Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th November 1846, Edition 1 of 3, Page 6, Untitled Article

Page 6
Page 6
6 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (2)
    • CraUes' 0toUements* ^m. ^iMia.tf r "i".'i~i~ iii.'i. .) lOiTrln nninrni1 ~ ~ - - n .in inn a a. — — - a - *^ bm
    • Corogpoitittiue ?
  • Text (8)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      RULES OF THE JOURNEYMEN WEAVERS ASSOCIATION , Ab passed at a Public Me * ting of the Members , tlie 31 st of October , 1 S 4 G . 1 st . That this soricty be railed the " Friendly Secictj of . Itmrni-jmen Weavers . " 2 ml . That the object of this society be to assist tin Union ali ej « ly in existence , to protect our wages to tlif ntxiost of our jiowtr , and to sie tliat the' uousehol < li * ' act justly to each number of this socirty . 3 .-d . Tliatas sonn as we get properly organised as a local body , it shall be the dutv of the committee to take into consideration the propriety of joining the National Tr ides Association . _^ ^ ^ *^ ^ ^^

      4 lh . That this society he governed * J a committee ol nine persons , including president , secretary , and treasurer ; » d thatthe president shall h , vc ftcpower to call the committee together « hen he « 1 » U tbmk it ««« - « to do so , and a majority shall have power to transact lU 5 U . e That the committee oe chosen in the following manner , 5 ,, the president , secretary , and treasurer to leTectedbv a public meeting of the members , and the remainder as tbe _ v stand in rotation ou the secretary's look , aud that they hold office for the space of three months . , ... 6 th . That the entrance fee oe twopence , and contributions " as circumstances may require , but not less than one penny per week . 7 th . Tliatin the event of a strike Jakillg place , sailCtioi sd hy this society , each member who may be under 1 he n < - * S 5 ity of leaving the town in consequence of such strike , shall be enitled to a certain sum of ironey to l ) e linv = > ft < r decided on .

      8 th . That a registration book be kept by the secretary of this society , -wherein shall be entered an accouut of al jobs to Tw let in the * o » vn or neighbourhood , such information to be obtain d of the members at the weeklj

      b tones . 5 ) th . That any member of this society shall be allowed ¦ to examine the registration book by paying one penny to tbe secretary for bis trouble in keeping the book . ^ 10 th . That the secretary of tins society be autnetised to keep a correspondence with the various manufacturing towns in this country , in order to afford all possible information to any member of this society who may be either desirous or compelled throug h want of employment to leave this town . 11 th . That this society meet to transact business every Monday irght at seven o ' clock . 12 ih . That the books be audited every three months , the auditors to be appointed at a public meeting of tbe members . 13 tn That all lodge business be closed by ten o ' clock .

      SHEFFIELD . Tbogsess of Machikekt . —The Sheffield Independent states that a machine , invented in tbe United States , for cutting files by machinery , has been brought over to this country , and that steps are brfng taken by Messrs . Xaylor , Tickers , and Co ., to procure a patent for the invention . A company is already formed , with ample capital , in the United States , wbo nave several machines at work , and who , it is stated , are about to increase very considerably the number of their machines . It i » stated that the machines are of cheap construction , and that one person , competent to sharpen the chisels , can superintend the working of several machines . The ] Independent says , we understand tbas persons of great experience who were at firstfpsrfectly credulous , are now fully convinced that the machine is capable of cutting files in a rery superior

      manner . PERSECUTION OF BASKET MAKERS . IO TUB IDITOK OF THE XORTHERS STAR . Sir , —Silence hitherto has been a cloak to tbe overfcearing ~ intolerance and persecution of the Master Basket Makers ' in this kingdom , and , especially , Robert Iiaynes , of Leicester , chairman of the masters' union . In the month of August last , the United Basket Makers held a conference at Manchester for the purpose of revising the association ' s laws . I was delegated by the Leicester and Kortbampton district to attend the said meeting , for which offence I was immediately discharged from working under Mr . Raynes , he stating that I was " a Chartist rascal , and kept tbe men in a state of discontent . " Mr . Iiaynes , to counteract the exertions of our union , immediately issued circulars through the country , calling a Master's Conference in Birmingbam , on the 5 th of October last , at which necting they passed the following resolutions : —

      That the masters supporting this resolution do engage to employ no journeymen connected with the journeymen's society after the 17 : h day of October . That the members of this union do pay after the rate of sixpence himself and J ' or each and evtry man in his en plor for contingent expenses , as often as the committee shall levy , to the secretary of the branch or district , who shall remit the same to the general treasurer . That 3 Ir . Robert Raynes , of Leicester , be the general treasar . r , and { Mr . W . Watts , of Nottingham , general secretary to this union . That tho committee shall consist of the several secretaries in the districts .

      That the United Society of Journeymen Basket Makers have resorted to an expedient , at once dishounourable and unjust in the case of the late strike at Wolverhainpton . At that town a demand was made for a consi «? erable advance in the rate of wages , this the masters refused to give . To effect their purpose , the journeymen ' s society supplied , and are now supplying with materials , a shop , designated a ' bee-hive . " This shop is now occupied , not by Wolverhamptrn men , but strangers , the men having nearly all resumed their work . The goods arc sold much under prime cost , to the great harm of the employers of that town , and not to the advantage of the men . To overthrow these designs , this meeting recommends that the committee do render such pecuniary assistance lo tie employers of Wolvtrhampton as shall enable them to undersell the journeymen ' s shop , as it is , it will be the means of effectually , and for ever , preventing tke recurrence of such dastardly and mean attempts . "

      Such "dastardly and mean atttmpts , —what is there that is " mean" in working for themselves ! If it is " mean" to work for ourselves , it is doubly " mean" to work for men who ai e devoid of all honesty , reas » n , and common understanding . Journeymen , manufacture for yourselves , and " overthrow these designs " "' of master * who "laugh and grow ! fat" at your expense . Teach them their dutief , when they will understand your rights . Let them work for theirselvcs—you for yourselves—and see who is " mean . " Mr . Rnyues says he roll undersell me when I go into the market if it cost lrim-. £ 500 . Mr . Raynes lias accumulated his money by the meanness of selling his own goods , —let us now accumulate by selling our goods instead of merely selling our labour , wheu we shall be able to compete with their illgotten £ 500 . TVw . YTilejian , Basket Maker . Leicester , 2 Jov . 5 , 1 S 1 G .

      NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . Glasgow . —Monday Evening . —A meeting of the Rope Makirs of this city was held to hear a lecture from Mr . Jacobs , aud decide on joining the National Association The lecture was received with frequent applause , and the replies to the questions asked were satisfactorily received . The following resolution was carried unanimously : — "That tbe Rope Makers will be materially benefited ly tbe National Association , that we , therefore , send in out adhesion from this nisht . " A vote of thanks to the lecturer was then passed , and bnsineas closed .

      Camelon Nailers' Rise of Wages at the Messrs * Faibbairx . —On Tuesday , Messrs . Cloughnn and Jacobs proceed to Camelon , pursuant to instructions from the Central Committee , to mediate between the journeymen nailers and employers , relative to an increase of prices required by the former . On their arrival , the several works sent a deputation with the purposed list to the three employers in tbat village , leaving the Fame for their consideration . In about an hour the deputation a ^ ain called for a r < ply , when the Messrs . Fairbairn ohjeetrd to some of the items in the ' men s list , and furnished them with a list , which they off- red to pay from Monday , the 9 th ot November . This list contained a considerable rise on all siz < -s . still thire were some sorts

      the men were not satisfied with . It was then agreed that the mediators should send notes to each « f the employers in the village , requesting an interview . This the Messrs . Fairbairn immediately assented to . At four o ' clock , the meeting took place . Mr . Fairbairn , during tbe controversy , admitted that many of the nailers earned low wages , and that provisions were dear , and hoped they would get cheaper before the winter , through foreign supply . After some further conversation on the subject , the Messrs . Fairbairn agreed to give the rise prices until further improvement in trade , when they would give another advance , which terms were accepted , the mediators assuring them the association only sought , by peaceful and reasonable means to better the condition of its

      members . Mr . Fairbairn complained that some incorrect statements bad appeared in print respecting tbe price thurged fur coals , and showed from his book that the price charged by him to his men for coals was—large , per cart of 1 G crrt ., 103 . Cd . ; small do ., 3 s . 3 d , ; and that he , therefore , gets no advantage on that head . Two other employers sent a verbal refusal to the no ' es of the mediators requesting an interview , and one of them discharged immediately , without previous notice , one of the deputation , therefore their men are remaining out , to be employed by the association . Paislet . —Wednesday . —A meeting of the Trades of Paisley was held in tbe Socialist Hall , when Mr . Jacobs delivered a lecture , which was well received . At the suggestion of the lecturer , a committee was formed of one from each trade , to organise the trades of Paisley into a district of the National Association , wbo are to make arrangements for the lecturer to ] address the several bodies .

      -BAanStAD . —Thursday .-A meeting of the Block Printers was htld at the Public Hali , Barrhead , to hear a lecture from Mr . Jacobs , who gave every satisfaction . A resolution was unanimously passed that the Block Printers of Iiarrhend join the National Association ! A committee was then formed to carry out the resolutien and get up meetings of the other trades , Paisley-. —Friday . —A general meeting of the Block Printers and Nai . ' ers of this town was held at the Chartist Church , to hear a lecture from Mr . Jacobs . The lecturer \ eii 3 greeted with thefusual approbation , several questions ¦ were asked by influential members of tbe weavers body , and satisfactorily answered . It was then agreed tbat { he committee call another meeting fcr a second lecture ,

      Untitled Article

      at tbe earliest mommt . that the 1-etnrer maj-enlist those into our ranks who yet huld aloof from ^ society . N . B .-The missionary hopes that the Shtp Carpenters of Glasgow who were disappointed of hisattendance on Tuesday evening , will take his visit and service at Came-Ion ns a sufficientexcure , as he did not return therefrom till ten o ' clock . Fur . hcr , having received many appUcalion , for his services the same night , he requests those needing hi m to send him word at least a ( veek bclore hand , a ddressed C 2 , North Vrederie Street , Glasgow . The Carpet Weavers of Kidderminster have presented the following testimonial to their employers : — Gentlemen , —We , the Carpet Weavers in your employ , hrj ; most respectfully to lay the following memorial before vou , hoping you will give it your serious consideration . Owing to existing circumstances , we consider it a duty incumbent upon us , injustice to ourselvtsand ouv families , to solicit you for an advance of wages . We think , Gentlemen , when you consider the depressed state of the trade generally , and tin- consequent tuff , ring we and our families have to undergo , owin » to the high

      price of provisions and other necessary articles , that you will give us that attention which the importance of the subject demands . We appeal to you asfcllowmen and as Christians to assist us in our present degraded position as poverty is the chief cause of the evils which afflict us as a body . We a . « k jou to help us to remove the cause , by p ' acing us in thesame position we werein 1827 . You must be aware that for a man to find bis family tbe necessaries of life it requires him to be wholly occupied , in physical labour , instead of having a portion of bis time for the cultivation of those faculties which distinguish man from the brute creation . We have a mind as well as a body , which requires food for its development and support , without which man will ever fall a prey to ignorance and

      cupidity . As monopoly and restriction are passing away , and we are entering on a new era in our history , all we ask for is a share in tho general good ; ani that you , in your new arrangements with the Merchants and Consumers of Carpets generally , will adopt such measures as will allow you to raise our wages , so as to enable us to give our children at leas . t a suitable education . It is not direct from you tbat we ask for an advance , but from the consumer through the medium of you , our employers , We are encouraged to ask for an advance from the answers which the carpet Manufacturers of the north gave to their men , when making a similar request upon the Brussels and Scotch , ( having obtained upon the

      Scotch , ) which was , that if the Kidderminster masters could be induced to give it , they ( the carpet masters of the north ) would readily comply , * as it would make no difference to them , providing all masters would raise alike , as they could then meet equally in the markets . Having said this much , gentlemen , we leave the subject for your consideration , trusting you will take a benevolent and christian-like view of what we have laid before you . —We ask it not as an act of favour but as a matter of equity . We remain , yours respectfully , —The Carpet Weavers . P . S . —Gentlemen , your memorialists will call for an answer this day fortnight , as they now appear before

      you . Nov . 9 th , 1 S 1 G . The Keighlet Tuns-OoT . —We think it right to republish the facts of this conspiracy of the master woolcoiubers against their hands , as set forth in the following statement , read at the recent public meeting held at Keichley , which was presided over by Mr . Ferrand , M . P . : — We , the woolcombers of Keiphley , are compelled , in justice to ourselves and the public at large , to give the following outline of our present condition , vouching at the same time for tbe truth of our statement . The wages of an ablebodiert and industrious wool combers for workinc 12 successive hours per day will not average above 10 s . per week , and after deducting from this sum the expenses of rent , fire , soap , and candles , which at a low calculation cannot be less than 33 . Cd . per week , he has only Gs . Gd . left to provide himself and family with meat , clothes , and other necessary articles .

      The want of workshops has driven us to the necessity of following our employment at our own homes , and most frequently in our own bed rooms . This circumstance , from the close nature of the employment and the efflu . vium arising from the comb-pot , the oil , soap , and wet wool , produces disease amongst us and our families to an alarming extent , and it has been proved , from an investigation lately made in Bradford , that the average of life is less amongst the woolcombers than amongst any other body of workmen in tbe kingdom . In nine cases out often when a young mon gets married he has little or anything to commence housekeeping with , and he frequently gets into such difficulties , by furnishing his house and providing himself with the necessary articles he may wnnt , that he seldom or ever recovers from the effects of his outlay .

      The difficulty of supporting himself by his own labour makes it always necessary that his wife should either comb along with him , or labour in a factory , two verr improper occupations for married women ; but when he becomes tbe father of two or three children then bis situation grows wretched indeed . The labour of himself and wife then becomes so necessary to prevent actual starvation , that fn , nily and housekeeping are almost entirely neglected . It however frequently happens that a depression of trade arrives , when he is either only partially employed , or altogether out of emplaymcnt , in which case he is reluctantly driven , in the youth and vigour of life , to become dependent on the tender mercies of the Poor Law Guardians ; but nhen overtaken by old age , sickness , or any of the thousand casualties to which we are liable , he is compelled to spend the last of his days in an union bastile , without ever having known the comforts and pleasures of a home .

      In makinp this statement we have no wish to overdraw the picture of our situation , but prefer keeping it rather under than over . It must be remembered that in manufacturing towns rents , highway and poor rates , and a variety of o'her necessary expenses , are high , and that we are confined entirely to our bare wages . We have no plots of ground , no convenience * for keeping pigs , cows , or other things to be fonnd amongst a rural population , and we shall challenge atiy man to prove that we can support ourselves and families out of 10 s . per week without being placed in the condition we have described .

      To improve this our miserable condition by an advance of one farthing per pound upon combed wool , which would only have increased our wages about ninepence per week , our employers have combined against us , and thrown betwixt 1 , 200 and 1 , 500 . of us out of employment . It is now about ten weeks since ' this happened , and during that time we have suffered everything that want and privation could inflict , and we are now depending entirely upon the charity of the public . Keighlet , Tuesday , Nov . 10 th . —The position of the woolcembt -rs remains nearly the same as it was last week . lund ' s weavers continue out , and appear determined to remain so till their employer agrees to do something like justice to the combers . The manufacturers continue to exerche the most barefaced tyranny

      towards those weavers working in their factories who dare venture to raise a voice in behalf &f the combers . Some of them make a regular practice of walking round their factories to detect persons collecting money for their support ; and their orders to the hands are now issued out in nearly the following terms : — " If I can find any person in this factory collecting money fortither themselves , or the combers , or producing a book for that purpose , I will instantly dismiss them from my employment ; and if I find any overlooker allowing such a practice , I will dismiss him also . " The combers and weavers are now busy enrolling themselves in the United Trades ' Association , tbe combination of their employers having proved , that henceforth the tyranny of the manufacturers will have to be opposed by something stronger than local unions and casual support .

      Wednesday , Nov . 11 th . —It will be recollected that last week the mill hands of Mr . William Lund turned out on behalf of the combers . almost immediately after a party of tbe Anti-Wages league waited upon a magistrate to know if they could not send the turn-outs to prison for leaung work without a fortnight's notice . The magistrate said , such a thing might be possible , but that it would be very cruel and imprudent to send some hundreds on that account . They then wanted to know if , in case they stopped all their mills they could not iemand a party of soldiers to protect their property and the peace

      of the town . lie told them that that also was possible , only they would have to pay the expenses themselves ; and he considered it would be much better to give the money to their ' combers than the soldiers . This morning the Leaguers are posting up notices to run their factories three days per week . They are doing this for the double purpose of doing with less combed wool , and of preventing their workpeople from hoving anything to spare for the combers . They have always been bitter opponents to a Ten Hours' Factory Bill ; but it appears they are not so much opposed to the Short Time measure when it suits their own purposes .

      P . S . —Mr . Robert Mullan , Tyrell-court , Tyrcll-street , Bradford , is authorised to receive money ou behalf of the Keighley woolconiuers , from persons residing in tliat neighbourhood . Wages in Paisley . —The Glasgow Examiner states that though trade is brisk at Paisley , the weekly average of the weavers' wages does not exceed seven shilings . 1 KiLMiitNOCK . —The staple trade of this district is at present in a very depressed state .

      Untitled Article

      Quarrel amoxq Workiiouse Authorities . —Mr . Wealc , Assistant Poor Law Coniro > . sioiier , has just made , at the request of the board of guardians , an investigation into a quarrel between the master , matron , schoolmistress , and the porter of the Lou » hborough Union workhouse . It appeared tliat it originated in an avowed personal dislike on the part of tbe matron towards the schoolmistress , wbo bad been but newly appointed . The matron Jost no opportunity of annoying the governess , and inciting the schoolchildren to dispute her iiutliority over

      them . Tho porter was charged whh impropriety towards the female paupers liy ;\ lie matron ; and he , in retaliation , charged the matron with havin » persuaded ii lunatic pauper to prefer yioss and lake charges against him . This was sworn to be the fact . The porter admitted having had " a lark " with sninefof the female inmates , but called witnesses to show that it was not of an improper nature . The proceedings resulted in the compuhorv resignation of the master and matron , the dismissal of the porter , and the schoolmistress retains her situation .

      Untitled Article

      FALLACIES OF FREE TRADF . tUndcr the above head Mr . Oastler has addressed a letter ( the concluding one of a scries ) to tho editor of the Morning Post . The entire letter is very lengthy , we have , therefore , been compelled to omit a tew of the least important paragraphs . ] Sik— " It is along lane that has no turn . " The self styled " philosophers" have had a wearisome run , whon—bounce they have tricken their shallow pates against a heap of rotten potatoes ! There they ai'O aghast—at bay—a standing monument of the folly and

      wickedness of forcing the people "to live on the coarsest sort ef food . " Why , except upon the principles of manern " philosophy , " ahould potatoes be the food of millions ? They now acknowledge in terror , by their acts , that the poor have a right t » live—that rents must yield to labour ' s due— that poverty has rights more urgent than the landlord's claim . Common sense has warned them oft—they would not listen ; but now , the conceited clfs have fallen into the pit they digged for the poor ! Still , though forced , im acts to deny their avowed principles , they stoutly maintain , in words , that they were right .

      I shall render my country good service if , once tor all , I explain the unchristian , and consequently antisocial principles on which the modern " enlightened and liberal philosophers" found their shallow , loose , and selfish scheme , which , for so many years , they have been substituting , bit by bit , for that old , compact , and substanial fabric—our - universally protec tive Constitution . I have Mr . Cobden ' s testimony in reference to the authority of Dr . Adam Smith . Nothing can be more conclusive than the evidence furnishud hy Mr . Cobden , in that memorable passage which I have before quoted , and which I now repeat , that it may be more firmly impressed upon the minds of your readers . It is to be found in the first number of the . Antf-Corn law Circular , and is asfollowB . —

      At length , however , the obvious truths which Adam Smith , Ricarrto , and others had so clearly demonatrated , that those restrictions and prohibitions upon trade tended , in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred , to diiert the national industry from its natural and profitable pureJJ'ts , into artificial and less productive channels , were recognised by the statesmen of this country ; and partly to stimulate industry ( with tho view of , meeting the heavy charges of the government and debt of the nation , ) and partly , perhaps , from a conviction of tardy injustice of the measure to that party whose interest had been , and etill ie , lost sight of by the advocates of monopoly—the consumer , the principles of Free Trade were adopted and openly avowed by the Liverpool Administration .

      From that time the question of the justice or injustice of the Corn Laws assumed a new shape ; it « ho toiler one of doubt to tbe honest inquirer , but presents itself simplified and divested of every difficulty . All attempt to carry us back in our discussion of the subject beyond the period when the principle of Free Trade was applied to the manufactures , commerce , and shipping of Great Britain and her colonies , should therefore , by sedulously avoided as supererogatory , and calculated only to mystify what has , from that time , been a plain and unembarrassed question . This is evidence sufficient to prove that Dr . Adam Smith is one of the recognised leaders of the new school of " philosophers ; " thatihe is esteemed the leader , may be gathered from a quotation from Mr . Cobden ' s " England , Ireland , and America , " where the lucky agitator says : —

      " We have our Banksian , our Linnman , our Ilunterian secieties , and why should , at least , OHr greatest commercial and manufacturing towns have their Smitihan societies devoted to the purpose of promulgating tlie beneficent truths of ' The Wealth of Nations ?"' No matter , as I ihive in a former letter shown , that Dr . Adam Smith doubted the truth of his own theory . There can , however , be no doubt that he is the recognised oracle of the Free-traders , and that the 'Wealth of Nations" is the book in which we may safely search for the foundation of their " benificent" principles .

      If , then , that book contains a most important assertion that ia in direct contradiction to the principles of the Holy Bible , it will be proved that the foundation of the free system is anti-Christian . To establish this most important fact , it is only needful that I should make a very short extract from the " Wealth of Nations . " I have extracted those words before ; they cannot be too often repeated , Dr . Adam Smith says : — "Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command . It is his own advantage , indeed ; and not that of the society , that he has in view . But the study of his own advantage , naturally , or rather necessarily , leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to the society . "

      I would not misrepresent Dr . Adam Smith ; I would rather urge the admirers of his creed most carefully to analyse his great work , and , if they can , to find therein any other foundation for the scheme of unrestrained , unregulated action—Free Trade . I think they will search in vain . Nay , I am persuaded , on reflection , it is evident that the principle of free action can only lie defended on the premises assumed by Dr . Adam Smith—the belief in the unerring perfectiou of his man , his very selfishness bein ? estepmed his most important virtue . Were I to ask Mr . Cobden or Sir Robert Peel , if

      a scheme , founded on a principle that is so utterly at variance with Christianity , can ever associate itself with a Constitution so essentially Christian as ours ? —they , being mere politicians of the modern " Liberal " school , would , most likely , smile at my folly ; not bo , tbe Bishop of Oxford , lie cannot assume to he a mere politician . He dare not , even in the House of Lords , divest himself of bis sacredotal character , lie is a Bishop of the Church of Christ . The Right Rev . Prelate may not defend a principle that is contrary to the fundamental d ' . ctrine of Christianity—the fall of man .

      If there be any other principle on which to establish Free Trade , than that propoundwl by its great apostle , it is manifestly due to the Church of Christ , and to his own episcopal character , that the Bishop of Oxford should , without delay , publish it , or reconcile Dr . Adam Smith ' s assertion with Holy Writ . When the Bishop has done this , when he has established man's infallibility , ho will have proved the excellence of Free Trade ; he will have done more , he will have demonstrated the usefulness of his own order . I believe that man is a fallen , selfish , ignorant being , and that every unregulated and unrestrained action of his is fraught with evil—that , if left without the restraining and regulating laws of God ( which , by our Constitution , must be part and parcel

      of the laws of the land ) , instead of preferring such schemes , in thesearchof his own advantage , as would be advantageous to the society , his selfishness would lead him to injure all for his own benefit , I learn this from the Holy Bible . I have often witnessed it . I am not to be convinced against Bible truth , and every day ' s experience , by Sir Robert Peel ' s declaration that Mr . Cobden has established a contrary truth ; or by Mr . Cobden's assertion that Dr . Adam Smith has " clearly demonstrated" another fact ; or by the Bishop of Oxford's doctrine enunciated in these awful words— ' Be he labourer or be he farmer , what is it that makes him valuable to those above him ? It is competition ; " or by a shoal of smirking Manchester men chirping "Free Trade is common sense !"

      Sir , this is a serious question . It will be found to be so , before England has done with it . It is essential that the followers of Jesus Christ should know what manner of spirit that of Free Trade is . We have been assured that Free Trade was the only way to make bread " cheap" to the poor ; and its opponents have been denounced as persons who wish to withhold corn from the poor . As if to stamp that assertion with falsehood , since the triumph of the principle of Free Trade , with an avowedly good luxrvest , corn has risen to as alarming price . The

      speculators could , it they would , tell us why . Well might Mr . Francis Homer , the greatest statesman in the Free-trade school , when speaking of Dr . Adam Smith ' s theory , describe it as— " A popular , plausible , and loose hypothesis , as good for the vulgar ag any other : " and "give up the perusal of 'The Wealth of Nations , ' on account of the insurmountable difficulties , obscurity and embarrassments in which the reasonings of the fifth chapter are involved ; " declaring— " that discovery that I had not understood Smith , speedily led me to doubt whether Smith had understood himself . "

      So much for Dr . Adam Smith and his Cobdenian "dear demonstration of a plain and unembarrassed question—so clear as to render further discussion supererogatory !" There is still another acknowledged master in the Free-trade school , to whom it is necessary that I should refer . He had carefully studied " The Wealth of Nations , " and having traced the principles of Free Trade from their native place , the selfishness of man , and having a more astute mind than Dr . Adam Smith , ho ventured boldly and clearly to enunciate the natural result of the free and irresponsible principle , and feared not to work it out to its inevitable result . The Rev . T . It . Malthus states : —

      " The only authors irom whom I have deduced the principle which formed the main argument of the essay were Hume , Wallace , Adam Smith , and Dr . I rice ; and my object was to apply it , te try the truth of tliose speculations on the perfectibility of man and society which at that time excited a considerable portion " of the public attention . " 1 say , then , Sir , when the Rev . T . R . Malthus , the bright luminary of the nineteenth century , discovered this i aked avowal of an unnatural and anti-Christian do !> ma , he no longer parlied with Nature or Christianity ; but , perceiving that " Smith ' s loose hypothesis" could only be established on an unnatural and unchristian assumption , ho proceeds to describe of whom " the society" tn be benefited by the Free principle coi . sisls , lie * plainly announces that the poor , or the labourers , * do not form part of that " society , " save when the weaitfiy may happen to require their services . |

      Untitled Article

      Hence , " emigration and no right for the poor to li ve" have been received by our " liberal and onlightened" philosophic statesmen , as established political truths ! ,, . . . !„„ We are told , by high authority , that we must judge Of a tree by its fruit . The fruit of the Free principle of actions is proved to be , banishment or death . . Ilavo I placed the Rev . T . R . Malthus in too honourable a niche in tUe temple of our new ' . Philosophers ? " Let the great " schoolmaster ot tliose " philosophers" speak . Lord Broug ham thus described the Rev . T . R . Malthus to the wondering Lords : —

      May I Step » Mde for one moment , and do justice to » most learned , a most able , and most virtuous individual , whose name has been mixed up with more unwitting deceptien and also with more wilful misrepresentation , than that of any man of science in this Protestant country and in these liberal and enlightened times . When I mention talont , learning , humanity , tbe strongest sense of public duty , the most amiable feelings in private life , tho tenderoat and most humane disposition which ever man was adorned with—when I speak of one , the ornament of the society in which he moves , tbe delight of his own family , and not less the admiration of those men of letters and of science amongst whom he shines the first and brightest — when I speak of one of the most enlightened , learned , and pious miniotera whom the Church of England ever numbered amongst her sons—I nm sure every one will apprehend that I cannot but refer to Mr . Malthus . The character of this amiable man has

      been foully slandered by some who bad the excuse ol ignorance , and by others , I fear , without any such pallialive , and simply for having made one of the greateet additions to political philosoply which has been effected since that brancb of learning has been worthy the name of a

      . ' cience . Again , when Lord Breugham apologised for the iguorance of tliose eminent statesmen " wbo framed the statue ( 43 ) of Elizabeth , " which established by law the ri ^ lit of the poor to live on their native soil , his Lordship said : — They were not adepts to political economy—they were not acquainted with the true principles of populationthey could not foresee that a Maltbus would rise to enlighten mankind upon that important , but as yet illuuderstood branch of science .

      After this , no one can pay that I have too highly exalted the Rev . T . R . Malthus . lam not about to " misrepresent" or to " slander " the " most learned , most able , and most virtuous Malthus . " I shall permit that" most enlightened , learned , and pious minister of the Church of England" to speak for himself , only expressing my opinion , that it will require all the cunning and sophistry of his clever eulogist to reconcile the principle of the Rev . T . R . Malthus with the Word of God , or with the books of that Church of which he was a minister . Still , I am bound to acknowledge that

      the reverend author has honestly developed the principle of Free Trade , and has faithfully described its result , assuming always , that Dr . Adam Smith's " loose hypothesis" is correctly described by Mr . Cobden . Nothing can be more clear than the fact , that upon the testimony of those twa great masters ( Smith and Malthus ) of the new " science" of "liberal and enlightened political economy , " the sole benefit to bo derived from the practice of that" science" is for the rich — cheap corn , cheap clothes , cheap dwellings , cheap everything for them ; but nothing for the

      poor . The Rev . T . R . Malthus himself shall describe tho share of the poor in a society that submits to be governed by the Free principle . He says , " A man born into a world already possessed , if he cannot get subsistence from his parents , and if society doee not want his labour , has no claim of right to the smallest portion of' food ; and , in fact , has no business to be where lie is . At nature's mighty feast . there is no vacant cover for him . She tells him to be gone ; and will quickly execute her own orders if he do not work upon the compassion of some of her guests , If those guests get up and make room for him , other intruders will immediately appear , demanding the same favour . "

      Having " got rid" of these troublesome and unbidden guests , the state of society will be exhibited , as blessed by the operation of Free Trade , as propounded by Dr . Adam Smith , and explained by the Rev . T . It . Malthus—the advantage , of all being secured , by the selfishness of those wbo use their capital for their own benefit ; ergo , the infants , the aged , the maimed , and the " surplus able-bodied labourers , whose services the rich '' do not want , " Willall " BEOONE !" To complete this "beneficent" scheme , to make

      it work with . the least possible suffering to those whom " nature tells to be gone , "j ( Marcus , supposed to be Lord Brougham , ) has published a pamphlet recommending that infants should be destroyed painlessly on their entrance into life ! Thus crowning the " beneficent" theory of man ' s free action with "the crime of infanticide ! The process of " painless extinction" ( the name givenj to child murder by these " philosophers , " ) being considered more humane than the infliction of that suffering which would be entailed on the unbidden " guests " under nature ' s fiat— " Begone !"

      Many persons who profess to be Christians , who support Fieol Trade , startle at the conclusions arrived at by a , study of that " science " by Malthus and Marcus . It appaavs to me that these deductions are honestly drawn from the theory which Mr . Cobden has pronounced to be "beneficent" —Dr . Adam Smith's theory of Free Trade ! If I err , let those who embrace the philosophy of Dr . Adam Smith [ explain , where and how Malthus and Marcus are inconsistent with Smith . Strong confirmation of the correct interpretation of Malthus is furnished by the fact that the " liberal and ^ enlightened" statesmen of the Free Trade school , had avowedly determined to reduce his theory to practice by the New Poor Law , that being , as Earl Fitzwilliatu said , " a step to no Poor Law at all . "

      That tliose " wise men " had resolved to reduce the poor to absolute destitution , is suggested by " the ulterior projects" threatened by Lord Brougham , that determination is proved by the secret instruction given by a "liberal and enlightened " Government , to its officers who were entrusted with the duty of drawing the New Poor L&w Bill . Those instructions contained the following murderous recommendiitions : — "The commissioners shall have power to reduce allowances , but not to enlarge them . " After some further suggestions , there are the following : —

      Alter this has been accomplished , orders may be sent forth , directing that after such a date all outdoor relief should be given partly in kind ; after another period , it should be wholly in kind ; after such another period , it should be gradually diminished in quantity , until that mode of relief was exhausted . From the first , the relief should be altered in quality , coarse brown bread being substituted for tine white ; and concurrently with these measures as to the out-door poor , a gradual reduction should be made in the diet of the in-door poor , and stticfc regulations enforced . "

      No wonder that the guilty authors of these audacious recommendations dare not avow them in Parliament . The late William Cobbett , M . P ., for Old ham , had caught a glimpse of them . He challenged Lord Althorp to deny their existence . The noble lord was silent . When , afterwards , John Walter , Esq ., M . P ., for Nottingham , declared tliat such secret instructions had been given , Sir Janies Graham acknowledged that " he had a . faint recollection of their existence . " The Duke of Wellington ( who must then have felt ashamed of his connection with the philosophers" ) stoutly denied that such instructions had ever been given . Mr . Walter had , however , obtained possession of a copy of them , and , to his immortal honour , he produced it in the House of Commons , thereby he tore the mask from the " benevolent" countenances of the oppressors of the poor , and paved the way to the repeal of the inniman enactment founded on the recommendation

      of tbat diabolical secret document . Let it never be forgotten that those instructions , and the new Poor Law ( as a step to no Poor L ; tw ) are just , if the principle of the free action , maintained by Dr . Adam Smith and the Rev . T . R . Malthus , are founded in truth ! Mr . Cobden truly states . " The principles of Free Trade were adopted and openly avowed by the Liverpool Administration . " It is ako a fact , that every succeeding Government has been loosening the bonds of Protection—destroying ene monopoly after another , until the sole remaining one is that of wealth . This is called Free Trade . Under its operation the poor have been promised " a big loaf and better wages . " But what do t key find ? Millions starving for want of food , iu a land from which the

      daily exports of food are most enormous . Such is the result of the free action of capital upon the Irish . " Dear bread and worse wages , " resound from the manufacturing districts . Ever since the inoculation of the Liverpool Administration with the principles of Free Trade , ( and , be it remembered , the whole period has been one of peace ) , our laws have tended towards the Free princple of action , until it arrived at its climax last session . Now , if those principles were really wise and "beneficent , " the condition of tbe labourers and artisans would necessarily have improved during their adoption . Let any one look back to the former period , and compare the condition of the industrious classes then and at present , and he will find that " more work for less waues" ia ihe result .

      The object of this letter is , to convince those sillcere friends of the poor , who has unhappily embraced the anti-Christian philosphy of the age , that they have mistaken the effects of ' the free , unrestrained , and unregulated principle of action , and that while they had hoped , by the removal of monopolies , to render the access to food easier to the pour , they lave really buen erecting a stronger barrier between j fuod and labour , by oncouraging ' the groat monopoly ot wealth . These good men Have found that " There | is a way that seemeth right unto a man , but the end | thereof arc the wates nt death . "

      ft is absurd to suppose that any member of a civilised society should give up his right to lift ) am liberty . I maintain that the whole people have a

      Untitled Article

      r ightto life and liberty in the land of their lirth , and that , while able and willing to labour , that they have a right to be supported by their labour in that land , and that , if unable , either from infancy , ago , or infirmity , of obtaining employment , they have still a right to support , and that , in their native land , I maintain also , that rich and poor have a right to perpetuate their race in that land . I recognise no claim in land or property of any kind , anterior to tliose inalienable rights of every man . If the rich claim more , when every man in the society is not protected ( I do love that word ) in the enjoyment of » U 1 UIV 111 VIIIS ¦

      yv-vvv-vwuv ^* . VIIHS IIUIU / VIIJX / J *•«•• V «» the indefensible rights I have named , their claim is unjust . I have well weighed this matter . If I am not correct , I call upon Mr . Cobden , Sir Robert Peel , or the Bishop of Oxford to prove the contrary . That statesman would not permit the food of man to be drained from a country that is declared to be in a state of famine ; nor clothing to be exported where the people are in rags . He would no longer permit the sacrifice , by overworking , of hundreds of thousands of the industrious inhabitants of this

      nation to the cravings of the covetous and wealthy . He would restore to the domestic hearth of the labourer and artisan—the wife ; and thus secure the required comfort of his home . He would find their properplace in society for the improvements in sci . ence and machinery , making them the helpmates o . labour , not its competitors , He would at once restore the right of all , bylaw , to life and liberty . The statesman we want would know how to increase the wealth of the nation by making that wealth usefid to all . In fine , he would regulate all his measures by that infallible rule of right- " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself . " I remain , Sir . Your o bedient servant , Richard Oastleh .

      P . S . —I am invited to visit Yorkshire , there , once more , to plead the cause of the factory workers , 1 am told that I shall be expected , on the same errand , to traverse Lancashire and the manufacturing districts of Scotland . I shall rejoice to be enabled to answer all those calls . I wish that statesman would attend all our meetings . He would then know whether the manufacturing operatives were or were not for a Ten Hours ' Factory Regulation Bill . He would also ascertain if Messrs . Fielden and Ferrand , or Messrs . Cobden and Bright , were the true exponents , in the House of Commons , of the condition and feeling of the masses engaged in our busy hives , the factories . Believe me , Sir , he would gain more " useful knowledge" by attending those meetings , than by the perusal of manv books . I wish he would attend . R . O .

      Untitled Article

      THE SHORT TIME QUESTION . RENEWED AGITATION FOR A DIMINUTION OF THE HOURS OF LABOUR IN FACTORIES . GREAT MEETINGsTl IIUDDERSFIELD . On Tuesday evening the Short Time Committee for Yorkshire recommenced their [ agitation under the moat favourable auspices , by holding a public meeting in the Philosophical Hall in this town . The room and galleries , which are capable of accommodating two thousand persons , were fully occupied , and not one dissentient voice was heard throughout the entire proceedings . John Fielden , Esq . M . P ., W . B . Ferrand , Esq ., M . P ., and Richard Oaatler , the old and tried friends of the factory operatives , assisted at the meeting . Several clergymen and manufactureri were also present . The Rev , J . Bateman , Vicar of Huddersfield , was called to the chair , and lie opened the proceedings by expressing his cordial concurrence with the advocates of a Ton [ Jours' Factory Bill , as necessary for the physical , intellectual , moral , and religious welfare of the factory workers .

      The Rev . R . Manning , of Huddersfield , moved the first resolution , which was—That a reduction in the hours of factory labour is a growing necessity , from the great increase and high perfectien of machinery , whose use is to lessen , and not to argument , human labour ; that long hours , though at first not felt to be so great a social evil , are now found to be very injurious both to the person and pucuniary interests of the parties employed . Mr . T . Fawktard , an operative , seconded the resolution , and it was carried unanimously . The next resolution was moved by an operative named Jon . v Hanson , and seconded by another named Jonx Syk . es . It was as

      follows—That the recent and present factories regulation acts were forced upon the country in opposition to those propo « ed by Michael Thomas Sadler and Lord Ashley ; and while the object of these acts , according to their promoters , was to give greater advantage to the employers by relays of children , still even those measures have proved of considerable blessing by the greater equalisation of labour throughout the factories , the prevention of night working , and the opportunities , though small , given to children for instruction and

      recrention , Mr . Oastler then came forward to support the resolution , and his rising was the signal forthe most heavty demonstrations of applause , which lasted for several minutes . When the cheering had subsided , Mr . Oastler said—Mr . Chairman and the inhabitant * of Iluddersficld , I am here again harnessed in the Ten Hour Bill cause , and with the help of God I will never again retire from the field until that cause be triumphant . ( Cheers . ) Sir , it is not needful that I should go into argument in Huddersfield to prove the necessity and the justice of that which has been admitted to be just and necessary even by tho bitterest opponents of the Ten Hour Bill in Parliament . Mr' Oastler then went on to say that he had been

      present himself in Parliament . He was under the crallery during the whole of the last debate on the Ten Hours' Bill , and whatever arguments he might have thought necessary to use to convince the opponents of the Bill , he had received on that occasion from Mr . Cobden himself and Mr . Bright . ( Cheers . ) Those gentlemen , who were then opposing the Ten Hours' Bill , declared in Parliament , that it was a good and very desirable thing to reduce the hours of labour to ten , only that it ought not to have tha authority of Parliament ; they thought it should be voluntarily adopted between masters and men . He should think himself wasting the time of the meeting , if he went into argument to prove that that was necessary to be

      done by law which the bitterest opponents of it declared should be done without law . They had now to h ' aht the battle of the Ten flours' Bill in Huddersfield ; and when he saw himself surrounded by so many friends , whom he loved and revered—when he saw two such dear friends present as Ferrand and Fielden —( three hearty cheers were then given fcr Mr . Ferrand and Mr . Fielden)—when he saw two such friends preseut—men to whom , under God , he owed the liberty to stand before his countrymen—( cheers )—two such friends as no king was ever blessed with but himself —( cheers)—when he stood in such an assembly , and in the presence of such friends , it would indeed be unlike "the old king , " if his heart were not warmed and his tongue were not loosened .

      Talk at Huddersfield if you will about an amelioration of the condition of the factory workers at Manchester , Bradford , and Leeds—talk of the parks at Manchester ! Who were the persons most ready to subscribe to the promotion of such objects but those factory masters who had been most opposed to a Ten Hours * ' Bill ? Talk of a society at Bradford for the purpose of providing females in factories with lodging houses ! He wanted to getj them to their mother ' s home . ( Iler . r . ) Who supports snch projects ? Why those very persons who were once opposed to the ' Ten Hours Bill . What did this prove ? It proved that those parties had a conviction in their minds of what was just , fighting against their selfinterests—aeainst their pockets . The-e parties , he

      trusted , would yet come out , and , yielding to the kind feelings of their nature , support any measure that would seem to be for the advantage of the factory worker 3 . It would be remembered that the foundation of the Ten Hours' Bill was laid in troublous times ; they had had to fiyht through many battles ; but , thank God , they had come out of them purified , and although the Reform Bill had passed , although the Corn Bill had been repealed , and although all the Tories had been extinct but himself —( laughter)—still they were all right good Ten Hours' Bill men . In allusion to a su 2 § ested Eleven

      Hours , Mr . Oastler asked , was there a single person in that assemby wo would be content with an Eleven Hours' Bill ? The answer was universal— "No . " This question Mr . Osistlor repeated , as ho said , to prevent mistake , still the answer was " No . " Mr . Oasfcter , having expressed his regret that there had been in the House of Commons two aristocratic seceders from the good cause , eulogised the Rev . Mr . Bull for his able and zealous services on behalf of the operative classes ; and concluded by recommending the operatives to be actuated towardstheir employers and ono another by a spirit of godliness and philanthropy ,

      The resolution . was then put from the chair , and carried unanimously . The Rev . Mr . Grane , incumbent of Woodhouse , moved—That from our amazing powers' of production a still further reduction is faund to bo essentially necessary ; ami this meeting calls for the adoption of an efficient Ten Hours' Bill ; it having boon sufficientl y proved lhat such would be a general advantage both to the employer and tho employed ; for the growing intelli gence of the age requires that more time be set apart for the moral aud religious instruction of the working population than eanbo afforded by an Eleven Hours' regulation , with which the factory operatives never will be satisfied . Mr . Armitags seconded the resolution .

      Mr . 1 < kuband having been requested by the chairman to support the motion , was eniliusiastically choovd on his vising . He said there was a very convir " cing pi-iiof before him that public opinion was'becomiiu uuaiiinious in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill . On tin ; pro .--f . iit occasion past wvones should bo torgott . n , but , nevertheless , firmness , should be displayed . The . v g ' uiiild tell their masters that the operatives nius

      Untitled Article

      have the Ten Hours' Bill . Pari / ament shouM ?^ that the toiling millions of this count ™ Si Hi . neglected by the Legislature for half a eentUr " ^ not be satisfied unless this right were ' "' ? Whilst the manufacturers had grown more - $ i operatives had become more poor ; whilst th r 'l > could not count their wealth , the latter It 7 ** * enumerate their miseries . The continuance r ^ a state of things wasdisgraccfulto a chrisf lit . « ** & ( Cheers . ) He was glad to find the deSSjS this occasion . He hoped the Bishops in theiiN of Lords would take up this question . Ifti % glected to do their duty in that house , they m businessthere . He had been down in tlie Li hiring districts during the Easter recess of Iftj i *'• he happened to give offence to members of l » a J ment , high in authority , because his areum * . ^

      , brought home to them . He should use the s-Z " guments to-night . Suppose , for instance , the II * of Commons could for one week be converted mfactory , and that the members who now dine I ! . rump steaks at the Carlton or Reform Club J had comfortable homes , faithful wives , and afW * ? , < T u'i ^?' , ?!? r nverted into factory open $ ( " That ' s it , lad . " He would begin then with 5 man who was the bittest opponent of the Ten ILBill in 1844 ; he would begin with Sir Robert \>! whose whole wealth was extracted from the s \ S of the working people of England—from a bjd , men now laid in the grave . And where were M descendants ? Were they enjoying the conS whicii they ought to have derived from the h «? industry of their fathers ? Ne ; they were re * to beggary—they wore a fearful monument of i ? curse which manufactures had broughton tliiscount during the last half century . Supposing thatT Robert Peel had to lie upon a sleepless bed , W ' i ? cniiaren snouia

      re ana sleep during the Iiourwh i should summon them to work—suppose ha should to himself , " If my wife and children are too ] ate the factory , my scanty wages will not be sufficient / 1 our wants , I must therefore keep a careful watdp He dare not sleep himself for his wife and chfc aro constantly starting and asking " Is it time ? That ' s the point . ( Cheers . ) They are reduced j , such poverty that his clock has long been sent to th pawn shop . He therefore cannot tell the ko £ At midnight the light of tho moon bursts through ]' broken windows , and he fears it is time , u summonses his family to the work . lie sees h wife and children go forth in rags amidst the pelth , storm . They arrive at the mill . They find the eati locked . They stand shivering there perhaps for y an hour . The clock strikes two . They are befop their timeA number ot others

      . congregate in t } same place , who have also mistook the hour Tk stand trembling and shivering till the clock strike three , tour , and five , and the next time it beats i hour the mill-doors are opened . He ( Mr . Ferrni / was prepared to prove that that waa not a pimv imaginative case , but one of frequent occurreJ ( Hear , hear , " "It is . " ) Was not that a fearful ste of society ? Let Members of Parliament then t& that ease home to themselves . If they only ^ t nessed for one month what he had witnessed for % years , they would not oppose the Ten Hours' Biii ( Hear . ) He aid not hesitate to say that the factor workers were no better than slaves . ( Hear . ) Jir ' Ferrand concluded by observing , that if the Biij did not pass next ; session , he would develop a constitutional plan by which the operatives would obtain redress in defiance of all opposition . Mr . FerranJ resumed his seat amid loud cheers .

      The resolution was agreed to . Mr . Joseph Bell then moved : — That a petition to both Houses of Parliament , fouitfsj on the foregoing resolutions , be prepared , aHd signed i , the chairman on behalf of this meeting ; and tliatiitj recommended to the workers in each factory to Hi ( petition on their own behalf . Mr . Henry IIuttok seconded the motion . Mr . Bibby , in supporting the resolution , handed in a subscription of £ 1 6 d . from a few hands in tbe employ of Mr . J . Scliolefield , of Raatrick , in aidgj the short-time movement . Mr . W . Sparb then

      moved—That the thanks of this meeting are eminently duet ) Richard Oastler tor his original advocacy of this question , and for his constant and undeviating support of the fa ! tory chiia ' s cause ; and also to Lord Ashley and Mj Fielden , for their several efforts in Parliament to obub the measure that justice so sternly demands ; and &k rally to those Members of Parliament who have listen ; . ) to the- voice of humanity , and supported the Ten Hours ' Bill . Mr . Johv Leach , of Huddersfield , seconded ( te motion , and it was carried unanimously .

      Mr . Fielbes , M . P ., who was loudly called for , then came forward at the request ot the chairman , and after the applause with which he was received had subsided , he addressed the meeting at consider , able length . He said he was now quite satisfied that they were as much resolved as ever they were to persevere in their efforts for a Ten flours' Bill—tli . it they would not be persuaded by tliose who advocated eleven hours to give up ten , but that they would stand firm for that for which they had been contending for years , and that they would send forth fiieir supplications and their prayers to Parliament until it passed a Ten Hours' Bill . ( "We will have it . " ) They had many opponents both in and out of Parliament . ( Hear , hear . ) He saw from some of tie

      newspapers that Dr . Bowring had been visiting bii constituents at Bolton ; and whilst there he had beta called to question about his conduct on the Tea Hours' Bill in the last session , when he voted against the measure . Not beins ; able to escape from tie questioning , he said that he wished the employer ani employed to be as free as the air they breatlied . A very proper and just sentiment ; but the employer and employed manufacturers were not on an equality . ( Hear , hear . ) The manufacturing operatives Dad been described as slaves . ( Cries of " We are . " ) Yes , they were slaves of steam , of water , of machir . ery , and of the proprietors of them . ( Hear , hear . )

      J ha factory workers had not power to regulate their hours of labour . ( ' We have not . " ) lie would rat her see a voluntary arrangement made between masters and men as to labour , if such an arransement could be fairly carried out , but he did not see it possible . Mr . Fielden next cautioned the advocates of a Ten Hours' Bill against bein-: seduced to give their sanction to one tor eleven Iiquts ; and said that he could hardly believe that his friend , Mr . Hindley , who had always voted for a Ten Hours ' Bill , was , as was rumoured , trying to get the men of Lancashire to go for an eleven hours' one . Eleven hours was too long for children to be employed ; and if the hours of factory labourers were to be reduced

      to ten , he felt persuaded that , if they alteied to eleven , there would then be moredifficufty in getting ten than with the present hours . ( Hear , hear . ) Therefore he was decidedly against any attempt to obtain anything less than ten hours . From tlie way in which the measure had been treated on two previous occasions by the Legislature , if the people stiil made manifestations , and those manifestations were peaceable , decorous , and united , he had ho doubt , a Ten Hours' Bill would be carried in the next session of Parliament . ( Lotid cheers . ) The lion , niembff went on to notice several of the objections which iiaJ been brought against the Ten Hours' Bill which he ably refuted and resumed his seat amidst gre ; it

      cheer-Mr . Oasileu also returned thanks , and in very eeling terms alluded to his former connexion < riik rxuudersheld , and his Ions avowed determination not to cease in- his labours for the amelioration of the ^ etory workers until the enactment of a Ten Hours ' A vote of thanks havinsr been given to the chairman , the meeting separated at a quarter past eleven

      Untitled Article

      Power of Steam . — " It is stsme !' . " said an Irishman ; " by t'ie saintly St . Patrick but it's a mkhty great thing , entirely , for driving things-it put " me through nine States in aday-divil a word of a lie in it ! Nine States ! " exclaimed a dozen in Astonishment . "Yes , nine of them , bejabers , as aisy as acat ' ud lick her ear . D ' ye see , now I sot married in New York in the mornin ' , and wint " « id my wife Biddy to Baltimore the same day—bould your wisht now and count the States There was the state of matrimony , which I entered from a sing !* state , in a sober state in the State of - New York , and I wint through New Jarsy , Pensylvane , and Dilaware , into Maryland , - where I arrived in a state of olihcation .

      Possessions of the various Powers o . v ] us North American . Gostixknt . —A statistical writer in one ot ot the ( Nyw York ) journals "ives a st .- » tement ot tlie companttivelinct'easG of territory ofEngland and the United States on this continent , 'i'fce recent additions to the latter extend its boundary on tlie west coast from the forty-second to the thirty * second parallel of north latitude , sweeping int * union 502 230 , 160 acres . The reduction of the territory ot the United States by the cession of the Or gon treaty , adds to the British possession 32 . 000 , 000 ot acres , and the possessions of the various powers . . Uelsorth . American continent are shown in the ' - ' " lowing table : —'

      Miles Acr Russian 750 , 000 ... 4 S 0 000 . 000 British 2 , 850 , 000 ... 1 , S 2-1 . 000 , 000 United States ... 2 , 034 , "U ... 1 S 7 S , LW Mexican 905 , 356 ... 570 , 3 ^ , ^! Central America 180 , 000 ... 119 , 040 , 000 By the conquest of New Mexico and S : uitA r 1 ' there lias lieen added to this union a populaiw f 5 ' timated at 300 , 000 souls , mostly Indians . A Great Fact . — \ t a recent meeting to c ;^' [ a Juvenile Refuge in Manchester , the Archbishop Dublin said , they could educate fifty child ! en «"»• ' same cost that they could keep one soldier . GovExon of Bombay . —On Wednesday « C" ] ' ,, Directors was held at the East-Imla floft /* , George Russell Clarke , Esq ., was imaninious'y ¦ - pointed Governor nf the { - ' residency of Bomb ; ' }' - .

      Am .-Hallows Fair . —This old established am' » jj portant market was heki ou Tuesday , at tii * ll ? ^ l > l ; u . 'o , about a mile west from Edinburgh- , supply of beasts brought forward amounted lo •* ' ueingabout 2000 more than at last year's niarKui

      Craues' 0touements* ^M. ^Imia.Tf R "I".'I~I~ Iii.'I. .) Loitrln Nninrni1 ~ ~ - - N .In Inn A A. — — - A - *^ Bm

      CraUes' 0 toUements * ^ m . ^ iMia . tf r " i " . ' i ~ i ~ iii . 'i . . ) lOiTrln nninrni ~ ~ - - n . in inn a a . — — - a - *^ bm

      Corogpoitittiue ?

      Corogpoitittiue ?

      Untitled Article

      6 THE NORTHERN STAR . Noyember u ^ s ^ I

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 14, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1392/page/6/