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Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th May 1847, Edition 1 of 3, Page 4, Untitled Ad

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1847.
    • €o *Ua&a£T# Comstoontitittsf
    • •**»*¦»MMMBSJarwiM ' idjjui* '•¦in """i^"*—'^ in i mmi W^WL I W. IB IHI MT^IIW 1^SS^S!S£9V^9MI^BM ON THE rmS-^OR JDLt^W, -- WiabtPuhliiKtd , • — <: ' KO. L (PRICE SIXPESCE,) ; ¦ THE PEOPLE'S LEGAL ADVISER. -
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      the object of this monthly publication , is perhaps saffi-? tentiy indicated by its tiCe ; it may be well , however , to add a few words in explanation . . , , , That ttiere are many subjects of an exctaswely legal character , and bearing peculiarlyon * » nt «« f 1 * B ^ ¦ working dasses-onthem » orettoaa ontheotherc ^ ses sasasassaasKBgssa ^ tpmTOse ltisproposed to effertby meaM OfaMagarineto ^^^ edVthelst of every inonft ItM , n . tended , in each number , to rive A ™*^? . ? ? i ? "f not

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      IMPORTANT TO PHOTOGRAPHISTS . AN application was made on the 22 nd S « -pt . * mber , to the Vice-Chancellor of England , by jffr . Beard " * ho , acting -usdex & mostcxtraordiny ddusi ja , considers ftsmseifthe jol * patentee of the Photographic pwcess !) to restrain MR . E 8 ERT 0 S , of 1 , Temple-strtot , and 148 , Heetstreet , rom takiag Photographic Porb . ti ( s , which lie does b y a process entirely differeat frop ondvery sperior to Mr . Beard ' s , and at one-half tha cl / rge . His Honour refused the application in tote . Uo license required to practice ibis process , which ig ¦ tangfct by 2 tx . Egcrton in a fcw lessons at a moderate ckarge * AU flio Apparatus , Chemicals , &c . to be had as usual « nis DenoM i Temple-street , WhitefrisM . ¦

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      IMPORTANT TO EMIGRANTS . AGRICULTURISTS and others may jiurchass 15 B ACRES OF RICH TIMBERED I . AXD IN "WESTERN TIRGISIA , described by General Wash . mgUM as the Garden of America , for £ 23 8 s . Sd . Sterling , ABOUT THREE SHILLINGS PER ACRE . £ 2 12 s . only to be paid down , the remainder iu FIFE ASXUAL PAYMENTS . For further information apply to CHARLES WILLMER , American land Ojjice , BTAStEI BUILDINGS , BATH STREET , LIVERPOOL . Of whom may be had a Pamphlet on Emigration , in which these Land * are fully described , and the terms of ( ale explained , by sending three postage stamps to free the same .

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      AUXILIARY TO TlIE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY .

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      TO TAILORS . B . Read ' s New Patent Indicator for finding proportion and disproportion in all systems of cutting-. Caveats granted , April : 2 nd , 1817 . signed by Messrs Pool and Capmeal , Patent Office , < , Old Square , Lincoln ' s Inn . Be . darationof same , signed by Sir G . Carroll , Knt , Lord Mayor of London . - ; ¦ - , rflHE LONDON AND PARIS SPRING AND SUMMER J . FASHIONS for 1817 , are now ready , by BEN . JAMIX BEAD and Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbnry ; square , London ; and by G . Berger , . Holywell-street , Strand . May be had of all booksellers wheresoever residing . By approbation vf her Majesty Queen Victoria and H . R . ll . rrince Albert , a Splendid Print , beautifully coloured , and exquisitely executed , the whole very superior to anything of tne kind ever before published . This beautiful print will be accompanied with the most fashionable , fell size , Frock , Dress , and Rjding Coat Patterns — a

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      BALDNESS EFFECTUALLY REMOVED . A SURGEOKresidinc / ia Cork iaving , in tie course of jrjL bis Practice , had Vis attention { larticularly directed iP' ^ tacquired great experience in the TRBAJTMENT OF CAPILLARY DISEASES , begs to inform those per-« ms aSfctea wia » -BALDN 5 SS ( whether in yoitfc «* ad' * % * £% **** * b * an > ost simple process . REP 11 OBt « , ttat aeceEsaryornamen t . Parties appljFingwiUreqmretoendosa a « naU « iuantitjr of hair , aud afte of'five £ {!^»^ Wi ^^ S ? order - ia fer « " » ofSuKeon JMwartt w ™ am 5 , ia- Kennr-street , Corhy wleuthe fletesaaryiBsfracUons wilLbe forwanledVretum o ^ iost . r" ¦ " r / r- ;

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      M" ™————'" M—^—i—c" »»» rj . ^^ jjj-ji ^ H ^ ., ; mi > ^ . n- > - ¦¦ ^ --.- — » -w- —* - --. - ^¦ " - "wn ^^ . ifr ^ w ^ gftt . x ^ CADAME D'AROSMONTaato ' . FKAKCESi WRIGHT ' Jl >; wardeliver a couree ^ of lectures at Fox ' s Chanel South Place , Finsbury , on Tuesday and Thurada ? even ings , ¦ ¦ commencing on * Tuesday , . May llth , at half W a ^ to ' clock . Subject :. ¦• ThefilUsiSn ofjlnglanfcon sidered with reference to the eivilkational S of Modern Europe , and the denouncement of the difficulties of the hour . , ' . Admission to each lecture , twopence defray the expenses of the Chapel , Printing , and * AdTCrtising . ™ ne . D *™ m ™? - v . ^ J ? her *»*««*

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      , WEST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE . WAKEFIELD ADJOURNED SESSIOK , NOTICE IS HEREBY " ( HTEN , that the Spring aeaeral Quarter Sessions of the Peace , for the West Riding of the County of York , will be held by adjournment iu the Committee-Room , ot the House of Correction , at Wakefieid , on Thursday , the 13 th Day of May inst , at Twelve o ' clock at Noon , for tlie purpose of inspecting the Riding Prison , ( the said House of Correction ) and for examining the Accounts of the Keeper et the said House of Correction , making Enquiry into the conduct of the Officers and Servants belonging to the same ; and also into the behaviour of the Prisoners , and their earnings . . C . H . Elslei , Clerkof the Peace . Clerk ofthe Peace ' s Office , "WakeneM , ' May 1 st , 1817 . ¦ :

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      THE LAND . NOTICE . —Any individual desirous of purchasing , a twoacreaUotment ,. atO Connorville , arereQuested tocommumcate with Mr John . Hart , No . 7 , 0 'Connorville near Kickmansworth , he having such allotmrat to dispose of , in consequence of other engagements . All letfera to be prepaid ,

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      NOTICE . The Shareholders of the NATIOKAL LAND COMPANY are hereby informed that ¦¦¦ _ ;' , A GRAND DEMONSTRATION . ' ; - " , ' \\ Will takeplacoat ' ' . ' ' ¦' 0 'CONNORVILLE , HERTS , On Whit Monday , May 24 th , I 8 t 7 , ' . To commemorate the Anniversary of the Company . ' The Directors not . hiring succeeded in obtaining a special train from London for the occasion , the Metropo ^ Utan members are recommended to procetd to the estate fcy van or railway . Day ticket * to and from VTatford can behndatEuiton-square » tatr . on for 3 i . 6 d . each . The branches will make their own arrangements immediately . The time and place , of starting for vans aadotlur vehieles will be announced in a future notice . :.. Bl Of Deb or the Diiictobi . ¦

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      Jfow Ready , a New Edition of MR . O'CONNOR'S WORK ON SMALL FARMS , To be had at the Kcrthem Star Office , 16 , Great Wind mill Street ; and of Abel Hevwood , Manchester .

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      JUST PUBLISHED . : No . 5 , ' ( price 6 eL ) of ' \ ' . THE LABOURER , A Monthly Magarine ' of Politics , Literature , , Poetry , dsc . E&tie&bs Fbasocs O'Cokhob , Esq ., axd Ehshw Joitss , Esq ., ( BarrUters-at-Law . ) . , The Democratic Movement in this country being wholly defiatnt in a monthly organ , the above magazine is esta . blisbed to remedy this deficiency . ¦ ¦ contests . ¦ . ' '' ¦ 1 . May Day , a Poem , by Ernest Jones . 2 . . Letter of an Agricultural Labourer . X . The Jolly Young Voacher . ' 4 . The Phase of Political Parties . 5 . The Confessions of a King .-6 . The Insurrections of the Working Classes . 7 . The latid . 8 . The Romance of a People . 9 . The Queen ' s Bounty—A Legend of Windsor . 10 . The Monthly Review . '

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      On the loth of May price 6 d .. f printed from the Short-hand Writer ' s Notes , ) - ; . . mHE TRIAL OF THE MECHANICS AT LIVERPOOL * oa the 2 nd and 3 rd of April , 1847 ; witk Narrative , Notes , Cases , 4 c , and an Abstract of the Indictment . Edited by W . P . Robebts , Ei q . ' Manchester : Abel Hey wood , Oldham-street ; and all Booksellers .

      The Northern Star Saturday, May 8, 1847.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , MAY 8 , 1847 .

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      THE PEOPLE AND THEIR PROSPECTS . The Parliamentary Qaacks , who saw in the present crisis ouly an accidental event , the blasphemous Churchman who thought of it only as a Divine dispensation , the party out of office who fceheld in it a political godsend , and the party in office who gazed bewildered on the "Great difficulty , " that , while it thinned their enemies b y death , was sharpening their anger by famine , ' all Stand alike before the tribunal of the people—with a" Vast circumstantial evidence against them ; . whilehunger , fever , and bloodshed , are writing their condemnation

      on the page of history . It would be an interesting study to devolpe how , one by one , these evils crept upon society from the Pandora-box of monopoly ; how first the healthful current of national life was disturbed—here stopped and there accelerated—how gold began to assume a preponderating power , until now , when its few possessors think it equal to any emergency , and that showering it over Ireland willnot cultivate the neglected soil—but demoralise and enslave its equally-neglected children . Retrospections , however , are only in so far useful , inasmuch

      as they teach us the raeaus of extrication from a great calamity , or afford a warning of future danger . This is a good that does not always accompany an evil—in our case it happil y does—and every different phase of society points to the class-legislation which has withered the statel y branches of our English oak , while all the nourishment was drawn from its roots ' and trunk to feed the estravagent foilage of its haughty crest . Never was effect more plainl y deducible from cause—never was the consequence of monopoly more clearly developed :, the perishing of

      all beneath the baneful influence of one inonied class . The rot begins at-tiie foun'da tionu . the working population feel it first but it does not stop ; with them " ; —the middle classes , who erroneously cling to the " great monied interest , " are beginning to suffer from its effects . Those least capable of stemming the storm—the small shopkeeper and retail tradesman—are beginning to drop off one by one from the golden standard of respectability ; The stagnation in trade is already affecting them ; they ' : are losing , as we illustrated last week in the case ' of Oldham , they are losing , we say , their best customers ; as the working classes are reduced from workers into

      paupers : —the majority have not thecapilal to withstand the crisia-they get into debt , become embarrassed , and thus insolvencies and bankruptcies are e * ery day of more frequent occurrence . Not so with the great capitalist . Out of the calamity he draws fresh sources of profit-and where tliis is interrupted he is enabled to wait , to Teap a prospective advantage , while the minnows in the vast sea of mammon are perishing hourly before his eyes . He is able to dictate his terms-he rules the market in which he sells . Thu 3 the creator of the panie speculates on its results . The famine he caused must , he knew , be alleviated ; Government must take it

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      in hand-rgold . < must- ; belpoured in—food ; must ibe bought /' at ^ m ^ / wBt ^ to ^ cdm'dpwn ' inBunectibn ^ he had the food , itmust * be bought of him , and . ' thui , between the ; , anger ;; of the people and .- ' , the * . fears of-the Government , ' he fills his coffers out of the ' sufferings of humanity . This gjiyes him added strength to meet the reaction that he could not fail to anticipate . This enables him , now that food is becoming even plentiful , to keep up the ; prices ; for , if he cannot sell , he can afford to wail , since 'he thinks sooner or later he will be able to dictate his own terms . Thus everything is tending to that result which we have before predicted—the division of the community into two classes—the great monied interest , and the toiling millions . The middle classthe shopkeeping class—which has held so proud an aspect , which has set its foot upon the neck of the working-man ; at the same time that ; it knelt in slavish subserviency to the capitalist , is beginning to wonder that it reaps no advantages from the monopolies it carried in the interests of Us roasters . The 11 buying cheap and selling dear , " brings it no benefit , since it is the wholesale dealer vtha sells dearly to the

      retail tradesmen ; and as the latter is obliged to raise the price of his articles , so he finds the number of his customers diminish . Again , as the class above him keeps rising in undue importance , that class to which the tradesman has erroneously looked for support , he finds that in that quarter ; too , the amount of bis custom is growing less ; The small beginner , who was content with English' goods , now grown into the great capitalist , scorns that which may be easily had ; his-wife " and children are no longer clothed in the ' , fabrics in English looms , . but they rustle in foreign silks ; the wares in the neighbouring

      market'town are too poor in this railroad-age—; and trade becomes centralized in one of two great centre ? , points , ; wbere it . is massed in the hands of a few inonied monopolists , to the ruin of the tradesmanclass throughout the country '; The latter now begin to find that they have ; made a great mistake—that millocracy is their greatest enemy , and democracy their truest friend . The bugbear of . high Vages , which alarmed them , while it is beginning to lose its terrors before the light of reason , at the same time shows more clearly that the millocrat and the shopkeeper has no common interest . It is to the

      advantage of the former that wages should be low—since he has chosen , a / or « yn ; andnot a home market ; and loss of strength in a starving population , is more than atoned for by machinery . It is to the advantage of the latter that . wages should be high , since it is to this very population that they have to look for custoraers—and the amount of men paid by the farmer and shopkeeper is small compared to that employed by the ! manufacturer and capitalist—and it is the amount of wages received by the men so employed , that enables him to buy much , little , or not at all , the wares of the tradesman , and the ' . 'bread-stuff '' of

      the farmer . Even the hi gher wages paid by these latter is no loss—it must be looked upon as money put out at interest , and at a high rate of interest too , since the working man does not lock the produce o f his toil in a chest , or bury it in the groundr-but spends it to buy himself and his family the necessaries , and , if possible * the comforts of life . Thus the money paid by a class to the working men it em . ployed , is returned again to the employing class with that interest comprised in the profit on the goods or produce they may sell , enabling them by its , quick returns to extend the sphere of their trade , and thus

      establishing that state of polity , without which a national life must be diseased ; mutual benefit arising from the prosperit y of each , instead of one class growing rich , by absorbing the resources of another . " Meanwhile the evil effects , under which we are suffering , are but a type of those that will ensue , if the legislative causes of these effects are permitted to work on . undisturbed . It is because they are not a divine dispensation , that their developement must continue under the present system . Class legislation , the source of the misery , is flowing on uninterruptedly . Until its poisonous stream is dammed by

      Universal Suffrage , and the waters ef progression fertilise iho field of labour , so long must the wealth of England float down the narrow channel of Monopoly ) amid the deserts'it has dtained to swell its current And , indeed , the present crisis would be more severe , were it not for temporary and accidental causes-Prices would be higher , were it not for the recent money-transactions of the Bank , which , however , cannot exercise an otherwise than evanescent influence ! while the monied power that controuls the actions of our statesmen and crushes the industry of the people , expects to mould the FUTURE in its

      golden die . Gold will maintain an army ; navy and police , to do its bidding ;—gold will bribe , venal constituencies to rehirn a venal parliament;—gold will banish the refectory slave as an emigrant or a convict , —and thu 3 , strong in an imagined security , the millocracy drive the chariot of their Juggernaut over the necks of prostrate millions . But woe to them . if those millions should combine ; woe to them if their petty jealousies should cease ; woe to them if the conflicting sections of the working classes , who suffer from the same evils , advocate the same reforms , b \ A quarrel about the NAME ,

      should think that liberty " by any other ' .-name would be as sweet , " and rally for the cause of Man against Mammon . However strong monoply has built its . fortress , ' built ' on a quicksand it suffers peril from the flood of freedom;—and , Vas thereto a tide in the affairs of men , which , taken at the flood , leads on to fortune , " woe to monopoly , we say , if the people take ' advantage of the present torn , the split of factions , the coming election , the monetaiy crisis , the pressure of the famine , and the threat of the pestilence , to sweep away theihoary villainy of ages and , before they grant another

      seven-years lease to ini quity , make a stand , for the Charter , and extbrfiheir ri ghts from the weak hands of ^ Expediency ' and " Finality . " Woe to monopoly , we say , if tlie the Irishmen , instead of emigrating , should insist upon staying at home . Woe to monopoly if the people of Great Britain but once awake to a sense of , tlieir interest , their duty , and their power . Yorkshire and Lancashire are already sounding notes of preparation : —why not all England ? There is no time to lose . Government will probably hasten an election , to take

      the " sense" of the country ( that is , fathom the venality of 800 , 000 electors , ) before matters proceed to worse , and their incapability becomes still more apparent . We say to the people—Remember them at the hustings ! and you that are honestremember them at the . polling-booth ! Think , when you vote , on your wives and cbildren . -for on your votes will mainly depend wheiherthey shall perish as starving ' slaves in factories and Bastiles , or whether , you will coerce rampant tyranny into ' submission , and open the door for a Chartist Parliament to supersede ., a Yeuetiau oligarchy .

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      sity for a general ^ goodunderstanding ' and combined action amongst all those who live by labour , whether higK or low paid . '; '' .- r ¦ - ¦ : ¦ i I Unhappily , however , up to a recent period , the aristocratic and-exclusive spirit which is the bane of this country , ^ was equally strong among , the trades as among the jewelled and scented members of society . The high-paid trades looked down upon their poorer brethren , and kept aloof from them as fastidiously as the most dainty Bond-street lounger could do . The . result has been that capital has

      always had to deal with labour in sections ,: never in well-combined masses . The consequence of this fatal want of unity , we do not now need to tell . It is enough to know . that the experience of the past has at length impressed all grades of labourers with the conviction that their interests are identical . Thatjwhether they receive three pounds or three shilling ! a week , they are essentially the slaves of capital and the commercial system ; thatthevery

      nature of that system is to squeeze out of labour the largest proportion of wealth it possibly can ; for , tb # use and enjoyment of the capitalists , and to leave the labourer the lowest amount on which subsistence can be perpetuated , and that any effectual resistance to this constant and unvarying downward pressure of the system can alone be found in the legal , peaceful , and well directed combination of all classes who depend upon labour only for their daily bread .

      One of the mo « t gratifying indications of the spread of this feeling which has recentl y come under our notice , is the meeting of the trades ' at Manchester last Saturday ^ of which a full report is given in another column . Thetenrper / ability , andienli ghtened views of various speakers at . that ^ meeting ^ are such as would do honour to any class , and far superior to the hum-drum namby-pamby word-mongering ' of parliamentary orators . Their case was admirably stated , their rights lucidly denned , and their demands plainly , firmly , eloquently explained . ' ' "

      The narrow sphere of local ' observation and ltcal exertion has given place to more comprehensive reasoning and extended efforts . The working men no longer content themselves by wrestling with effectsthey Btrike boldly at fhecausesof thedeterioration and oppression of their class . A great principle was asserted at the Manchester meeting in the first resolu " tion , in the following words : — . , i

      Justice can never be awarded to the working blasBes until they are fully admitted to all the privileges cf citizenship , including the right of beingcomprised in the juries ef their country ; inasmuch , ap , according to the present system , partial and unjust verdicts roust result from juries being constituted exclusively of the classes whose interests are identical with those of capitalists generally .

      This is , indeed , turning acts of oppression and injustice to their right use . The principle of trial by jury is , that a man shall ; be tried by his peers , but practically that principle is in abeyance . Juries are composed of the classes who , as truly and forcibly stated in the resolution , have interests identical wit h the capitalists ; and hence , that which is looked upon abstractedlyasthepalladiumofBritishiiberty . becoraes by its perversion an additional instrument of wrong and injustice to the poor man .. The prejudices and

      class interests , engendered by existing arrangements , are carried into the jury box , and prevent the due administration of the law . In claiming that juries shall be constituted impartially , the trades of Manchester not onl y exhibit great sagacity , but at the same time assert an important constitutional ri g ht ; and when these rights are so demanded and asserted , they cannot tie long withheld . One sentence of Mr Donovan ' s ought henceforth to become the motto of the working classes , as expressing accurately and forcibly the whole of tlieir demands : — " We want

      not equality but equity—equity in the jury box—EQUITY IN tKSISLATION—EQUITY IN EVERYTHING . " Resistance to so reasonable a demand must be fruitless . . The meeting was distinguished not only by the sound and comprehensive views enunciated by the speakers , but also by the true fraternal feeling which was manifested . The h igh waged mechanic and the low paid '• haridlopm-weaver occupied the same platform , and expatiated on the necessity for dropping all senseless distinctions in future , and " the'formation of one grand and united body for

      the purpose of protecting their common rights and interests ; " 'To the reasons so admirably urged for taking this course we can add nothing , but it may not be improper to remind the Trades at that meeting , that a grand and united body is already formed . The National Association of United Trades , under the presidencyof Mr Duncombe , was formed expressly for the purpose of protecting industry . Its machinery was carefully constructed with a view to enrol the largest possible number of the working classes in its ranks , and to concentrate and direct their aggregate energies in the most effective manner upon any given point .

      The great difficulty which has hitherto been experienced in getting any association of Trades to work , has been the variety of condition among those associated , and the impossibility of applying general rules to those whose position was so dissimilar . It was also found that the maintenance of . Local Unions' in connexion with such consolidated bodies , ' was extremely difficult , and that the local bodies we not disposed to submit to the interference rendered necessary by a system of centralization . This hindrance to " general union , has , we believe , been effectually removed by the constitution of the National Association ; It is

      based upon the equitable principle of a Mutual issurance Society ,. and guarantees to all its members , benefits in " proportion to their- payments ; besides the support , and moral influence inseparable from the existence of an extensive and powerful association . With the internal , affairs of each trade , the Association never interferes until called upon to do so by its own managers , and then firstly as mediators between contending parties . Each local trades '

      union possesses supreme and unquestioned controul in the management of its own affairs . Such a constitution as this , combining ,. a 8 it does , all the advantages of local self-government , with the incalculable benefits of general support ; a wise central supervision , and a new mode of applying the funds of the trades ; whereby they ! are no longer invested in strikes , but become the foundation of new wealth for the producers themselves , appears to us to ^ possess all the requisites that can be looked ' fpr in such an Association ; Its practical success . will , of course ; depend upon the detent to which itis ' supported by the various trades , and we observe " with

      great pleasure , from the weekly reports inourcolums , tliat its progress , under the auspices of its able , honest , and zealous president , has , so . far , been , of the most encouraging description . In conjunction with the spirit manifested at the Manchester , meeting , and the thousands of pounds which flow into the People ' s Exchequer for the creation of anew race of freemen in England on the plan proposed by Mr O'Connor , we look upon this Association as one of the most cheering indications oftherapid approach of a period in which the producing classes will be intelligent , united , and powerful enough to assume their rightful position in societv .

      As to the immediate object of the meeting which i has elicited these remarks , it is unnecessary for us 1 to repeat the views already expressed on the sub-: ' ject , or thedeep interest with which we watch the strugg le . " 'Tis not in mortals to command success , " but , if it be attainable at all , it will be under the skilful and zealous generalship of Mr Roberts , to whom the working classes of Great Britain owe a deep debt of gratitude for having first shown them how the tables might be turned . and the law , hithertodeemed their enemy , be converted into a friend , and

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      pression , with the fear ' of the People ' s Attorney before their eyes ; especially if he is backed by the long purse and earnest resoluteness of a NATIONAL ASSOCIATION , comprising in its ranks all varieties of . the labouring classes , animated by one high and holy impulse , namely ^— the practical establishment of the first principles of Christian equity . The - labourer is worthy of his hire ; and shall first be partaker of the fruits . ' . '

      -,-a defence against the aggressions of their taskmasters . A few . more battles like those in ' which Mr-Roberts . has' shown . such Jntrepid , courage ,,, great legal knowledge , and unimpeachable integrity , will strike " terror into the -liearts ' of " the " opponents of labour , . They wiilpauseibefore again attempting to pervert the machinery of the law to purposes of op-

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      ; PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . iri ? h policy—ten hours' bill-new ; , . poor law . ; ; A curious illustration of the extent to which the collective character and reputation of a Parliament may be influenced by the personal character and political tendencies of the Government for the time being , is afforded by the , different . aspects of the same body under the guidance of Sir R . Peel and Lord John Russell This is not the time to narrate

      or criticise the career of the present -soon-to-be-dissolved Parliament ; but it may be briefly remarked , that , under the government of Peel , it steadily and progressively entered . upon a series of commercial and financial , changes ,-which , whether-right or wrong , were evidently all- based upon one great principle , and emanated from a mind which thoroughly comprehended the scope of that principle , and its application to the existing institutions and the circunistpces of the times ;; Had Parliament been dissolved at the . end of last-Session , it wouid have been memorable for the consistency with which the idea of commercial freedom , had been worked ; out

      by the reyisal and re-construction of tariffs , and the construction of a system of exchanges , based upon principles entirely opposed to these b y which commercial intercourse between nations had heretofore been governed . Unfortunatel y for it , however , and the country , it was kept in existence for another Session , to show that it can as faithfull y reflect the trimmiqg vacillation , want of principle , and imbecility of the Whigs , as the statesmanlike impress of Peel . From beginning to end , its career this Session has been a painful series of inconsistencies , and its members , looking at their present plight , may well exclaim with Hamlet , — "To what base uses may we come , Horatio ?"

      Take the Ministerial Irish policy as an instance From the commencement our readers will remember that we denounced the scheme as being intended to manufacture fresh advantages for the privileged classes of that country , out of the very miseries which their past misgovernment had caused . We showed that the landlords alone would be the patties substantially benefitted , and that the various nos . trums of which the heterogeneous mass was compounded , could not , even if carried into effect , have any direct and tangible beneficial influence on the condition of the people of Ireland . „ We exempted

      from this sweeping condemnation two measures , each of which embodied a sound and equitable principle , though— -with the usual suicidal fatality which distinguishes Whigs on all occasions—these principles were dealt with after the approved Procrustean fashion , which cuts everything down to the small dimensions of Whig intellect and Whi g honesty . These two measures were the Irish Poor Law Bill , and the Bill for the Reclamation of Waste Lands . The defects of each of these measures , even when tried by the

      abstract standard of Lord John Russell ' s definition of their principles - and objects , we fully exposed at the time they were first propounded ; but we added , that , small ; defective , and inadequate to the exigencies of the crisis as they were , we doubted whether they were meant for anything more than merely to gild the pill of Landlordism ; and thus , if once the other portions of the scheme were carried out , the people ' s part of it would be abandoned , or so stultified as to be useless . -

      The event has , justified the prediction . The Poor Law has reached the Lords ,, " the shadow of a shade . " The Premier in the Commons boldly asserted the right of the poor to out-door relief , and of the poverty of Ireland to be supported by the property of Ireland . We did not find that ri ght practically acknowled ged in his bill , and said so . His lordship ' s colleague , the leader of the House of Lords , we find agrees with us . In proposing its second reading , the Marquis of Lansdowne , in an exceedingly apologetic speech , devoted a great deal of time and pains to show that the bill does not confer a general , permanent , and indiscriminate ri ght to out-door relief . .. Had it done so , or involved that

      principle , he should have been the last person to have proposed it to their lordshi ps !! Really , there is no knowing where to find the present Ministry ! There is not a single great principle , or a single important measure with which they have not played fast and loose during the present Session . M y Lord Lansdowne , eing in such a yielding humour , will oppose no yery vigorous resistance to the to the assaults ot Monteagle , Stanley , or Dip Whatelr . Whatever remains of vital equity or humanity ther * may yet be in the mutilated bill , Will be undoubtedly crushed out of it by the united forces of selfish landlordism , and heartless economists . It will , in all probability leave the lords a mere caput mortuitm .

      "Thus bad before , but worse remains behind . " rhe frequent delays in bringing forward the Waste Lands Reclamation Bill , at the times when it was set down in the business paper , excited our suspicions . The probability that it was intended to be ' burked , " suggested iteelf as quite in consonance with the usual policy of this most unprincipled ministry . We were right . It is abandoned , and not only abandoned , but given up under circumstances , and for objects , which stamp a thousand-Cold deeper disgrace upon the transaction , than the simple dropping of the measure . Of the £ 8 , 000 , 000 Rrante 4 for the relief of Ireland

      , £ 1 , 000 , 000 was destined for the reclamation of wastes and tlie introduction of a small proprietary tenantry into that country . It was , in connexion with the Poor Law , the only thing that really had the slightest relevancy . to the subject , or attempted to solve , the great question of how more labour and more foodwere to be given in Ireland to the People of Ireland . Another scheme which proposed to employed £ 16 000 , 000 danng four successive years in the construction of railways , to which the companies were to add £ 8 , 000 , 000 more , making in all £ 24 , 000 , 000 , was torn to pieces by the Chancellor of the Exchequer , and the

      Whig orators , aa altogther inadmissible . This curious piece of patch-work was the true remedy for Ireland ' s grievances , and the Bentinck scheme tor employing the people in the construction of works that would ultimately have returned interest ; and , in thecowae ¦ of time , have stimulated the industry , and developed the latent resources of Ireland , was " whistled down tho wind . " The great reasons for its rejection were that the money market would not stand it , and that it would beneht speculators in shares . Wall , would it be believed , that the identical Chancellor of the Lxehequer , who ,, at a time when there was no perceptible pressure on the money market opposed an impartiaUnd a general measure of this descrip . S-7 ° S T ? l ! r ^ . : _ £ ? W * of monetafv P 6 imUar in

      Y « f Ifi * * * ™ Basel y » principle . " Yet so it »! Tho difference between them-and itiaagreatone-h , that ,-whereas the Bentinck scheme was an impartial one , and applied to all SS ? Sp alil j c - ? Government ZSnThl partial one , and embraces only three favoured com panves , wko ne to huve the privilege of tloeWh " the gavernment money at five per cent ., whileeve ybody else is paying ( when they are lucky enough to f « J o « y . ) ; from twelve to fifteen percent ! Will Una be of no advantage to tho holders of shares in these lines ? But' the climax of the affair is this : the money thus given to the 3 D favoured lines and shareholders , is robbed from the poor of Ireland . It is tnkgn ouf > of the £ 8 , 000 , 000 already voted for Ireland , and specially from tho sum appropriated to the reelamatfon of w&ste landj ! Probably the Chancellor did not intend this when he first mooted the railway loan , but such is the result of the subse-

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      ' The unworkable and fallacious nature of laws based upon the cold-hearted theories and abstract assump . tionsof the political economists , was very ioroibly Buownbythe speech of Sir George Grey , in introducing the Bcheme for amending the administration of the New Poor-Law Bill , on Monday night . The framers of that law drew , up an awful indictment agam 3 tthe old law of Elizabeth , which was given to the poor of England in lieu of the substantial share they formerly had in the tithes of the country . Ancording to these enlightened and truthful witnesses , the old lawhadcompletel y demoralized the labouring classes of England , rendered them an indolent , spiritless , abject , beggarly race , who would at all timea

      rather eat the bread of idleness than earn an independent living . If they were suffered to continue in that state , it wm predicted that a wholesale confiscation of property weuld take place , " and I , " said Lord Brougham , almost with tear 3 in his eyes , " may become a Westmoreland pauper . " If , however , we amended the old system by the rules of the theorr of political . economy , all was ^ toco right with us ; The Legislature listened to the voice ef its advocateswe got a speck and span new piece of Poor-Law Machinery , forged iri the modern manufactory , » nd after the new patent sfcvle . Great were the exulta * tiona of its friends , ' as EWorado , or Arcadia realizing tfce . table * of the golden age , was to be made out of England through its instrumentality . Everybody T > y the simple expedient of being thrown on his own

      resources , was to'become " independent . " Rates were to disappear , pauperism to vanish , and only a few large houses here and there erected , like scare , crows in a wheat field , were to frighten by means of prison treatment and worse than prison diet , the few incorrigible idler * who might chance to resist the magic influence of the new scheme . Alas ! for human wisdom and human expectation ^ sad ly but truly did Sir George Grey make the confession :- '' The law under that system has worked differently from what we had been , induced to expect . " It hat indeed ! It has been in every respect a complete and thorough failure . It has neither diminished pauperism nor poor ratti , white it has increased the alienation and bitterness of classes , and given birth to a brood of crimes and vices which but for it would hare been unknown in the annals of human wretchedness and wickedness .

      Tho Government , however , are not yet convinced of the utter inapplicability of the law for the purposes aimed at , and therefore they essay the task of patching it up . The Cerberus of Somerset House is to be sent a drift . All the evils ascribed to the law are to be saddled on the triumvirate who have administeredit , instead of the law itself and the principles on which it is baaed ; and a new administration is to ! be formed , which is to , be represnted in Parliaharoent ; by jte chief and secretary . The object is , tliat the Poor Law monster may be at ence responsible to Parliament ; thattheobjectieusto the . law hitherto urged will be thereby obviated . With rerejpeofc to the first , it is undoubtedly an improvement , but that it will produce the second we do not believe . The law itself is so radically riotous , that it can only be mended as Donald Bain mended his gun , i . e . with a new stock , lock , and barrel .

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      XISCBlliXKOUS . " ' " ' A ; Voiob rsoKTBB Potmbibs . —Fellow . worklng Men — Never was a time so propitious as the present for action . It is not long ilnce we had the trade rejoiclnei bore . Bells were ringing-shops were closed-flail ¦ adorned steeple and chimney , with large loans stuck on poles ( a good emblom , "Bread vtry highl" ) « high ¦ wages , plenty ofwork , and cheap bread , " was the cry , and some of the poor deluded dupes worid ( had thej possessed the power ) have struck any one out of existence that attempted to question their absurdity . But the scene is changed , now ¦• Awful long faces , no wurk , dear food , and what makes bad worse Is , that

      many of the manufacturers are entangled ia Railway bubble * , and instead of getting kicked all at once ( at they expected ) , are dissolving partnerships to throw off I "spoMlbility , slipping Oat of the town ; nobody knows i whire—cannot pay wages for what little is done ; bankruptcy , in fact , total ruin—and serve them ri ght ! . only others are suffering from thoir grasping avarice . Arouse , then , fellow countrymen t throw off the tyrant ' s joke : one struggle and it is done . Now is thu time ; let not the present opportunity slip j—if you do , Maine yourselves , for , if you will not help your « lv «» when you have the chance , no one olae ought , i . general election is at hand , the Land Scheme is progr-sslng amann . s 'ly ; the Trades are doing wondersall is favourable for a movement 1 Now is the time

      !—Stefhbn Amison . To the CniRTHx Pdbmc —Fellow Countrymen , —May I not . also say , my friends , —as , whatever the differences of opinion betwixt us may ba , we appear mutually couviuced of our good intentions ' towards tb « public weal , —having attended at tha South London Cnarti 9 t Hall , for the purpose of conducting a controyer » j with ilr Ernest Joues , 1 was begged , at the termination of the evening ' s proceedings , to do the society the favour of giving them a lecture on any genertl subject , for any evening I might think proper to appoint . It wag further stated , at the same time , that Monday would be tha most acceptable day to the members of that hall . Two days afterwards I received a letter , again urging tb . W request , to which I accord ,

      Untitled Article

      EMANCIPATION OF INDUSTRY . The signs of immense political and social changes multiply on all hands . They are visible equally in the new and kindly interest evinced by the aristocracy in question , affecting the rights and interests of the masses , and in the more enlightened , independent and determined progress of the workine classes

      themselves . Those who devoted themselves some years ago to the advocacy of the ri ghts of labour , and the task of elevating the condition of the wealth-producers , had frequently the sorrow of witnessing the frustration of their efforts , b y the want of union , and the prejudices of the very parties whom they sought to benefit ; No lesson has been so often taught by the leaders of the people , none have been more strongly insisted upon , as being absolutely essential to success , than the neces-

      Untitled Article

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      quentoabinet ' ddibe &ngT Iriorderll > blige the i ^ friends , the shareholders of certain lines the eoyern ment give-them the money voted by Parliament for the . creation of a small proprietorr . tenant rv tl Ireland ! : We let the faotstana as it is . ' K £ jg would only weaken its force . . u ¦ ; '

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      has been a protracted and a severe one ; "Many ;„ the early labourers in the cause have gone to tbe rest without witnessing its triumph ; but Owe » and Oastlerthe author and most efficient ndvociw of the Ten Hours' Bill , are yet amongst us to rejoi „ over their well won victory , and all who have take ! , part in gaining it may well be ' proud , for it ison ° achieved purely b y argument , reason , and peaceably means . Not a stain rests upon the victors , or tb weapon » by which they carried the day ; They hav introduced a very different principle into our legig . lation from that which hes unhappily of late guided oar law-makers . Its future and further develop , ment jn laws and institutions which shall aim

      more at the political , moral , intellectual and phy . sical well-beingof the whole community , than the iccumu ' ation of wealth * or the multiplication of exchanges , and the spread of that competition which is merely the civilized substitute for the old forcible modes by which , in pre-commercial times and countries , men rob each other—this must be left to time and to those rapidly multiplying influences—aorae negative , some positive—which combine to force on the con 7 iction of every thinking man , that the present mode of creating and distributing wealth is one which must ey <> r generate poverty , misery , and antagonism in society . '

      he is not now to be talked of in the same style as a self-acting mule , and made to run in > competition with it . Machinery is , partially at least ; put in its legitimate position : the servant , not the master , of man . Instead of coercing the labourer into a merciless and deadly race , in which bones , muscles , and sinews , were certain -to give way before iron , wood , and steam—the ' automaton powers of society will in future ba made to assume soraewnat of their proper aspect , and in the dim vista of the future we can descry yet more enlightened applications of them by means df which they will be converted , from being the greatest curse , into one of the greatest blessingsi to mankind . All honour to those by whose exertiona this grand result has been achieved ! The 8 trm » Bl ««

      classes . The lams fain principle of modern political economy has by the writers and speakers of that school been extended to men as well aB commo . diliet—human labour has been placed in the same categoryas its products , and the sam » flippant and specious axioms applied to each . All- know what the result has been : an immense increase of material wealth , anda corresponding deterioration of the condition ofthe industrial classes , especially subjected to the iron rule of the new philosophy . . By the Tea Hours' Bill humanity is rescued from the false and degrading position in which a hollow and one-sidtd p hilosophy had placed it . ' Man is no longer classed in the same invoice with bales of cotton , bundles of yarn , bars of iron , boxes of tea , or casks ' of

      tallowing . may , , be looked upon £ virtually law ; for it is not probable that in its cmmm through the Lords it will encounter any serwn * t struction . There are a few crbtchetty person s £ that House who may seize the occasion for firing off a politico-eeonoiaical speech or two , hut we can scarcel believe that the -unequivocal manner in which it has been sent up to their Lordships stamped at every stage by the sanction of large » ni triumphant majorities , that they wjll venture either to delay or injure it . Its final enactment as a law will be one of the greatest events , not only of- the beesion , but of the century . It recognises a princinle , and embodies it also asone ofthe laws of theraalm , of the most momentous consequences to the industrious

      The Bill therefore For one thing only have the people reason i * thank the Session of 1847 . * 'The Ten IW b ;» will now , in all probability , become the law of th » and . ; Despite the tricks , and ; the determined on position b > which its every stage lias boen attended it was finally ifJsscd by a large majorit y in tho H « um !* _ 5 !! ! LS ?^?? * S ^ * ' ¦ n ^ v . JoBd cheer

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      , The case ofthe framework knitters of this country found an able exponent in Sir Henry Walford on Wednesday . His speech , which we have given at some length , w replete with facts of the most painful description , and presents at & glancen history of the downward course of the unhappy families dependent on this branch of trade for subsistence . M > have also given the speech of the mwrepresentive of the working people of Leicester , in order that they may judge of the reception tbey should give him when he next makes his appearance among them . Some portions of hit speech call for comment , at a length hich our space will not permit this week ; but the quistion is one of that importance which will justify recurrence to it upon another ocoasion .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1417/page/4/