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Northern Star (1837-1852), 25th December 1847, Edition 1 of 2, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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    • TO THE MEMBERS OF THE UAT1ONAL LAND COMPANY.
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      Untitled Article

      M * DEAR FRIBNDS ^— : > « Coming events cast their shadow before ; ' * jpj it will not be my fault if you do not gain ^ jsdoin by what has recently transpired in the House of Commons , as regards Ireland . Hat rtnntry has not been so much crushed and onpjesed by English power as by Irish treachery I * circumstance based upon the feet that the people have never been heard as a nation . but r fection andtherefore : <*

      g . a J , , commanding no pect in the Senate . s \ flule opposing the Coercion BilL I waa tasted , more than once , with the assertion that there were no petitions against the meagre ; and that , therefore , the people of Eng . land were not opposed to it ; jrhereas . fore . sorted pehfaons , many petitions , ' signed by scores of thousands of EngKshmeri , of which the Insn press , however , took no notice . Jiow , my friends , as it ever has been mv policy to disarm faction , I am about to appeal to you to place me in a strong and fortffied

      p ^ non -wnen i propose a Bfll to Parliament to protectfteXand Company , and to relieve its members from the payment of all staroo Unties . I trust , therefore , that every member wnan , woman and child—will affix their names , occupation , and places of address , to the petition which wUl be found at the foot of this letter , * and which , of itself , will explain the necessity ftr the' consent of those whose interests I represent Do' not iailow meto in the contest

      , engage without thearms which you can furnish me ; and then , if I should f £ l for want bf those snvs , be prepared to take , not your share , hut the whole ; of the responsibility . Itam aware that many hare cautiousl y joined the Company , by paying through other channels , lest their tyrant masters should dismiss them ^ -bnt tfcose who agn the petition must rest satisfied tfiui my assurance that those masters will never see it .

      Every secretary should make it his duty to get the signature of every member in his dis trict , and he shonldalso get another petition , ggned b y those who are not members , but who are favourable to the Plan , -ftey need not sttacb more than their si gnatures to the petition ; and I have very little pity for the conffihon of the slave who refuses the trifling selfsastance which I ask him to render in his cm cause . I should state to you that I have had many conversations with leading members of Parlia ment upon the subject of the Land , and they new it with great interest , and will be prepared to give to it , not onl y an impartial , but a favourable consideration .

      > . ow , you have ample time to do this , and if you have not the inclination , you don ' t require it to be done . Let me now remind you , that nothing ever has been obtained from the English Government , nor from any other Government , by silence ; and to the silence of the Irishrepresentatives—when silence was a Godsend to the Whigs—you must attribute the present state of that country ; therefore , taking warning by the past—don ' t you be alent .

      1 have shown you before , but I will repeat it here again , that social improvement is ever Mowed by political representation . Forinsbnee , when Land was all and everything , the landlords had the whole of the representation ; then manufacturers became powerful , the Refom Bill gave them a participation in representation ; and when the shopkeepers—the tommercial and mercantile classes—joined the manufacturers , the adoption of Free Trade | principles gave them the ascendancy of reprej saltation ; and now that railroads have opened another

      lip source of speculation , that new ( rier of wealth has achieved a powerful representation in the House of Commons—having erer one hundred interested members to repress that branch of trade . The maxim that I nralddraw from these undeniable facts is this—that a wholesome social system is sure | to lead to a wholesome representative system . * f Sow , I pray you to keep these domestic troths always before you , and allow me to illustrate what I mean , so that the merest fool may understand it ; and he , who understands it and [ foes not act upon it , is a slave , and does not

      teerrethenameofman . This is my illustration . If there are a hundred thousand men employing five millions of slaves , the hundred thousand slave owners will have the exclusive prerogative of making such Iaw 3 as will perpetuate their rule , which will be governed b y toe lowest amount of wages that they can give j * ith safety to their property . But , if a nul-« ffl , or half-a-million , or a quarter of a million tf the five millions of slaves become possessed tf property in their own labour , independent of pe caprice of an employer , then , those so si-[ faated will very speedily achieve fox them-Nves a participation in representation .

      True , resistance is always offered by those Pressing power to those looking for power , HI tell you , the resistance , the crushing reg lance is in the fear of the many , and not in fe power of the few . The cripples who have been writing about fte Land Plan , and who know as much about ^ as an Irish pig knows of geometry , have ; 9 nn their web—have laid their eggs—have expasted their poor store of presumptuous igno-£ oce and , while ' they fret and fume , the

      la-| ootir castles progress with surpassing speed . I Indeed , I know of no plan , —I can devise no pan , —I can think of no plan—equal to the | knd Plan for giving the purest liberty to the i ^ eral classes of society ; and to the hope of g teiemption held out by it , and not to the ter-W * of the law , I attribute the ^ caton quiet we 1 W witnessed amid the most heart-rending [ rjstress ; for , had it not been for the antiripaipnufthe labour field and the castle those gyrations would not have been so patiently ibome .

      fhe subject so crowds upon roe in its mulukrious forms , whenabsence from other business $ res me time for contemplation , that , even ** , in ibis dull winter season , I see charms ^ cap tivate the most heartless , and to inspire |^ 8 most desponding with hope \ The petition l ^ t I ask you for you have no ) six weeks to [ Prepare , as it is my intention to present it the Rstday that Parliament meets , and thesheets Fybe ' allsentto the Land Office , directed « r me , left open at both ends , and "ParliamentpF petition , " written under the address . The HtiQon will lay at the Land Office in London ,

      ^ soon as the directors can have it properly ^ grossed , where the London members can * gn it u o aid your petition , it is my intention to npote the whole of the February number of r " Labourer'' to a plain and simple treatise P the Land Plan—a copy of which shall be P ^ eed in the hands of every member of Parliament , so that they may thoroughly understand p subject when the discussion takes Jplace . [ jjam aware that at this season , when the N appears sterile and covered with frost , r artificial slave , who lives from hand

      ? mouth ; can see no beauty in prospective ; does not believe that budding spring , fining summer , and yellow harvest , will ever ^ again . Unaccustomed to a natural life , j ^ inks , that because he works all day and J * f day that he can procure it , that the J ? should yield every day ; while in the outsold him that Nature prescribed a long Jj ™ « f rest for the land , from which it would J ^ e refreshed and strong for its y ielding 5 ? - And , , I have had great difficulty in S ^^ K back ' an artificial , race , crimped from ^ natural employment when young , to be-^ that every thing they eat and drink , and L ^ i and . use , and exchange , is all produced P fte land . In fact , I will , *> r the one thou-

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      ^ SSBftRSSSS * wtaogeaUe medium ft , ^ S"Lg £ - w , ssftsr ^ - ? . ^ S ^ M ^ mm SW ^ ist =-= XllilTr ?' " -- " - 'ii . ii ¦

      JtS S ^^**** ** P % - ftJn ? ****** ^ «> e only field wherein 2 £ Ste ^? M »* lvalu e of SSS nJfei ? i «*^*« aa "« Ia secure ample provision . for himself and family , without reference to the standard of WmuES tor his produce , when measured hv an ,, « « , _

      ing standard of currencyejhat is , that if wheat is 1 J ( . a quarter , the labourer , who ' prbddces it for himself , will be able to consume it as abundantly as if it was only 1 U » quarter * = be < 5 au 8 e the increased value will represent the increased value of his labour . ; ^ Because , upon the principle of political ecowraiy , when one . channel is closed the Land opens a succession of sources from which the husbanajnatt can draw his maintenance , white theartafiaal slave is paralysed by the increasiug price of an , article : which he cannot produce . • -- ... . ..

      Because on the Land a man and his whole family can work from morning till night in proper seasons , the father and grown sons at toe hardest work , and the tender soKcitude of the mother putting the younger branches to the easiest employment , and from which , by degrees , they gain strength in the open air ; while the infant , put ; to slave-labour in the artificial market , becomes stunted , sickened , and paralysed , b y a , sudden application to systematic labour in an unwholesome

      atmosphere . , . Because the parents of the growing family nave them ever under then- eye and control and attentionlto morals , health , and education stamps the character of the parents in the society in which they move , and must court thefapproval of it if they would be happy . Because the work of children may be mea . sured according to their respective ' strength . Because old and young , sickly and robust , need not go to bed at the same hour , " rise at the same hour , and eat and drink at the same hour . ...-... ¦ -

      Because no man can say to the husbandman , Thou shalt not work to day . " Because the husbandman is always in view of his own castle . Because when sick he can be watched , tended , and comforted by a wife then dear to him ; and while he is on the bed of sickness nature will nourish his crops , while the loom would stand still , and Because mutual interest would compel all the health y occupants to lend a handjto the sick , not knowing when they may needj ) a return;—then this would be the best Benefit Society . Because no Act of Parliament can establish

      an equitable standard between the price of foreign corn sent to supply a domestic deficiency , and wages paidJn an unvarying standard of currency . Because thehuebandmanhas everythingfresh of his own produce and at prime cost , and because he need not di g a potatoe , draw one carrot , or one onion , or cut one head of cabbage more than he requires for immediate use ' while , in the market , the artificial slave is obliged to buy the . refuse , and in quantities allotted by the salesman .

      Because he works task-work every day in the year , and , while young , has the opportunity of hying up a sufficiency to support him and his wife in old age ; . whereas , at artificial labour , different ^ wards in a bastile is their lot . Because at agriculture man can earn more than at any other description of labour . Because the husbandman , at seventy , is younger , more hale , more hearty , and joyous , than the artificial slave is at thirty-five . Because his social state compels him to take a more lively and bolder interest in the framing of those laws by which his property is to be protected , and by neglect of which his rights may be assailed .

      BECAUSE IT MAKES MAN A FREEMAN AND LOVE LIBERTY . Now , there is your catechism—here follows your petition : — To the Right Honourable and Honourable , the Commons of the United Kingdom in Parliament assembled . "The Humble Petition of the undersigned Members of ike National Land Company , Sheweth ,

      " That your petitioners , believing in the truth of the assertion , that the science o ^ agriculture is only in its infancy ; and finding that unnatural speculation in labour , applied to mechanical power , has closed the several channels of free labour to which the working classes should have full and unfettered access , and believing that that system of centralisation which has led to an over-wealthy and disastrously poor class , trenches unjustly upon the properties ' of those who derive no interest or profit from speculations in cheap labour . ; and believing that the industrious of all nations should have the fullest and most unchecked power of selling their labour—which is the source of wealth—in the dearest mar *

      ket ; and impressed with the belief that population presses hardly upon the means of subsistence allowed to the poor—not because there is not ample means furnished by the Creator whereby man , by his'free labour , could live in the sweat of his own brow ; but , on the contrary , your petitioners feel convinced that that wise and beneficent Giver of life , and Creator of the means of sustaining that life by honest industry , has given ample for the sustenance of every human being . " In proof of this assertion your petitioners would call the { attention of your honourable house to the following facts : —

      "Firstly , —That there are not one hundred acres of land lying . together in this vast empire cultivated to onerfourth part of their ca-S bility of yielding , if a sufficient amount of > our was applied to the land . " Secondly , —That the land is a raw material which may be manufactured , like other raw materials , * to the very highest state of perfection .

      " Thirdlyf-That the land of this country , in its present state , as compared to the condition to which , by labour , it might be brought , is as undressed flax as compared with the finest cambric or lace—as undressed wool as compared with cloth of the finest texture —as the raw hide compared to the most finished boot or shoe , or as the rough stone compared to the most perfect piece of statuary . u That your petitioners have been trained in the belief that labour is the source of all

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      ^ ^ cuUiration of national r ^ ources , the primary duty of . all governs j ^ h afc your petitioner , see no hope of rea"gng tnis principle and / enforcing this ^ duty , otherwise than by p lacing the free laboure ? in that honourable situation which will induce him to work task-work every day in ^? veaV ^ ^ ^ ' ^ " ^^ V ^ aid imhhT

      That your petitioners , so . far from wishing to live m idleness on the resources of others ' claim from your honourable house the privilege of being thrown upon their own resources , without trenching upon those rights , profits , or privileges , which belong to intellectual superiority , honourable speculation , beneficial discoveries , mental endowment , national service , and distinctions honourably achieved bypersonsm the several ranks of life from which society is formed . .

      "That your , petitioners are opposed to every description of Poor Law , believing that it constitutes ^ enormous tax levied upon the mdustepufc for ^ ofe serve a competitive reserve of unwilling idlers for the employers of artificial labour toresort to , as a means of reducing wages , while , it demoralises thej recipient and thus injures society . -

      Th ^ t your petitioners , for the several reasons above enumer ated , and confiding in the laws of nature rather than in the laws of man , have entered into a company for the purpose of purchasing land , whereby each may beenabled to earn a livelihood for himself and family , without being a burthen upon * the peor rates or the bounty of the charitable , "That your petitioners are firmly convinced that if farmers can pay rents , the interest of capital , educate their families , and becomd wealthy by profit accumulated from the husbandman ' s labour , that the husbandman , if placed in a situation to work for himself , would justly and honestl y earn his proportion of those profits which now go to enrich others .

      "That your petitioners repudiate the assertion , that they intended or ever harboured the notion of requiring the proposed means of earning a livelihood , from the cultivation of the soil , otherwise than'b y the purchase of the land in the free competitive market : ~ " That your petitioners assure your honourable house that the great increase of population will compel such a distribution of the land as will secure empleyment to the unwilling idle , and by its cultivation a sufficient amount of home-grown produce to make the British people independent of foreign markets , and foreign and domestic speculators in human food .

      "That your petitioners , to effect this desirable object , would remind your honourable house , that , so far from the subdivision of the land being any interference with the ri ghts , the property , and privileges of landlords , that , on the contrary , the increasing demand and desire for the ppssessionrof a , free labour field would have , the effect of increasing the value of land by the difference between the wholesale and retail price . " That your ' petitioners complain , and justly , that they have now no means of establishing the value of their labour otherwise than by the necessities of their families , the caprice of their employers or the horrors of the workhouse .

      "That your petitioners submit to your ^ honourable house that , upon the principles of Free Trade , contracting parties should be free to act , and that the parent , Labour , should hot be unnaturall y fettered by its offspring , Capital ; and that in order to the free realisation of this principle , the free labour field is a freer mart for the engagement of labour than the market cross , the unfurnished hovel , the workhouse , or the House of Call for the Destitute .

      "That your petitioners beg to assure your honourable house that the establishment of the Land Company , and the hope thereby created of enabling man to live in the sweat of his own brow , has gone farther to improve the morals and cultivate the minds of the working classes than all the enactments in your several statute books . " That your petitioners assert that a free labour class , located upon the soil , would create a larger demand for English manufactured goods , and forimported luxuries , than any one of your colonies or foreign customers .

      "That your petitioners contend that the increased value given to manufactured goods b y an increased power of consumption , would enable the manufacturers of this country to derive * large profits from increasing wages than they now do from thefpoor pittance measured by their caprice . " That your petitioners would call the attention of your honourable house to the fact .

      that , in proportion as machinery is increased and improved , in the same ratio will operatives be put out of employment ; while the decision of your honourable house to ' suspend railway operations , under certain provisions , for a period of two years , will have the effect of glutting the labour market to an extent which will enable employers to effect a further reduction in wages , consequent upon the increased com * petitive . reserve .

      " That your petitioners look with surpassing interest to the time when they can live upon their own free labour , educate and instruct their families , render that assistance to the state for the suppression of riot , disorder , or invasion , which threatened an injury to the social ^ system , in the preservation of which all would then have an interest . "That your petitioners , when placed in this honourable position , would cheerfully bear their share of that burthen which was found necessary for the maintenance of institutions which ' were equally protective of the interests

      of all , while they would bear privation and calamities , in which all participated , without a murmur , but they cannot reconcile themselves to the blasphemy , that an all-wise and just Creator would select the industrious classes as objects of his displeasure . " That your petitioners remind your honourable house , that the great error of all Governments has been a disinclination to do from justice that which , after fruitless and sanguinary struggles , has been extorted from their fears .

      " That your petitioners , relying upon the case they have made out , and depending upon the foresight , the wisdom , and justice of your honourable house , "Pray that your hourable house will pass such a law as will enable the National Land Company to proceed with their operations of buying land , building houses , and appropriating it to the uses of those who are to be located thereon , free from the payment of Stamp duties , the duty paid on bricks , timber , and other building materials , and place the Company in such defined and legal position , as will guarantee to each of its members the several provisions contained in a certain deed which has been executed in conformity with the law , and that" the carrying out of such provisions maybe assigned to such trustees as yourj honourable house shall , in your

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      wisdom , appoint , and to whom all land , £ r ^ i buildin S materials , Btock , rents , and other properties , together with the . , ? . » a 8 n ° w in hand , shall be handed over , ¦ M * th « reduction of a single farthinff for those expenses usually consequent upon such an undertaking , after all the accounts from the commencement shall be submitted to , and audited by , account-, ants appointed by your honourable house . "And your ; petitioners , as in in duty ... . bound , will ever pray , &c . " . L ? SSi 5 fc" ^ of the petitionand

      , you understand that the proposed terms should be guaranteed to the several members by the provisions of a bill ,, which it is ; my intention to frameuponthes , ubject , andwhicn , beforesubrnittingto parliament ;! will publish in the Norttifrn Star , for' th > cbrisidflration of the several members ; and ia : addition to : which , the Annual Conference maig just ; as well be held in May or June , if . necessary , to . watch the bill through its several stages , provided the Go vernn ) B . Qt | ccedes to our appeal . You see that ^ E fWf 4 o objection ; tQa somewhat earlier ex-HSmon of th ^ balarice" sheet ; and' you must

      also understand that no , bill . shall have my consent ) which does not guarantee every single provision stated in , the rales ; and further that I shall remain the unpaid administrator of the affaire during all their operations , the ( Government receiving . all the monies , and appointing its own pay clerks . ; The directors , as now , to he appointed by thesharehoWers ; and the shareholders , as now , to be preserved every right guaranteed by the rules ; My sple object is to save you from eyeni thfe chancei of litiga-0 £ i ° s ? ve yp ^^^ you are entitled , ; of exemption from duty on

      auDuiiuing materials , ana trom Stamp duties . And-having- silenced the ignorance of the brawlersj , and the -guesses of the prophets , the Pebruayy number of the 'I Labourer ?' , shall be dpydted to tfie demolition of their several propositions , and in which I undertake to prove , beyond the power of refutation , no only that the National Land and Labour Bank is the most secure bank in the kingdom , but that it is the only secure bank ; and I am sure you must laugh heartily at the arithmeticians , who would endeavour to persuade you thattheapplication of labourto land deteriorates its value . -

      Now , what would a cotton lord say to a philosopher , who told him . that raw cotton was more valuable than calico ? or what would the clothier say , if told that raw wool was more valuable thansuperfine cloth ? or a coal king , that an unworked mine was more valuable than a steam engine ? and yet this tribe of tricksters introduce themselves to public notice upon speculation in your credulity . It was

      only three weeks ago that Mr John Cleave introduced Mr Joshua Hobson to the editor of the Dispatch , as a valuable-correspondent ; and within that period , this simple editor has permitted this puzzle-pated ass to publish the absurdity , that labour deteriorates the value of land , and that land , because it cannot be cut up in strips as * a security to each depositor-in the Land and Labour , Bank , must fail to be ecurity to any depositor .

      Now , what would you think ' of * a man having a hundred thousand a year in landed property opening a bank , and offering that guarantee to the several depositors ? and what would you think of each depositor , upon lodging his money , asking for his strip of the title deeds—his share of the donkey ' s skints security for the amount ? and what would you think of his restoring that strip of parchment upon withdrawing his deposit , or a bit of it upon withdrawing a portion of his deposit ? Don ' t you think the "Poor Gentleman" would have a very patchwork title , " when bits of the parchment were promiscuously returned , and rtitched together ? Yea , verily , he would be a

      kingofshredsandpatches—arightnoblefeingsuch a king as the Dispatch would make him . The fact is , tbatthese disreputable vagabonds cannot get their claws upon the monies , and hence their vengeance . A Leeds printer , and a Huddersfield printer , must excuse the publication of Mr Hobson ' s character , as given by thern . ^ He is now consigned to that state in society for which nature intended him ; even poor Somerrille not considering him good company j Bailey denying his acquaintance ; and all good men shunning him ; therefore , I cannot admit the mention of his name in the Star any

      more . I have preferred writing to you upon this subject , this week , to analysing the Irish Coercion Bill , and for this ieason—because it gives you a week longer to sign the petition . Next week you shall have my address to the Irish nation , in which I hope to prove to you the identity of interest that must exist between the working classes of both nations , and that the ruin of one ; must be inevitably followed by the ruiri of the other , as three millions of Irish slaves must rivet Britain ' s chains . Your faithful friend and representative , Fbargus O'Gonnor .

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      REPRESENTATION OF CHELSEA . THE PEOPtii CHARTER . A fery numerous and reipectable meeting was bold in the Temperance Hall , New road , Chelsea , on Wednesday evening , the second public meeting con * Tened by the working classes , for the purpose of constituting Chelsea , Kensington , Hammersmith , and Fulham , a Parliamentary borough . Mr Fosbit wag unanimously called to the chair , and briefly st&tedthe objects of the meeting . Letters , applogiiing for non-attendance , were read from George Thompson , Lord Robert Groorenor , mdR . B . Oiborne . M . P . 'B .

      , Mr Dqwuno , in an able speech , in which he showed the numbers , intelligence , and wealth of the district —and contrasted its influence and importance with the insignificance of such placei as Harwich , Buckingham , Ac , moved the adoption of a petition , pray-\ W that the above districts be constituted a borough , in heu of Sudbury , disfranchised . Mr SiiiiiWooD seconded the adoption of the petition , which was carried unanimously , amidst loud cheers . The petition was ordered tobe signed by the chairman , and transmitted to Lord R . Grosvenor for preienta'ion .

      Mr Ernkbi Josks rose , loudly and heartily welcomed , to mare the following resolution : —' That this meeting , believing that returning inefficient representatives to Parliament , is but adding new soldien io the ranki tf the oppressor , whilst earnestly supporting the nrayer of the foregoing petition , pledges itself , at tie same time , to further , by all legal means m itt power , those political reforms , which can alone secure an efficient representation of the people , as embodied in the People ' a Charter . ' Mr Jones related the great and incessant struggles making throughout Europe , for organio reforms , and demonstrated the Charter to be the only instrument that could work out the political and social emancipation of the tnillionB , and concluded an eloquent

      speech , of considerable length , amidst great applause . Julian Habh ' bt , who was received with loud cheer * , in seconding the resolution , said : He trusted that the wealth-producers of Chelsea would not be treated now as they were in 1832 , by the middle classes . Mr narneyihen showed the evil effects of clasa-leglslation , as exhibited in the conduct of the legislature , and ably illustrated his argument by the miserable condition of the people of Ireland , and the want of employment amongst the operatives of England and Scotland . The speaker next entered into a lucid and very forcible exposition of the principles of the ¦ People ' s Charter / and resumed his seat , amidst the most hearty chetring . - The resolution was carried by acclamation .

      A vote of thanks waB given to Mr Ernest Jones for his attendance , and a similar compliment having been passed to the chairmaDi the meeting was dis solved .

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      S ?!? " Fdr « ypart I find a gmt deal more to ; excite . disgust than admiration in'tbe said ' speechev . Y ? « S" ? of ¦"""»«•» - to" * I- RtfssE " J ? 2 v £ ^ Bngm ' « $ M - i « enti- :: " . Hed to the privileges and advantages which the British constitution yields / How does'his lordship reconcile this statement with the fact ^ hat sevm-eighths of the adult male population of Great Britain and Ireland—not being Jews-are denied all participation in the privileges' of the

      constitutwm , as defined" by the Heforw Bin which * his lordship'has declared he will uphold as a ' final mea » sure ? ' Lord J . Russell warned the house against risking its character by refusing to do justice , unless coerced into so doing ; and hoped that , for their own sake , the Commons would ground every c on * cession on the conviction of the justice of that concession , without waiting to be coerced into acting honestly . This sounds very fine ; but when Mr O'Connor presents the National petition for «* ' e Charter , demanding , on the ground of incontestiv \ justice , that the disfranchised millions shall be a \ \ -

      mitied to the ' privileges' and' advantages ' of the 1 British Constitution , ' will his lordship then use the same language to the Commons in behalf of the just claims of millions , which he lately employed with such effect in behalf of the questionable ri ghts of a few rich Jews ? We suall see what , we shall see . ' lam indebted to two or three unknown friends for copies of the Liverpool Mam , of December 4 tb , from which I take the following paragraphs concerningLord Palmeeston and his Irish tenantry , ex . tracted by the editor of the Mail hom the St John ' s New Brvnswicter of November 2 nd : —

      Akoihbb Ikilbx of Paop « b Emigbamb . —The snip ^ olus , Capt . Dnsooll , arrived off this harbour yesterday , having on board 420 pauper emigrants , from Lord Palmerston ' s estate near Sligo , who have been aent out » t his lordship ' s expense . On inspec i £ u ? *\ ° ^ > tt * " ? foun ( J th «» t there were 104 males , above fourteen years , on board all the rest , were women and children . Many of the « HLWS ^ \ ged an 1 infi , ' tbewhole areinrtne most abject poverty , almost destitute of clothing , and much debilitated . None of the ydnneer portion of the passengers have either shoes or stocktogs , and there is a great deficiency both of petticoat * and trousers . One boy about ten years of aee . wai

      produced to tke Health Officer absolutely stark naked ! Six of the passengers died on the voyage and one of the crew ; there are now sixteen passengers and six of the crew ill with ferer , but there are many others with feverish Bymptoma . We have now arrived at the commencement ; of winter , and . these unfortunate people , sick and destitute of everything , are thua cast naked upon eur shores , without the slightest provision for their necessities , and without even an intimation that they might be expected . Can any . thing be more heartless or cruel than this ? or could

      anything be more unjust to the people of this color * t The Jiolua has , of course , been placed in quarantine . Another TOsael . the Richard Watson , sailed from Sligo , on the 28 th of September , with two nun . dred and thirty morepaupers from Lord Palmewton ' * estate . This vessel oleared for Quebec , but has orders to make this port , if she makeB the coast too late for Quebec . So , to add to the misery , we shall probably have the Richard Watson also . With the panpera we b » ve already , and those now coming , we may almost mako up our minds to yield up the revenues of the province entirely .,

      Although I cannot but believe the truth of the above statements , I do not know them from personal observation to be true , and , therefore , I refrain from certain observations which I should feel bound to make respecting Lord Palmerston ' s conduct , were I certain of the facts . But , after the vaunts of'his lordship ' s' supporters at the last election , respecting the' noble lord ' s' virtue as an Irish landlord , I do think that if he again show his face in Tiverton , the subject Ttffll' form a legitimate one for question and answer . ''' Alt the''last election , certain , purse-proud fools and . corrupt place-hunters did their

      little best to prejudiceyou ^ against me , by telling you was a poor man , whereas , on the . other hand , my ' noble * opponent had an income of £ 8 , 000 . yearly from his Irish estates to say nothing of his official alary , &c . I tell Lord Paimerston ' s friends that I would rather be a street-sweeper , with the consciousness of honest ' indelgen ^ den Mi ^ anS ^ trie ' knowledge that no miserable wre | cli " could , ' accuse . me of wring-, ing gold from hi 8 . sweat , , ancl ^ b ' lood , and tears , than I would have' his Lordship ' s' £ 6 , 000 . a year , aecompanied by the groans of the miserable , and the maledictions of the expatriated and the oppressed .

      It is my intention t 6 ; resume these letters on the reassembling of Pari | airh' ent . ¦ ¦ '¦ : * - And now , Gentlemen , Elector ? rand Non-Electors of Tiverton , Chartists ,-, Vf , higs , ' and Tories ,, in all sincerity of hfart . I , wisVyo . u , ' in good old English phrase , — ' A Merry -Christmas ¦ and a . Happt New Year . ' ¦ -.- - ¦ - . ; ¦> . I have the honour to be , Gentlemen , Your faithful servanti \¦'" ¦ " !* G . 'loi . IAN'HARNEY . -. , Brompton , Middlesex , ' / . December 23 rd , 1847 . ' . ' ! '

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      THF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE CHARTIST BODY . ;; Fellow Countrymen , —Despite your petitions ' and the exertion * of your friends in Parliamen * ; , against the Coercive measures proposed by the Exe- ' cutive government , this measure has received the almost unanimous support of the House of Commons , and will subsequently become law . Ireland is not only to be starved and famished , but also to be insulted with the old panacea , Coercion ! Englishmen this is the firat act p f the new Parliament , and oh ! ' . shame ! this additional perfidy is to be perpetrated in the name of the British people . How lonr , fellow , countrymen , will you allow a body acting in the name

      of the Commoners of England , to tarnish the honour of your country by acta such as the one in question % ' False friends to Reform in this country , and traitors ' to the cause of Justice in Ireland , hence had the hardihood to urge as a palliation for their conduct ia supporting this measure , that'It is mild as com- ' pared with fermer Coercion' Acts , ' aad' that ' it is " justified by the emergency which'it is intended to pro- ' * vide for . ' Pretty friends of the people ) these , indeed Y \ Knowing , as they very well do , that tbe measure will give to a lordly viceroy , authority to overrun Ire-V land with an armed body of the most offensive cha-: raoter , and give each armed myrmidoa man tho right to persecute ' suspected persons , ' and to compel : the pride of youth and the vigour of manhood , to enlist as a reserve , to aid in the nefarious practice of .

      hunting down suspected persons . ' Persons ' suapected . ' andbywhom ! Hear it , Englishmen , and blush forjthe audaoity of those who have dared * an your name to constitute such a tribunal . ' Suspected' by that unexceptionable and most worthy char acteran Irish polweman ! The measure 'justified by the emergency . ' What is the emer gency ? A few mad and desperate men . in violation o ' God ' s law-of man ' s law _ of all laws , have raised their hands , and have committed the foul and diabolical crime of assassination . We « ffer no excuse for S horrible and insane conduct , but we ask what ' has catwdsnehastateofthings ? Isitnot the cruelandsavage manner m which the people have been treated ^ l ?*? A ?? . " * f ^ h ? ve Prbftssed to have

      ; uou aoavrea regara lor numaniite ? What mockery » o talk of the great regard entertained by them for human lite ! in the / aceof the scarcely closed graves ( when the luxury of graves fell to the lot of the viotims , ) of the me miUibn of Irishmen , women , and children , who have , within the last two years , been exterminated by the hand of famine !! l 0 > uecu Cnattiais ' . Doyeu need anv stronger proof than the passing ef this measure furnishes of the anwm of the present Parliament , > nd of the utter folly of expecting anything goo 4 springing out of such a iystem as you find represented by Fuch a Parliament ? It would be alike insulting to jour patriotism and common sense to suspeot you of such stupidity We therefore , call upon you to shake off vour anntL „„*

      once more take . the field in the cause of truth Let any engine be in motisn to prepare for a crand attack upon tie citadel of le gialatWeTrruptfon UB . der the fell dominion of which your litertv such ^ TT l 8 ' ^ - ^ wi 8 e P eriBb » mm your countrTfa ? SSt * S amWKL ^ . tuem -: tney are your brothers 1 Aio . us , whom you have seleoted as your officeis to conduct your movement ! Provide us with the means —tne money we mean—enough of it to oarry on tho worK ot agitation , and we will undertake to convince the world , that in the vileness of Coercion there is not a particle of the spirit or genius of the English people . ^ Chbistophbr Do tjus , Secretary .

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      Tewnmodth . — Mr West leotured here on Thnraday evening last , at . the Assembly Rooms , on the prin > ciples of the National Land Company and the Land and Labour Bank . The attendance was very good indeed , considering the badness of the weather . The lecturer gave general satiafactiou to all parties , and I am happy to say , made converts of several who had been strongly opposed to us before . At the clese of the meeting , Mr Charles Chasty proposed the following resolution , which waa duly seconded , and carried unanimously : — That this meeting cannot separate without eipreisini ? their unabated confidence in Feargus O'Connor Esq M . P ., and their determination to render him all the tupport in their power . After which a vote of thanks waa given to the lecturer , and also to the chairman , Mr James p . 0 Bnen , of Exeter , fox the able manner in which to had filled the chair .

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      TO THE ELECTORS AND NON-ELECTORS OF : TIVERTON .

      Geotlemek ,-Parliament has adjourned its 8 ittingst . il the 3 rd of February , 1848 ; iwving the people , in the . meantime , to struggle through the worst six weeks of the winter as best they may . It was understood that . the gloomy state of public and private affairs was the principal ' cause for assembling ParhamenV in Noyejnber , but although Her Majesty , the Queen , expressed her 'deep concera at' the . dutress prevailing among the commercial classes , ' and her sympathy with the labouring people on account of their sufferings , nothing has been , done to alleviate either the distress' or the suffering . ' It is true that a Committee has been appointed to enquire into the causes of delate ¦ tefe 1 ^ everybody , understands that the

      . tmr ?^ ° Can enormou ? ' blue book , ' which will contain the beautifully diversified opinions of the currency doctors . From the rich variety of evidence which may be- expected to be brought before the committee , the public may antici pate that qSions already sufficientl y complex , will be rendered" 2-fusiou jworse ^ nfounded . ' Indeed , such is the composition of the Committee , tfiat 'there needs no ghost come- from the grave , ' to predict that the worthy-committee-men will lie totall y unable to ! f nSx W T ' - Thi 5 " P « nting of the evidence I h he Public may look forward to . Tbefact ' ^ ^ e over m wish to escape from the pestering Annoyances of , the currencyl gentry , and with that view , have appointed the Committee not to promote , out to . ' shelve , ' inquiry . ¦ •'¦ ' ¦

      - 'Althoughi m the speech from the throne , Her Majesty expressed' the deepest anxiety and interest in ^ he present condition of Ireland , ' none of the measures intended to' advance the social condition ' of the Insh people , have been brought forward . A ; Poercpi ., BilLto humiliate and crush the people of the sister country , is the only measure Her Majesty ' s advisers have yet introduced . Indeed , so far fiom showing any particular anxiety to remedy Irish evils , Ministers have contemptuousl y turned a deaf ear to the appeal for inquiry into the causes of those evils . It is now evident that Parliament was assembledpnncipally-indeed almost wholly-for the purpose of enabling the Whigs to obtain for their L « rd-Lieutenant the power to rule Ireland by the sword .

      Poor Robert Burns ' s ditty is as applicable now as it was' sixty years since : '—• Awa Whigs awa ! Awa Whigs awa ! Ye ' re but a pack o' traitor loun « , Ye'lldonaeguaeata' !' I must add a few remarks on two or three matters which occupied the attention of the honourable , the Commons , ' previous to their ' break-up for the holidays . ' On the 14 th of December Mr Stafford called the attention of the house to the condition of the railway labourers . He Bhowed that the only care or thought ever yet bestowed upon that class of work .

      ing men by the legislature , was the passing of a law providing for the employment of special constables to keep the ' navvies' quiet . Quite characteristic this of our precious legislature , which while ever ready to coerce ,, is seldom inclined to instruct or protect the masses . Mr Stafford showed that the railway labourers had been allowed to fall into a state of utter demoralisation ; that they were plundered of their hard-earned wages by the infamous ' truck-system , ' being charged for very inferior food twenty , thirty , and even fifty per cent , hi gher than the fair market prices ; that they were lodged worse than dogs or pigs ; that they were decimated by fever ; and that the average ageeven of the stoutest

      , and most muscular men amongst them , did not exceed forty years . In reply , Sir G . Grey coldly de . dared that government could do nothing for these men , thousands of whom ate now utterly destitute , in consequence of the stoppage of the works on the railways in , course of formation . Lord G . Bentinck volunteered adefence of the railway-kings , and added that the labourers received 22 s . 6 d . ' Now , ' said ' his lordship , ' 'if a man received £ 2 s . 6 d . a week wages , it could hardl y be said that no care was taken of him , and that he was treated like a beast of

      burden . ' I mnst admire the effrontery of this Protectionist Lord , who affects to consider 22 s . 6 d . weekly , a large and liberal sum for a working man to receive ; subject , be it remembered to * truck ' - robbery , and many of the men having too to support families , living scores or hundreds of miles from the scene of their employment . I doubt very much if 22 s . 6 d . will cover the cost of a single diiner consumed by' his lordship . ' That the people of England submit to be ruled by these insolent aristocrats , is really disgraceful to the national

      character . A few days * before the adjournment a very pretty affair was brought before the House by the excellent member for "Pin sbury , Mr Wakle ' y , in the shape of a petition from a number of the electors of West Gloucestershire , charging Earl Fitzhardinge with having interfered in the election of Members of Parliament for that district . The charges brought against the Earl were bribery , corruption , and intimidation , which it was alleged had been practised by his high mightiness' with the view of securing

      the return of his nominee . Now , although the house has on its book a ' sessional order * declaring any interference by peers in the election of members of Parliament , to be a breach of privilege , and an infringement of the liberty of elections , nevertheless there was no great alacrity shown by the honourable members to protect their own rights . Your raisrepresentative ' s colleague , the Attorney-General 'fenced' the question in a manner quite credi table to his character as a Whig 1 The matter is not yet finally disposed of , but if the Electors of

      West-Gloucestershire expect any exhibition of ' Roman virtue ' on the part of the senators they have appealed to for . justice , I have no doubt that they will find themselves disappointed . The last notable act of the Government previous to the adjournment of the House was the introduction of a bill for the removal of Jewish Disabilities . Considering this question in its relation to the important principle of religious liberty , 1 have no objection to Jewish E mancipation—quite the re . vener-ibr I . hold- that every man has a perfect right to possess and exercise all the privileges of i Citieenshipr no matter what may be his reli gious belief .- But viewed politically and socially , I have

      strong doubts of the justice of Jewish claims to political equality . The possession of rights supposes the performance of duties , and where duties are not performed there can be no corresponding rights . Now I should be glad to know hew many Jews till the soil ? How many are worhng builders , weavers , tailors , shoemakers , hatters , &c . ? When was ever a Jew seen carrying bricks up a ladder ? I grant that they are excellent hands at the mischievous craft of buying and selling . I am aware of their matchless superiority in trafficking in the labour of other people . I know that as bargain-makers , schemers , and profit-mongers , they are unrivalled . But from Rothschild trafficking

      in the wealth of plundered nations , down to the juvenile vendor of sham blacklead-pencils , the whole race is essentially a race of schemers and harpies , preying upon the industry of their fellow men . I would not oppose « Jewish Emancipation , ' firstly , because I would not take part with the stup id bigots who constitute the only party in opposition to the measure ; and secondly , because the wealthy Jews already hold in their hands the real power of the state . Since ihe rise and growth of the ' National Debt , ' England has been year by year brought under

      the dominion of Jew millionnaires , until at last they have become arbiters of the national destinies . The removal of their political disabilities does not add to their real power , it is merely a public and legal recognition of their power . Still , I protest against Jews being emancipated , to the exclusion of the hard-working people of this country , and at a moment , too , when Parliament has authorised the further enslavement of the people of Ireland , taking from them that right which was in former times considered as distinguishing the freeman from the slave —the right of bearing arms .

      The speeches delivered by Lord J . Russell , Lord Morpeth , and others have been greatly praised for the' just' and ' liberal' sentiments expressed by the

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      ^^ Lt ^' ^^^^^^ / /> / 1

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      « Atroe l * boareretn » tiist be eitt - » £ ^ ^ at ; owet ao r aia any late ; awittuo min ' i Jg ken ; ^ id of o th € r men « go 6 d ; coatentiad « ¦ J ^ rix prinhow ; tnd hit chief pride ia in the * jgggt comforts of ha coaditwB , '' —Shampiau .

      To The Members Of The Uat1onal Land Company.

      TO THE MEMBERS OF THE UAT 1 ONAL LAND COMPANY .

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      s ^^ M 2 JiWAL TRABES' JOIITWAT . ' ¦ ¦ ^ 25

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      that tte the S y rii , j » l lyj II cni .-... g ^^ l-l > ^ - ><__ — * : ssi # === ^^ !!* fi - ^ u jpmiss ^^ r — ' " - """ ¦¦ -- "" -- " r-1-n —

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 25, 1847, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1450/page/1/