the motives and objects of a highspirited young gentleman , who abandons a profitable profession , and breaks up a happy home , and embarks the prospects of a family that is dear to him upon the troubled waters of politics , at the very time when the oppresgor ' g appetite is whetted for revenge .

      I thought it but right to put you in possession of so much , because every man in Ireland , who dares to deviate from the old Conciliation Hall policy , is looked upon , or rather fantastically described , as an enemy to his country . For my own part , the debased state to which political crotchetmongers had brought the English mind m 1835 , induced meat that period , or rather compelled me , to adopt a pretty nearly similar course , in order to destroy the influence of the Press of this country , which had misled and bru rifled the mind of the working classes .

      Mr Mitchel's object is a thorough reform of the institutions of the country , and , so long ago as 1841 , 1 told you from my dungeon , that I was not for a Repeal of the Union , but that I was for a total separation—a divorce ; and that advent is near at hand . "Were I to adopt the language and the tone of Mr Mitchel with reference to your movement . . I should be hi ghly culpable ; but he has found the Irish mind now in precisely the same state that I found the English mind in 1835 , and , therefore , I have different materials to act with . I am in a movement strong in moral

      power and organisation , and resolute in courage—a movement which could only be damaged by the folly , the madness , or the treachery of . its members , while Mr Mitchel has found a movement destroyed by those vices imbibed from treacherous leaders . However , let sycophantsVevile Mr Mitchel as they may , I shall not be found amongst the numl er . The Press of this country has been the greatest enemy of the institutions of this country and of " the rights of the people ; and if ever the system should tumble about the ears of the aristocracy when they are

      unprepared for the crash , the ruin must be attributed to the Press , whose purpose it has been to keep them in a state of ignorance as to the popular mind and passing events . It will scarcely be believed that the speeches reported in the Press , as made in the House of Commons , are as foreign from the truth as if a man had turned the back of his head for his portrait . Each prostitute journal reports its own fool , or rather prints its own fool ' s speech as supplied by the fool himself , while , if" the abiest tongue and soundest head pourtrays oppression in its proper colours , the portrait is confined to the members themselves .

      Now , my friends , these are the things which require correction ; and I defy you to correct these abuses otherwise than by having your own representatives in your own parliament , and let me now "call yoar attention to the ignorance of your rulers , who , in pandering to the trading , manufacturing , commercial , professional , and landed interest of the country , insolently tell you that there is no escape from taxation—that " there is no hope for labourthat there is no resting place for industry beyond the clemency of the landlerd and the mercy of the * speculator—a fallacy which I will now proceed to expose .

      As I have observed in the House of Commons , 1 repeat it here—that "it is unfair and unjust that ministers should receive their salaries for the performance of certain defined duties ; and that the same ministers , when opposed in their extravagance , should turn upon their opponents , and ask them to propose better and more salutary measures / ' What would the farmer think of the ploughman , who , upon being scolded for doing his work badly , told the master to " PAY HIM , and do

      the work better himself ? '"What would the manufacturer think of the spinner or the weaver who , upon being scolded for spoiling his work , should tell the master § to " PAY HIM , and do it better himself : ' This mode of dealing with the public and the public money , I look upon as a great injustice—an injustice , however , which is met with cheers in the House of Commons by the tools of ministers , the placemen , and pensioners , who are actually called upon to vote the people ' s mone y into their own pockets .

      Under ordinary circumstances , I , like others , might remain dogged and sulky , merely making myself popular by taunting the Chancellor of the Exchequer , in the House , with his incapacity or indifference ; but , v . hen I see the clear road of escapewlien 1 see my way out of the labyrinth—1 will not , schoolboy-like , rest satisfied with pouting and complaining , but will propound my remedy at once .

      My friends , as it is likely that this , my manife-. to , may be extensively circulated , it is not only desirable that I should point out the remedies for the present evils , but that I should also show ( he source from whence they

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      have arisen , and the causes which are likely to perpetuate them , if the public mind is not seriously led to , and convinced of , its own power to destroy them without revolution or bloodshed ; but , on the contrary , the change making the rich richer , and the poor rich ; and then , if I can convince plain and sound understandings of these facts ; and if the great majority , whose united co-operation could realise the results , shall withhold their assistance , let them hereafter bear alHheir sufferings without a murmur .

      Firstl y , I lay it down as a truism , that Ministers , paid out of the taxes ; that noblemen , anxious to preserve even a feudal dignity ; that landlords , anxious to preserve foolish am aristocmtical privileges j that bankers , whose wealth is realised by the speculation of traders ; that commercial men , whose wealth is dependent upon the same source ; that manufacturers , whose losses in trade are made good out of reduction of wages ; that admirals , and naval officers upon half-pay and looking for promotion ; that generals , colonels , majors , captains , and lieutenants , on full-pay and

      halfpay ; that lawyers ^ whose wealth depends upon the mystery of laws , and upon the convulsions of society ; that placemen and pensioners , who live upon the taxes—1 contend for it , that it is as impossible for those parties to represent Labour , or to pare down expenditure , as it is to turn the sun from its course . Upon the other hand , as Labour is the only source of wealth , and as its application to the developement of the natural resources must inevitably confer benefits upon all classes of society , except those of the legal or military professions , I contend for it 'that ,

      if Labour alone was represented , every other class of society would be benefited , and that through a more equitable distribution of property , the taxes necessary for the support of the State could be equally imposed . I have laid it down a thousand times for you , that these facts are known to many—but that those many have an interest in their suppression , because the capitalists , who speculate in unrepresented Labour , would rather realise a profit of a hundred millions a year , preserved to their own kindl y use , thaa see an annual distribution of a thousand millions , if their share was likely to be a fraction less under the

      more extensive and equitable system . My friends , you must bear these facts in mind , and you must not be continuall y asking for knowledge , upon which I have written scores of volumes , and which I have thoroughly sifted ; but , having- led you from the A , B , C of politics , to that state of education , when every working man is a philosopher , and when all understand the true principles of political economy—namely , political economy based upon RECIPROCITY—the one element omitted by the Free Trade school—I say

      that , having brought your minds to this state of maturity and thought , the time has now arrived for enunejatin # held and unequivocal truths—truths which I have been prosecuted for proclaiming , both in England and in Ireland ; but truths so palpable and irrefutable , that they now defy prosecution . If , then , I am able to shoiv that , from your own property , you are enabled to save , not only your own class , but to confer a boon upon ali classes of society , have I not a right to demand your cooperation in the realisation of that plan which I shall now propound ?

      THE CHURCH PROPERTY , of every description , in this country amount 9 to over 10 , OOO . . OOOZ . a year;—that is , in tithes , Church lands—which , in consequence of imperfect tenure , do not realise anything like their real value—and from all other sources , the Church property in this country , if applied to its proper purposes , would realise more than ten millions a year , and would save a large amount in litigation . Indeed , it has often struck me as an anomaly , that , while philanthropists complain of being burdened with 18 , 000 3 OOOJ . a year for the support of an army and a navy , that no one is found bold enough to declaim against the payment of over 20 , 000 , 000 / . a year , paid to the Church , and as poor rates for the support of unwilling idlers .

      This question is so extensive—its results are so monstrous—and its injustice so palpable—that it is impossible to dispatch its consideration without a word I or two by way of comment ; a word or two which will strike the mind of the reader with amazement and horror . The interest of the National Debt—the permanent National Debt—apart from about three millions ayear interest payable upon Long and Terminable Annuities , which expire in 1859-60 , is 24 , 4 U 0 ; 000 Z . a year ; and the amount paid to the Church , paid in Poor Rates , and in litigation consequent upon those two funds , amounts to fully twenty-two millions a year . Now what becomes of your national faith , so far as these funds are concerned ?

      The first—the Church fund—belongs to the people ; and in the olden time , before the adulterous murderer , Harry , stole them from the people , they were administered by frugal , pious , charitable men , and they constituted the poor relief fund of your ancestors . But when the murderous monarch stole them from you , and conferred them upon panders and hypocrites , who supported him in his lewdness &nd depravity , hie daughter Elizabeth was obliged to find a substitute for that fund which was stolen from the poor , and that fund now ranges between six and seven millions a year .

      Well , national faith is extensively paraded in support of the fundholder's right to his ' . interest , and upon the sa me faith- —as there is no statute of limitation against the right of a whole people—I base your title to the restoration of Church property , which is your property ; and to the proper application of Poor Rates , which is your property ; and which you could hold in trust for your successors , and with which Parliament—wherein your order is not represented—has no right to deal . Keep this figure ever before you , that while the fundholder ' s title is based upon national

      faith , guaranteed by Parliament , in which you ure not represented , I base your title to Church property and to Poor Rates upon Divine faith , upon God ' s covenant with man at his creation , when He also created the earth , and commanded man to subdue it for his 8 UStenance and support , commanding him also to live in the sweat of his own brow , covenanting with him that the husbandman should be the first partaker of the fruits of the earth , and Making it the first duty of man to '" comtort and assist the weak-hearted , and raise up them that fall . "

      But here is the injunction upon which your indefeasible title is based : — " The Lord saith , Thou shalt not reap all the corners of thy field , neither shalt thou gather all the grapes in thy vineyard , thou shalt leave them for the stranger , the widow , and the orphan . " Merciful justice ! How divine , how holy is this , the injunction of the all-wise Creator of

      man , and how the tyrants who blasp hemously attr ibute famine to the dispensation of God , must blush at the reflection that famine affects the industrious , and nnly the industrious and producing classes , while to the money-mongers it furnishes a profitable source of speculation . Indeed , so conclusive is Scripture as ! to the right of man to live upon the produce of the soil , that we arp * ' > ld that ,

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      "They who die by the sword are better than those who perish from hunger , for their bodies pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . " Let me , now , test the justice of the working classes . We are told that clergymen are educated upon the faith that they shall receive compensation for what has been expended upon their education . But it is no part of national faith that an archbishop shall receive 15 , 000 ? . a year for living sumptuously ; it is no part of national faith that one idle pauper in a parish shall nip up and devour all that was intended for the sustenance and support or the

      willing husbandmen of that parish ; and , therefore ,: the adjustment that I would make is this , in order to show you with what facility and justice the proper adjustment of our financial affairs may be arranged . I would allow every working clergyman , during his life , 300 / . ayear , making them all equal in the eyes of man , as they ave in the fiyes of their Maker , I would arrange the parishes so that England an / T ^ Tales should be divided into ten thousand , with a working clergyman to each , which would amount at a salary of 300 ? . a-year to three millions per annum , —thus making a saving from that source of seven millions per annum . We will estimate the Poor Rates at six millions

      per annum ; and as they are incontestably the property of the poor , they should , under the present exigencies of the times—and all other channels are closed against labour—be devoted to the opening of the only natural channel for the national industry—THE LAND . These Poor Rates I would divide into three classes . Two millions a-year I would allow the landlords to purchase at thirty years' purchase , which would produce sixty millions , and those landlords , who were not able or who did not choose to release their estates from the

      burden—that annual amount of their property may become security to those who would lend the amount to Government , and the best security too . Two millions a-year I would strike off altogether , as an inducement to the landlords to purchase , and the remaining two millions a-year I would allow to remain as a lien upon the Land , to meet those charges which do not wholly belong to the Poor Rates , and for the maintenance of the old , the infirm , and the disabled , who have not been able in youth to realise wherewith to live upon in old age .

      All the bastiles I would turn into agricultural schools and colleges , renting a sufficient amount of Land to enable those institutions to be sustained upon the self-supporting principle , and upon the completion of each young man ' s education in college at theage of eighteen years , he should receive his fair proportion of those profits realised by his labour from fifteen to eighteen . In those colleges youths should learn the science of agriculture , of chemistry , geology , and should receive a good , sound , practical education . the sale of

      The sixty millions realised by two millions a year of Poor Rates I would apply to the purchase of Land and the buildingof houses ; and those localities being freed from the payment of taxes altogether I would charge rent at the rate of 61 . per cent ,, which would be lower than 41 . per cent , under the present system ; and then our account of savings would stand thus : — X * Realised from Church property . 7 , 000 , 000 Retained of Poor Rates . . 2 , 000 , 000 Rfegt ^ roduced from 60 , 000 , 000 at six per cent . . . 3 , 600 , 000 £ 12 , 600 , 000

      Now , by this table , I make the Poor Rates realise within 500 , 000 ? . a year of their present amount , while I relieve the landlords of two millions a year , and this I am able to effect by applying the sixty millions , realised from the sale of Poor Rates , to the full development of the national resources , by the application of the labour of the unwilling idler , while I ' am able to establish the principle of reciprocity , charging 6 / . per cent , for the outlay , by releasing the occupant from the payment of rates and taxes .

      My great object , as you are aware , has ever been to realise the whole benefit of unrestricted Free Trade for all classes—that is , as we have declared in our thousands of resolutions , that we are for Free Trade , but that we are for turning the advantage to national and not class-purposes . If , then , we can preserve national faith , by carrying Free Trade out in its entirety , based upon the ^ pnnciple of reciprocity , we are the real Free Trade party . And now I proceed to establish our right to deduct twenty per cent , from the property of the fundholder , showing , nevertheless , that he will be a large , gainer by the change .

      What I propose , is to produce an amount of income from other sources , equal to that produced by Custom and Excise Duties , and to sweep those duties away altogether and establish comp lete Free Trade upon the principle of reciprocity . " Mr Cobden , in his speech upon the Income Tax , showed the manner in which those duties pressed upon consumers , and let the reader peruse the plain , the simple and incontrovertible statement , submitted by Mr Cobden , who

      said—What amount do the peaplo pay on articles consumed $ For every 208 . the working classos expend on tea , they pay 10 s . of duty ; for every 20 s : they expend on sugar , they pay 6 s . of duty ; for every ? 0 s . they expend on coffee , they psiy 8 s- of duty ; on soap , 5 s . ; on beer , 4 s . ; on tobaeco , ltis . ; on spirits , I 45 i of duty , on every 20 s . they expend upon these articles . and he will learn that the annihilation of all Custom and Excise duties would be a saving to the consumer of more than fifty percent ., and ,

      therefore , national faith is not of that sticky nature which would makeit unjust to reduce the . 'income of a national faith fundholder by twentyfive per cent ., if the necessaries of life were reduced by fifty per cent . He lent this money upon the faith that he should pay a very much higher per centage than he even p ; tys under the present system , and upon this arrangement the account would stand thus : — Received from Church Property £ and Poor Rates . . " . 12 , 600 , 000 Deduct twenty-five per cent . from the interest oa Funded Debt and Exchequer Bills , and , in round numbers , you effect a saving of . . . .. 7 , 000 , 000 Making a total of . . . 19 , 600 , 000

      a year , or , as nearly as possible , covering the deficit occasioned by the remission of our Excise and Customs Duties . In the case of the working clergyman receiving 300 / . a year , his revenue would be equal to 40 () Z . a year under the present system ; but suppose that the pious may object to touching Church property by the abolition of Excise and Customs Duties ; we would save in their collection , and the amount of patronage consequent upon their existence , a sum equal to the amount that I propose to realise from Church property . The amount saved in the collection does not rest with that paid upon Excise and Customs Duties , for I am now

      going to show you another grievous , onerous , and unequal tax , which also costs an amazing amount in collection , and which I would con . solidate into one single oflice—I mean the Assesed Taxes . Those I would wholly abolish and would substitute a graduated ' scale of taxation to meet the deficit .

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      We are told that out of 3 , 500 , 000 houses , only 500 , 000 pay the Window Tax ; and , therefore , I will make my scale of direct taxation from that number , and having relieved them of all othur taxes—Excise and Custom Duties , and the collection of those taxes , what I propose is to establish a Property Taxthus : — The 100 , 000 of first class proprietors of the 500 , 000 who now pay the

      Window Duty , whether they he landed proprietors , bankers , merchants , 'distillers , brewers , barristers , or belonging to the wealthiest class of the 500 , 000 , without reference to the description of property , I would tax to the amount of 100 / . a year , which would make . . 10 , , 000 Ihe second hundred thousand of that class I would tax to the

      amount of of 30 i . a year . . 3 , 000 , 000 The third hundred thousand I would tax to tfye amount of 2 Ol . a year , making 2 , 000 , 000 The fourth hundred thousand of that class I would tax 102 . a ) year , making . . . . ' 1 , 000 , 000 The fifth hundr / sd thousand of that class I would tax at 5 l . a year , making . . " . . . . 500 , 000

      Making from this source . . 16 , 500 , 000 per annum , and relieving the payers from-all other taxes whatsoever . We may presume that amillion of the occupiers not now paying Window Tax , and the wealthiest of the three millions occupying houses , and following trades and professions , not only pay some tax , but would be great gainers by the remission of Excise and Customs Duties , and that they may fairly pay 51 . a year

      taxes , or . ..... 5 , 000 , 000 The next million we presume would make a saving of at least 2 l . a family , and from that class would be realised . . . . . . 2 , 000 , 000 And the last million of the 3 , 500 , 000 whether working men , lodging house-keepers , shopkeepers , or . 6 rnall tradesmen , should pay a tax of U . a year each family , or . . 1 , 000 , 000

      Thus making a total of . . 24 500 , 000

      per annum , leaving to be added the sale of Crown Lands , the revenue derived from Stamps , from the Post-office , Foreign Bills of Exchange , and other accounts , from which the payer would derive a direct profit , making in all about 6 , 0 OO , 000 Z . ; thus leaving a revenue from those sources alone , independently of the Church Property , of" 44 , 500 , 000 / . a year , leaving 21 , 000 , 000 Z . a year to be paid as interest on funded debt—three millions a year of which will be extinguished in the years ' 59-60 , and leaving the enormous amount of 2 O ; 5 G 0 , O 0 OZ . to provide for the exigencies of the State .

      Of course , I presume that the people of this country will not much longer consent to pay idle placemen and pensioners . The reader must bear in mind that though I have classed the property-tax payers in numbers of a hundred thousand in one case , and a million in the other , that , nevertheless , it would be just and fair that those members should pay according to a graduated scale , producing in the bulk the amount that I have stated , and to accomplish which , as every thing is easy when

      money is to be raised , the Chancellor of the Exchequer would find no difficulty ; nor do I think that any of the classes , from thelowest million paying 20 s . afamily , to the highest hundred thousand paying 100 / . a family , could complain of the impost when relieved from every description of taxation and duty ; especially ; when it is borne in mind that the payers of the duties upon Excise and Customs , now amounting to nearly twenty millions a year , make a profit of the consumer of more than thirty millions a year ; ay ! forty millions a year .

      Of course , I propose to abolish the Probate and Legacy Duty , and every onerous and inquisitorial duty ; the tax upon dogs , horses , carriages servants , windows , auctioneers , game licenses , bar licenses , spirit licenses , and all other taxes whieh now press so heavily upon the poor , as the rich invariably make them pay them . To remit the duty upon timber and bricks , and all building materials ; and will

      the reader for one moment reflect upon the impetus that this change would give to every branch of trade , commerce , and manufactures ; the number who could then afford luxuries , who cannot now procure the common necessaries of life—the impetus given to coachbuilders , house-builders , and all descriptions of trade , and the honourable competition that would be created amongst shopkeepers , whose Interest it would then be to realise moderate

      profits upon the principle of quick sale and light profit . Now , my friends , in my general calculation I have left the Church property untouched , whereas , if you were to draw five , millions a year from that source , which legitimately belongs to the people , you would have a surplus , after paying the fundholder his interest , of 25 , 600 , 6002 . a year , and a further saving of two millions a year upon the Long and Terminable Annuities , which expire in the years- ' 59-60 ; and which , if made permanent now , should not be set down at a million a year ; and in the more extensive view , the account would stand thus : — Received from Church property

      and Poor Rates .... 12 , 600 , 000 Saved on collection of Customs , Excise , and taxes .... 6 , 000 , 000 Graduated Property Tax . . 24 , 500 , 000 Stamps , Post Office , &c , and sale of Crown Lands .... 6 , 000 , 000 Difference between terminable annuities and fanded debt , at the present price of stock . . . 2 , 000 , 000 Leaving a total income of 50 , 100 , 000 Or a surplus , after paying the interest of the funded debt , of . 29 , 100 , 000

      Ample , I should think , to meet all the exigencies of the State ; and more than the people will presently consent to pay . Now , my friends , you have my definition of Free Trade , based upon reciprocity ; you have my mode of setting all the springs (/ industry at work ; you have my mode of throwing all classes upon their own resources ; you have my mode of producing national loyalty to national institutions ; you have a table set before you , which does not profess to be complete or unsusceptible of improvement ; and if the sceptic should scoff , or the alarmed should quake , I tell them , that there is more danger to

      every institution in the country , by a dogged perseverance in the old and corrupt system , than would attend the adoption of my proposition . And , if attachment to the present old boroughmongering system is based upon custom , precedent , or antiquity , let us , in God ' s name , extinguish our « as , and return to the farthing candle ; let us abolish our railroads , and return to the jog-trot coach ; let us abolish our steam navigation , and depend upon the temper of the winds and the elements ; let us destroy the printing press , the electric telegraph , and the penny postage ; for , as sure as £ night hi-Iow 9 day , means must be adopted to cultivate the natural resources of this wealthy country ,

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      and that there must be an equitable liistribution of the proceeds , olse will the hand of the unwilling idler be raised in strife and enmity against the pampered , idle pauper . My friends , in this our strugg le for complete and entire Free Trade , based upon the principle of reciprocity , you must convince the shopkeepers that their interests are identical which *

      with yours-that the mechanical power makes a pauper of the unwilling idler is not their friend-and that the well-emp loyed and well-paid labourer is a better customer , a better friend , and a better subject , than the system-made pauper who is consigned to the workhouse and made a burthen upon their industry . I have now placed my budget before you ; road it- —think of it—suggest what improvements present themselves , and let your delegates be prepared to discuss it . 1 remain , Your faithful friend and servant , Feargos O'Ooxnor .

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      Carlisle election . Great excitement has prevailed at CarlLsle on occasion of the electoral contest . On tbe nomination day , the town presented a right rarely wimessed . A foi-est of hands vrere raised for Dr M'Douall . A poll waa demanded , and tbe following is the n-si-lt : — Hodgson ( Torj ) i 77 Howard ( Liberai ) 414 Dixon ( Liberal ) 328 M' Douall ( Chartist ) 55 A second edition oi the Cablisle Tatm ;;! states that soon -after four o ' clock the successful tviJifhdafces aad their friends , and Dr M'Douall , repaired to the hustiugx tu be present at the mayor ' a declaration . Tha crowd in front was immense—12 , 000 , at the least ; and the pressure even upon the hustings vra * almost unendurable . After much difficulty , and a good deal of inconvenience , the mayor announced the numbers aa given above .

      The conduct of the Chartists appears to have been admirable in the extreme , and though , unsuccessful this time— ' \ vait a little longer . ' The following is the n-ortbj doctor ' s speech lrom the hustings-Dr M'Doiull , who was received with deafening cheers , next came'forward , and said— Citizens of Carlisle and electors—Nothing could be mure gratifying to mj feelings than tbe honourable reueption ,. you have now given me , which is not merely flattering to ray feelings ai a man , but is still more gratifying because I believe that you do not cheer the person but the principles he advocates . ( Great applause . ) You have heard tbe different candidates address you . You have been told by Mr Dixon that he is thinking

      about making improvements , and I never knew a Whig that did not begin with thinking , and end by doing nothing . ( Laughter and cheers . ) They are continually thinking but never acting ; and as for Mr Hodgson , all he seems to have come forward for , is to blu < h —( laughter and cheers )— blush for the corruption of the freemen of Carlisle , 1 shall therefore leave him before you with bis blushing honours . ( Laughter . ) As for Mr Howard , he corses forward much in tho same way that an auctioneer would go into a uuxter ' s shop , fur the purpose of knocking down a number of what he calls the household suffrages . ( Hear , hear , and Lud cheers . ) So truly ignorant are vast numbers of the people of the nature of the Chartor , that when I asked a free and independent elector ths

      ottier ciay , what wa 3 its meaning , hesaid— ' It meana triangular Parliaments , universal suffering and vote by bullet ! ' ( Laughter and loud cheers . ) Now , it strikes me very forcibly that the interests of this city , . someway or another , are in » very triangular position jasc now , for the candidates seem to be neither Whig nor Tory , and what with one thinking , another blushing , and a third promising , none of them advance a single step . ( Cheers . ) We all know that there ia greater danger at the present time as far as tho interests of this country are concerned , and I would direct your attention to this return by way of proving and showing how far it is to be feared—though , if I point out those evils , we must not either think er blush , but must all act , ( Hear .

      hear . ) It we think , we must think for a good purpose ; if we blush at all , we must blush because we are not doing our duty . ( Cheer ? . ) I will lay before you a statement of the greatest importance to tha manufacturing interests of this country . I find thafc we exported in yarns and thread , in 1845 , six millions nuie hundred and sixty-three thousand two hundred and thirty-five pounds ; in 1847 , the last year , it was only five miliiona eight hundred and ihircyscren thousand pounds , which speaks plainly of thesevioUS injury the country has here sustained . ( Loud cheers and great uproar . ) This showB that there is nnme * thing rotten in the state of Denmark—somf thing radically bad even in the very principles Mr Dixon has lairi down for you—for whilst he , iU he B&V 9 h . 8

      has , alibied to unshackle commerce , ni ; d pxpatktea upon the advantages to be secured by free trade , ho forgets to poins out the way in which we are to preepe them ;—( hear , hear)—in faot , he contents hinn-elf with only thinking—and thinking , he fai ' s to show us the way . ( Hear , hear ) I shall act . ( Cheers . ) If we want to secure ourselve * in tho present proud position which we hold in the scale of nations , it we desire to continue first and foremost , amongst tha nations of the eartb , I cliou . M say , give aenpe to our growth , and lighten the heavy load u ^ on ecimraerco by throwing overboard as speedily as you csh somo twenty or thirty millions of taxest ( Loud cheers . ) When , for instance , Cobden catae forward to piopose the repeal of the Corn Laws , I

      warned him of the effect ¦ without a reciprocity of intcrcoursei I told him that if he could not reduce too taxes , tho manufacturer would full back upon wages , for he must either diminish the one or reduce the other . ( Cheers . ) Such is the position of this rountry that if we repeal the corn laws or the tariff dutie . 4 , and open our ports , without , at the fame time , lowering pur taxes , we shall never do . ( Hear , hear . ) _ I will just tike you now to the horns consutnption , —the go . 'ds consumed by the people in this country in 1845—in whieh yenr the working classes expended of their wages , in th » purchase of goods , nineteen millions six hundred and ten thousand six hundred and fifty-seven pounds sterling , whiht in 1847 we have come down to nine millions

      five hundred thousand . ( Sensation and groans . ) The c <; ub 6 of this is that the manufacturer found his profits lessening and trade decreasing , so that he was competed to diminish wages , and to fall back and exist upon the savings of years of industry . Mr M'Douall proceeded to state his epinions upon the various questions of political iaterest before the country in almost the same terms as he used when addretsing the meeting at the AtheDfflutn a few days ago . Before concluding his long , and certainly eloquent Bpeech , he hoped , he said , that he should have the honour of seconding a motion in the House of Commons , proposed by Mr Feargus O'Connor , for the Pcoplfc ' . i Charter , It was his tall intention to ge to tho poll , and ho intended to canvass this very

      afternoon , by taking 10 , 000 men with him , and respectfully soliciting tho votes of the shopkeepers of Carlisle , by which means he had no doubt at all he should be returned at the head of the poll . The only man in Carlisle whom he had canvassed was Mr Uodgson , and he believed that gentleman would be down early at the poll to recorJ his vote in his favour;—( laughter )— he Bhould be glad ta see Mr Howard and Mr Dixon at toe same time . ( Cheers and laughter . ) If they conducted themsdlvps wifck so muoh ^ ood grace and seF . so on tha poUing . day , he declared it would go a great way to palliate their past offences . He trusted the middle ctasses would lay aside the prejudices and feara with whieh they regarded the Charter . He knew

      that it was a bitter pill to some of them , but if they Ouly swallowed it they would find it , though bitter to the mouth , sweet to the stomach ; and he could only say that if the people of Carlisle returned him they would find him ready to advance their interests in every possible way . After reverting to the subject of taxation , and denouncing the system of capi « tal punishment , Dr M'Douall implored his auditors , whatever they did , to be peaceable and orderly , for if he saw any one of his supporters attempt anything like an attack upon pioperiyhu should be the first to oppose him and deliver him over to tbe hands of justice . Once more he hoped his friends would rally round his . standard , and that tomorrow asignal triumph of Cuartism might be recorded . Vociferous cheering hailed the conclusion of this speech .

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      Preston Tea Pauty and Ball . —In our sixth page we dive tho report of the r " re . * t 3 n meetine , both from the Preston Pilot and the Pheston Chronicle We thank both tho Chronicle and the Guardian for their accurate report of Mr O'Connor ' s speechwhile we equally thank tbe prostitute PiLOT tor U 8 attempt to throw disropute upon the opinions Of ills townsmen . We admit the right of the press to canvass the opinions und speeches of public men , provided they repert them accurately , as the fawBDuy and Chronicle have done . This is all the working classes demand-this is all their cause requires .

      Daluv , Airshimc -A Inrge public meet , ^ held here oa Monday evening ? last , called tor the purpose rf adopting an address to the oitneiiiof Pari « and aUolorad ptinjj th' ' National Petition . Mr James Orr . an old veteran m tho cause of Chartism was called to the chair . Mr M'Gkee , having read tho address , delivered a very pithy « p > ce £ The addrtss , which was seconded by Mr Sneddon , was agreed to , amidst loud acclamation . Duncnn Robr-vtson , after a few pointed remarks oa the French Revolution , read the National Petition , aftii- which he spoke at considerable length on the People ' s Charter . Tho Petition was then seconded by Mr John Bingham , and carried unanimously . Tho report of the delegates , sent Irovi Londoilto Paris , was read from the Northern Siab , which was heartily cheered by the meeting .

      To The Imperial Chartists.

      TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS .

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      sp y 1 & y ^* 6 >* & oP , . # j , : . ¦ - .

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      v gj ° J 4 3 T " LONDON SATURDAY . MARCH ff , 1848 . , lvcg . S ^ . ^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 18, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1462/page/1/