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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th March 1846, Edition 1 of 3, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      *" " 1 lid I will war , at lustra werde , ( Aad-dKnaldray cbanw so hsppen-deeds , ) "With aU who war with Thought !" " I flunk I hew a little Mrd , who stogi Sfee ptople by ana by wiU be the stronger . "—Btbcs . . - ^ - -- '

      POLAND . BT JOSEPH H 1 ZZT 8 I , [ From The Feople ' t Journal . ] " If there is on earth anjthing reallj great , it is the firm ditenniiation of a nation adTancing under the eve 01 God , without feting wearied for a moment , to the conquest of the rights it derives from Him : which counts nuther Its wounds , bor its days without rest , nor its nights without sleep , and which sajs within itself—What is all that ! Justice and liberty are worthy of many other toils- * * * "Verily , Isajuntojou , when it shall go down , like Christ into the tomb , like Christ it shall come out from it on the third day , conqueror over death , and oier the prince of this world , and the ministers of the prince of this world . "—Zamtauais' Words of a £ etieeer .

      We write these Hue * independently of all political fore-Hght , independently of all calculatioa as te the immediate issue of the strugg le which , during the last fortnight , has caused every true hear t in Europe to beat most anxiously . It may be that by the time what we are writing appears before the eyes of our readers , new events shall have succeeded , in spite of present appearances , to strengthen and extend a movement which is said to be suppressed : it may be that all will be , for a time , at an eud , and that Poland shall for a tkird time descend into her tomb : but whichever it shall be , nothing can alter the sentiment which places the pen in our hand . Ours is not a political journal . At this moment we are

      not thinking of Cracow , or of the bands of GaUicia ; we are thinking of Poland , which lives , toilers , and combats , whether openly or in silence , wherever her children arc to be found , from the Baltic to the Carpathian mountains . We do not look ( much as our heart throbs with hope at the present brave efforts , and bleeds with grief for the recent victims ) at transient events , the incidents of a struggle whose denouement is not yet come : we look to the Eta-lotting ; to the Jdea which regulates all these attempts , unfortunate till now , but always heroic ; to - . he nought which survives all these disasters , which soars , like the eagle , from the midst of the tempest ; which floats , like a flag , over the tombs of the martyrs .

      And this Ettrlasling , this Idea , this unconquerable Thought , which all the brutal forces of the three Europtan despotic powers will never be able to stifle , is the right that tuenfytteo miWans of jara , belonging to the lame race , cradled in the same national smgi , wmriiftea Vy tte same hit . tmcal traditions , possessed 6 y tte uufwetiw sentiment of Tanag the same mutton to accomplish , have to group tlieui-KlTesasGod suggests to them , to orgatdse themselves as they deem best for themselves and others , to express the life within them by acts freely initiated , freely worked to completion . This right has been immorally , ptrhdioosIt violated by the dismemberment ot 1773 , by that of 1 T 93 , by that ol 1796 . It has been said to some , « l ' shall belong henceforth to Prussia" —that is to say , to a country which itself had not a real nationality to

      substitute for theirs ; to others , "You shall belong to Russia "—that is to say , to a nation whose civilisation was one or two centuries behind that of Poland ; to others , again , "And jou , you shall belong to Austria "—that is to say , the liveliest , the most unquiet , the most stirring of people , to a power which represents China iu Europe . The Polish nation has from that time protested—protested by arms , because all other ways of progress were closed against her ; protested by an appeal to all its members violently separated , because , to the shame of Europe , to the shame of countries calling themselves free , there has not been a single government to say one word for her . There is the whole question , put simply , and , as it appears , iu a sphere far above that slough of diplomatic dirt , in which at the present day they work out what they call their European policy .

      Poland has protested—she will protest : and woe to ut if she should not ! For her inertness would say , that it is possible to suppress an idea before it Las borne all its fruits ; it would say that tajoneta have power to kill thought ^ and that it is enough for force and violence to nail Prometheus to his rock , to disinherit humanity of the conquest of that secret which made his life divinejustice , liberty , progress . And see how her protest has gained force since the prodigies , which we have so soon forgotten , of 1 S 30 . See how the vase inclosing the national sap , broken at Warsaw by the Russian sejthe , has fertilised the land all around . Before the insurrection of 1 S 30 , Prussian and Austrian Poland rested , if not cold , inert ; there was , not the least dsmonstration there . Now , it is GaUicia

      which makes itself the focus of Polish nationality ; a thousand arrests embracing the best families , hardly suSces to hinder the insurrection of the Dachy of Posen . Sceptics , who take the grand historical lessons of Machiavel for a doctrine , and whose heart , the prophet of the mind , has been withered by the coldness of analysis , ¦ were , in 1 S 30 , telling us not to attach too much importance to a manifestation , the consequence of the general fermentation excited b y the three days of July . Will 2 France has long since abandoned her part of propagandist ; Europe is tranquil at the surface ; the moment is altogether unfavourable to every isolated attempt ; and this is the moment Poland chooses to perform an act of life ; it is in the midst of the sleep of Europe that she raises herself , were it but for a moment , to repeat her

      glorious protest , to declare that she is cot , that she shaii never be , submissive ; thai liberty , without which human responsibility is only an empiy name , has been given by Cod to all his creatures ; that nationality is a sacred sign placed by God on the forehead of his people , as a means for the organisation-of the common labour ; and that the dismemi enaents of 1773 , 1793 , and 1796 , cannot efface the collective life of ( wenty-ftcs millions of men , be-Jongwg to the same rate , cradled in the same national songs , TOurished ly the same historical traditions , possessed lg the instinctive sentiment of hating tite same mission to accomplish What has not been done , since 1 SSO , to endeavour to stifle in Poland this need of proper , spontaneous , national life ! It is a history which onewonld say could not belong to our time ; a history which if we had , we

      men of the nineteenth century , a Mief at heart , as we have an intelligence in the brain , would be enough to determine a crusade . They have proscribed , imprisoned , shot , by hundreds , by thousands , nobles , soldiers , princes , poets , all who could in any way exercise any influence . They have paou ' . ed the mints of Siberia , and supplied the armies of the Caucasus . They have destroyed colleges , universities , libraries ; falsified education ; substituted , wherever they could , the lauguage of the oppressor for that of the oppressed . They have broken the bonds ot family ; broken—bat that is no crime in England—the seals of letters of mother j , of fathers , or of sisters , nho were sending some poor consolations to the exiles of ten or sixteen years ; and they have kept back the succours which they coit . iued . They have torn hundreds cf

      children from their mothers , to form , far ftom their country , military colonies fashioned after Itussian manners and tendencies . They have put religion in play for a political end , and inflicted on poor nuns such persecutions as Kove the heart to disgust , rather even than to hatred . Whilst among other nations the ) counted their martyrs by individuals , thry counted them by masses in Poland . She has been , during the last fifteen years , the mar tyr-people . Xtttliiug lias succeeded . And when its masters nursed themselves in the hope of having stifled for a long period , perhaps for ev « r , the hydra of 1 ' oiish thought , by a sudden exp osion Polish thought started up to give the awakening to Europe ; to frighten the three powers together ; and to lurce Austria , in self-defence , to heap up the measure of her infaniv , in organising the

      jacquerie * of the middle age ; iu seducing , by we kuow not what calumnies , the ignorance ox the peasants of Tarno w , and iu setting u price of ten florins ou the heads of the Polish nobles which they should bring in . " The time has been badly chostn , " say gravely the men of dayby-day policy . Who has chosen it ! The oppressed or the oppressor % Is it the sek man who chooses the moment when his pain shall shake him in his bed ! Is it a Polish hand which has signed the ukase declaring , thai at the commencemant of 1847 all territorial demarcation , every outward tign of Poland , shall cease to exist ? Count the thousands of exiles wao dragon their life of sorrow in France , in England , in Africa , in the United States ; the thousands who people Siberia ; the thousands Vfho people the Itussian prisons ; the thousands

      murdered by the bullet or the kuout : each of these men represents a family ; do you think that mothers , sisters , brothers , and sons can coldly and leisurely calculate the moment at which they shall have gained a ttvt chances mote over their persecutors * Do you imagine tbat the young men who hare seen these terrible words on foot iu reply to the petitions of their mother in behalf of their father , * do you imagine that they have nothing better to do than to wait tranquilly for the awakening of Europe , or for I know not what change hi the views of diplomacy ! To wait in silence I Ah , we know too well that the very men who cry out at every unsuccessful endeavour " Why did they not wait ! ' are the first to take advantage of that silence and that patience to reply to every protest on behalf of those who suffer " What would you have us to do ! They are reconciled to then : lot !"

      Yes ! actual Europe ( we speak of constituted , official , governmental Europe ) presents a hideous spectacle of egotism , of indifference , of denial of every great and generous or progressive thought . They can talk about religion , but any notion of what really constitutes religion—that i » to say , the active communion of men for the just and the goud , is altogether effaced . Local interests have their worshippers : principles have not . The collective life of humanity , the copartner * hip of all iu nifcmlitrs . is nowhere repieseuted . And , as if in theloug struggle between evfl and gooJ which constitutes the history of the worid , evil had at last triumphed , there is a principle of common life , an associat ion for evil ; there is noneforged . Thwe exists an alliance ( we donotliUe to repeat the word Mj , ) tetweenthe powers who represent desiKrtism-tiiut is to say , the denial ofhuu . au liberty , in Europe ; there is none among those who pretend to represent the principle of civilisation and progression . Wherever a people raises itself 10 bear witness to its faith in God , in his law , iu its own conscience , the

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      first intervene to crush it : the second proclaim the principles of non-interference—that is to say , they a » Jit with folded arms the triumph of ev il ; they declare themselw 6 politically atlitists . * .- - « .. Italy arises once , twice , thrice ; she asserts her ri ghts and her unanimity of thought , by driving out , without shedding one drop of blood , her imbecile governments ; a foreign army falls upon her before she has time to prel pare her means of delence : not a single voice is raised in the councils of "free" nations , to say to the intruders , " Withdraw ! leave this people free to manifest its life in its own manner ! " Poland arises , after having endured a series of atrocities almost enough to make one doubt of human nature ; new atrocities reply to her appeal ; the Austrian government puts the scythe in the hands of ignorant peasants ; it says to them , "For every patriot head you bring us we will give you ten florins : " not a government raises its voice to say , "Withdraw ! you have loit all right to rule the destinies of millions ! " Not a fe 8 t * * eTOne t 00 ™ » t : the iecona proclaim the P rmdpieiofnon-interfereBce-thati 8 toB 8 y , theya » j , t with folded arm * the tnumnh of mti ! - tfcot < WU .-a . » ,... _

      single member of anj of the European governments that call themselves free and enlightened , will dare to withdraw his hand from that of the ambassador of a government which has thus placed itsc ' . f under the ban of humanity . You talk of charity , virtue , mens' brotherhood in God , and do you not hear the voice of God demanding of job , " Cain ! Cain ! what hast thou done with tby brother 1 " Know you not the sentence which fallowed the reply , " Am I my brother ' s keeper V At least let individuals repair , as far as lies in their power , the faults of their governments . Let all those who believe in the unity of tho human family , all those who believe in a better time to come , all whom the example of their masters has not educated in the ignorance of what is great in martyrdom for a holy cau-e , protest by their words , bymeetiagi , and by subscriptions , against the indifference reigning in official circleB . Let them say what they will of the English government , but let the name of EugliEhman be respected and loved by the oppressed of all nations .

      And as to Poland—honour to her if she triumphs ; honour , if yet again she fall ! It will not be for ever . Her oppressors may yet be able to throw into the balance some hundreds of heads , but she can throw into the opposing scale herself— " An equal to aU woes , And a firm wil 1 , and a deep sense , Which even in torture can descry Its own concentred recompense , Triumphant when it dares defy , Aud making death a victory . "

      Jupiter has long been dethroned : humanity has pursued its course , and the chain which haugsround the liuibi of Prometheus is ready to fall off .

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      ====== DEATH PUNISHMENTS . A powerful movement is likely to be organised before long for the purpose of obtaining the abolition of the present barbarous system of death punishments . Lord Nugent and CharlesDiekcns have been for some time past agitating the question , supported by men of all classes and parties . The Chartists , ever foremost in the good work of promoting mankind ' s progression , are also in the field , and will give signal aid to this movement . A numerous and highly respectable meeting was held a few days ago at the South London Chartist Hall . The chair was ably filled by Mr . John Gathard , who said the question they had met to consider was one of the tirst importance , and , like most other great political , moral , or social changes , the agitation in its favour was commencing with that much calumniated bodv the Chartists . ( Hear , hear . ) He should call on Mr . Edmund Stallwood to move the first resoluti : —

      That in the opinion of this meeting the infliction of capital punishment in any case whatever is not only an infringement of the Divine Command , " Thou shalt do no murder , " but has a tendency to demoralise the public mind and familiarise the populace with scenes of blood , which , instead of checldug crime , as intended , sets thu savage example of taking that life which no human law can give , and trifles with that existence which it was meant to protect . Mr . Stallwood said lie was happy this great aud important question was brought before the public , but on the principle of doing justice to all men , and giving credit to every one for the good deeds they performed , he must tell them their chairman waa wrong ia stating that this agitation had its origin

      with the Chartists . No doubt they all recollected that a person of the name of John Tawell was , a short time ago , tried and executed for murder at Aylesbury . At that period a public meeting was held in the hall of that town on the subject , from which a coimnktee was formed , with I , ord Nugent at its head , and from which body many important papers had issued in opposition to the barbarous practice of capital punishments , which had been published from time to time in the columns of that advocate of Universal Sum-age , theAylesbury News . ( Hew , hear . ) Thus , although tire agitation had not directly sprung from the Chartist body , it evidently had its origin in one section of the democratic party . He cordially agreed with the resolutioe , that hanging , or capital puni > h-

      meut of any sort , had " a tendency to demoralise the public mind , and familiarise the populace with scenes of blood . " He well recollected , when he first came to London from a quiet country town , being taken to witness a London execution , at which six persons were hung at once , one of whom had stolen a horse , and , previous to witnessing this molannlmly exhibition , he had a very great diead of death ; but , on witnessing the fall of the drop , and the "launching into eternity , " as it was termed , of those uuforjaiiatc meu , li . remembered well the exclamation involuntarily falling from his lips— "is that death ? arc they dead ? " and , on being answered in the

      affirmative , he thought , then , death was nothing ; and from that day to this , all fear of death punishment had lost its effect on him . ( Hear , hear . ) We were told that capital punishments were instituted for example ' s sake—for the purpose of deterring others from the perpetration of crime ; but had it any such effect ? No ; for , on the occasion when six of our fellow creatures suffered the last penalty of the law , at one and the same time , persons were apprehended immediately beneath the gallows tree , picking pockets ; and this was by no means a singular case . Look at Ireland ; eapiul punishments were , alas ! of frequent occurrence in that unhappy country , aud assassinations and brutal murders ot much more

      frequent occurrence . But what need was there of going to Ireland for cases ? Had we not recently had plenty ofjudieialmurdors hi this " gveatmetiwolis , " followed oy many more sanguinary murders ? Thus showing , that instead of the example deterring from crime , it only inured the people to deeds of bked , rendering them callous , and causing the monster crime of murder to be one of frequent occurrence . ( Loud cheers . ) He cordially agreed with the resolution , and earnestly hoped to witness the abrogation of capital punishment , and the amelioration of our criminal code in general . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . M'Graih rose , much applauded , to second tie resolution , . aud asked , how wa 3 it those professing ministers of mercy , the clergy , were not present in

      great numbers on such an occasion ? If a meeting had bten convened at Exeter Hall for the purpose of collecting money to send missionaries abroad among the Heathens , asthey were called , the parsons would be tbere in shoals . It reflected great credit upon the Chartist body to be found foremost in agitation for such a benign , Christian , and philanthropic purpose ; and if his memory served him rightly , so long ago as the Whig-create . l riots of Bristol , the Radicals took the lead in advocating the abolishment of death punishments . He , however , with Mr . Stallwood , was delighted to find Lord Nugent acting in such a truly philanthropic manner , and trusted the day was not far distant when we should have a grand metropolitan demonstration on the subject , with Lord

      Nugent in the chair . ( Loud cheers . ) He thought one of the great evils of capital punishments was that they risked the lives of innocent persons ; and here perhaps he might be permitted to say poor Bryan Seery was a case in point . ( Cheers . ) Capital punishment had hitherto been without a single good result . He had never seen but one metropolitan exttftiion , that ot Cunositr , and such an effect did it have on him that he would never willingly witness another . But sometimes when returning homewards of a Sunday evening he saw the scaffold in preparation for the Monday morning ' s execution , and the motley multitude of human beings scrambling to obtain a scat or a standing-place to witness the coming scene , and amidst those groups he had found

      the Dissenting mnus : er , with the white handkerchief round his neck , busily distributing his tracts , and bidding the multitude lock to the Eternal Judge for mercy , and at the same time most inconsistently , with true morbid sensibility , justifying the taking away of that human life which the law could not give . ( Hear , hear . ) As regarded the example , he could bear witness to the fallacy of this argument , as ho liau Jus pocket picked of Ms handkerchief on two occasions while witnessing the erection of the fatal scaffold . ( Hear , hear . ) Was it not admitted that Connor had been present at an execution just previously to his murder of the woman iu St . Giles ' s ? ( Hear , hear . ) Did not this clearly show that those judicial murders rendered human nature callous ?

      ( Hear , hear . ) He knew that some would say that it was written in Scripture— " Blood for blood , " but the days of such barbarity had fortunately passed ; tway , and he would like te Bee the minister who would now stand up iu his pulpit and say that the man who committed the slightest breach of the Sab' jati : , should be taken out of the city and stoned to death . ( Hear , hear . ) Yet such was a portion of the old JewUh law . The lad Wix had shed the blood of his master , and , in ail probability , Jack Ketch would . soon shed his ( Wix ' s ) blood in return , but he would much like to know who would shed Jack Ketch ' s blood . ( Hear , hear . ) Humanitymercyand

      jus-, , tice cried aloud that the blood of neither should be shed . ( Great cheering . ) He had witnessed some terrible and awful scenes in the town of Clonmell , in Ireland shortly after his arrival from Newfoundland . In that U , wn they appeared to have a machine lor committing human slaughter by wholesale , openlug . as it did , m the centre , and having a fall of ten h 1 f »» Seen - one unf ° rtunate individual brought out for execu-ion on this machine , and as it opened spring forward and catch the baV , and be 5 , ^ Y ™* ' W rangled , to be again brought ElL « Pa I ( ? ' , ?" F Uackrt half-past twelve in the day to half-past six at night , and then

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      brought forward oncemore . the cxecHtioner literally thrustingthe culprit forward to the gallows . ( Shouts of ' Horrible ! horrible 2 " ) And yet it wastheeustom in Ireknd to juve school childr en a holiday in order that they migUt become witnesses of such iuhumanising and brutal exhibitions , for the sake of what they wrongly termed ? a great moral example . But , thanks to the good and great Father Mathew children no longer witnessed such demoralising scenes . ( Cheers . ) He might be asked what should he done with murderers ? Why , he would say let them be placed in asylums , where they would be taken care of and made to support themselves and those they had deprived ot their natural protectors . ( Loud cheers . ) He appealed to the believers in the doctrines of Jesus Christ , wasit right that the minisbrought forward once more , the cxecHtinner literally thrusting the culprit forward to theTgSws 52 _» a n «__ : kl « t l . n »^; K 1 ^ !»\ a _ j „ . p **" "o . vouuum

      ter of religion should stand on the fatal scaffold with quivering lip , while the poor victim was launched into eternity ? He contended that it was the duty of every believer in the benign principles of Christianity to oppose capital punishments . Mr . M'Grath then lucidly entered into the revolting modes of destroying human life m various countries , and much . nterested the audience by his powerful appeal in opposition thereto , and said no one looked on Jack ketch but with feelings of abhorrence , which in itself was , & forcible argument against death punishments . ( Loud cheers . ) Ca . ital punishment had been abolished m some cases , such as sheep stealing , horse stealing , forgery , &c , with beneficial effect , and he thought it might be entirely abrogated with equal it not superior benefit to society at large .-( Great cheering . ) The resolution was carried unanimously

      . Mr . Christopher Doyle rose to move the following resolution : — That this meeting , believing that the most beneficia effects would ensue by the discussion of this humane subject by the British public , do hereby resolve to appoint a committee of niue persons , and authorise them to take such steps as , they may deem fit to agitate the metropolis , and thus press this important question on the attention of the legislature . He said he could not see the advantage or propriety of taking human life . Ranging did no good to society—it had not increased morality or virtue ; but , on the contrary , had demoralised and brutalised mankind . ( Cheers . ) lie contended , that if the murderer was placed on some waste lands , and so far confined as not to be enabled to repeat his crime , he

      would , by his labour , be enabled to support those his crime had so deeply injured ; and by the attention of the devout and pious , aud his future good conduct , purge his crime , and fit himself for a glorious immortality . ( Hear , hear . ) Long imprisonments , as had been weil observed , were decidedly injurious—his own experience had fully convinced him of this ; he had , for political offences been confined in four different prisons —( hear , hear)—and when in Preston Bridewell , the governor and chaplain had sought his opinion , and his evidence occupied seven folios in thu Inspector of Prisons' report . He found that the mixing the new criminal with the old had a very bad effect , inuring the young to crime : for example , one had come iu whilst lie was there , ' and was asked

      by the old gaol-birds , "What have you done ? " He replied , "Nothing ; " and on being told that he must have done something , replied , "Well , I took an empty sack . " The old gaol-birds then told this new criminal , that he disgraced their profession by coming there for such a purpose , and immediately initiated him into the art of picking pockets on tiptoe , and that of breaking locks . He , therefore , thought , nay , he was convinced , thatsolitary confinement for a brief period was much the best for new criminals and young offenders —( loud cheers )—ana that severe punishments only tended to harden the

      culprit and make him callous , whilst public executions rendered the populace brutal and savage ; her . ce , he considered it was our duty to wise our voices loudly against it , in order that it might be abolished and civilisation flourish . ( Loud cheers . ) In fact , he thought the cause of crime laid at the door of society . Only let the social wants of the people be attended to —give them the suffrage , and let each have a piece of land , as they have in Switzerland , and , depend on it . they will become a moral , intelligent , and happy people . The cause being removed , the effect will cease , and murder will become comparatively unknown . ( Tremendous cheering . )

      Mr . T . Clark , in seconding tlie resolution , said—The Chartists had long been desirous of levelling bad institutions , and he was glad to find them desirous of progressing in their career by levelling the gallows . ( Loud cheers . ) He could not believe that Citlcraft was the best moral instructor for the multitude , and he thought capital punishments must place her Majesty in a very awkward situation ; surely she must , as a mother , as the head of the church , as the sovereign , feel acutely the signing of a death warrant to take away the ilvts of her subjects . ( Hear , hear . ) He was present at the execution of Hoeker , and a more brutal and savage scene he had never witnessed in the course of his existence . He had recently heard a debate in the "house , " when that great criminal Macauley had sneered at the holy feeling springing up in this country against capital punishments , calliugiit false delicacy—feme-!

      nine ; but nnLvjifcliKtumilt .., * , „ op , ™ .., , £ t . hU prpat uauuier , the misrepresentative of the city ol Minburgh , ho trusted they would persevere in their exertions until they were crowned with success . A lady who attended a meeting with him the other day , said , " She wished they would hang the system instead of the men ;" and sure he was , iu such a case he should have noobjceti ' in to become the executioner . ( Loud cheers . ) He had full confidence that they would not only appoint a committee , but aisu furnish the means of carrying out the object to a triuinpha / it issue . ( Great cheering . )—An Irishman , in the body of the meeting , said he thought the last . speaker had buen rather severe on Babington Macauley , as he remembered , when he was in power , he pardoned a man for killing goats . ( Roars of laughter . )—The resolution was carried unanimously , the committee was appointed , a vote of thanks was given to the chairman , and the meeting then dissolved .

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      Margahet Siokek . —CiPiTAL Punishments . —On the eve of the trial of Margaret Stoker , charged with the murder of her child , two individuals in humble life , advocates for the abolition of death punishments , set on foot a subscription for her defence ; for she had no relative willing or . able to assist her in her need . Their appeal was principally made to the poorer classes , yet they met with only four refusals . The sum of £ 2 was raised in sums not exceeding Oil . each , and chiefly in pence . The remainder of the money required was provided in shillings . The subscribers , we have reason to know , were mainly

      moved by their horror at the prospect of a young woman being handed over to the hangman . Her crime they abhorred , but they would spare the criminal from death . Their efforts , the reader knows , were vain ; the woman was convicted , and senteuced to die . But the promoters of the subscription were not deterred from their humane enterprise by the failure of the first attempt . They immediately got up a memorial to the Queen for mercy , and obtained within twenty-four hours several hundred signatures , including those of the jury ( who pronounced the verdict , but shrunk from the sentence ) .

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      DOMESTIC TRAGEDY AT CODNOR PARK , DERBYSHIRE . Noiiixcham , Friday . —Abuut five years ago , a man named John Elinor , a sinker-maker , who , during the greater part of his life had resided in Parliamentstreet , in this town , was induced by a brother who is well off in the world to leave his residence aud occupation in Nottingham and go and reside near him at Cednor Park , for the purpose of managing a public hoHse , and rendering his brother other services , and soon became habitually melancholy . His wife , to whom this change appears to have been equally distasteful , died about twelve months since , and left him still more melancholy than he had been previously . A few months , since lie returned to Nottingham , and was about to take up his abode again in the town

      when his only daughter died , who had been married to a lace-maker named Smith , and left two children , the eldest of whom was a girl named Elizabeth , aged about twelve years . Smith having married again soon after the death of his first wife , and his eldest daughter being dissatisfied with her mother-in-law , she went to reside with Lergrandfather , who returned with his charge to Codnor Park , with the idea that ho could there provide better for her future comfort and welfare . For a time Elinor was more checrtul iii the society of his little granddaughter , but latterly his health failed . He is said to have been constantly tormented with the idea that he should be left to want in his latter days if his brother should die before him , and that his little granddaughter , of whom he was very fond , when left alone in the world , would

      become a prey to the designing , and might spend her days in vice , or suffering from the most abject want . It had been customary for old John Elinor to visit his brother early on the morning of each day , but , having omitted to do so at the usual time , the latter became alarmed , knowing his brother ' s melancholy turn of mind , and that his housekeeper had left him for a few days ; lie , therefore , went to his house , and , finding it closed , and being unable to make any one hear , he had the door forced open , when it was discovered that the wretched man had strangled his granddaughter during the ni » ht , and that he had then hanged himself . Both were quite dead . There is no doubt that excessive melancholy in this case terminated in insanity ; and an inquest having been held upon the bodies , a verdict to that effect has been returned .

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      HO . USE OP LORDS-Mondat , March 23 . On « ,. ! - ( IRELAND ) BILL . Fever ( IreSS ' R-n f the * ¥ of Sl - Germans , the S . ! JS £ \ " ? . «*<* a second time ; and the tKSKS ? , m * J ! ispenaed with - the bm wcnt inrousn all the remaining stages , and was passed

      STATE OF IRELAND , iiarl URBi rose to move an address to her Maiestv on this subject , and , in a speech of two hours and a halt , travelled over all the old and well-known lists of Irish grievances . He said , with reference to the policy ot government-IIer Majesty ' s government seem to me only to propose to go on with measures of tuat nature which have been adopted over and over agaiu , and under which , it is allowed , the evils which they were intended to meet have not only continued , but have become worse rather than better ; but having doggedl y pursued the old beaten track , how could it be expected that they would come to auy but the old termination—money and coercion seem to have been the whole gecret of the policy of

      govern nients . We have never been sparing of either—both have been applied , and we see the result-they hnvo been tried over and over again , and we find the proof that such measures cannot succeed in attaining the objects for which they were intended . Shall 1 be told that it is impossible to do more-that improvement is impracticable , that the cauaes of the improvement of Ireland are undiseoverable or of such a nature that they are beyond the reach ot" remedy ? Such anj assertion is a libel on the bounty of Providence , and on human nature . Is there anything in the nature of the country , or of the people , to account for it ? Surely there is nothing in the country—for it is endowed with a soil of great fertility—with a genial climate , with great mineral

      wealth , with commodious harbours on its coasts , with great means of internal navigation and extensive water power , and contains every advantage which is necessary for commercial greatness . And for the people—will any one say that it is their fault ? When they are taken away from the pernicious influences which surround them in their own country , they are found to be capable of everything that is good . ( Hear , hear . ) See them in the colonies , in Amerk-, and in other countries of Europe , and they are distinguished for industry and usefulness , and in oar own country , the severest labour is performed by Irish workmen . In the county with which I am connected , you see them coming over yearly to the harvest , the largest number of them being natives

      ot the wretchedest counties in Ireland , as Donegal and others , and what is the character they bear ? Why , that they are most grateful for good treatment — ( hear , heat )—tractable , industrious , cheerful , even gay ; sometimes thoughtless , and easily excited ; but on the other hand often showing a providence and carefulness not common to the general character of persons in their rank of life , and living frugally in order to save their earnings to take home with them to pay their rent and assist their families . ( Hear , hear . ) This is the dimeter the Irish labourer bears in England . With such a people and such a country , is it not the fault ot their rulers , if brutality and lawlessness be the characteristics of Ireland ? If I comprehend what the policy of the government

      is , it is this—that they consider the great evils of Ireland are , first , the absence of security to life aud property ; and secondly , the absence of due encouragement of industry , and the rewards of labour by adequate wages . They wish by their measures | to promote security to life and property , and they think these two conditions are closely connected . 1 think with them so far , that it is impossible toconisder the state of Ireland without seeing how closely these two symptoms are connected—so closely , indeed , as to make it difficult to discover which is the cause and which the effect . Both these evils aggravate each otk-r , and no remedy will bo effective unless the legislature shall apply their minds to provide means for the employment of the people , and to remove that

      insecurity which prevents the efforts of private enterprise and private capital . 1 think what the government are doing to meet the pressing and present wants , by giving employment to the people , is right and sufricient . In this respect they could do no more . I believe that measures by which grants and loans are supplied for providing , so to speak , artificially againsfthe preseut distress , is a judicious and adequate course . ( Hear , hear . ) But we must not forget that , if these are the only measures we adopt , they are not such as will result in permanent employment , or oause the spontaneous exercise of private enterprise and capital . JN ' o country can be

      m a healthy state which depends on employment artificially provided by government . The only permanent foundation for prosperity was te make the security of life and property depend on the ordinary laws and the ordinary powers of the Executive . But , unhappily , in Ireland the whole population are united in one general combination to evade or resist the law . Therein consists the real difficulty of enforcing the law in Ireland , the great body of the people being disposed to subvert rather than to aid it . Instead of co-operating with the administrators of the law , they endeavoured to screen MMrtuMUiwv VUV 0 O 1 YUV fluiuh *; a .. - « ..-. hv / h-gai

      not with the murdered , but the murderer ; and to such an extent do they carry it , that there are many well authenticated instances of men , who , through a desire to find employment , have pretended to be murderers in districts where they were not known , and where they made it appear they had fled to evade the police , in order that the inhabitants might give them that protection , and aflbrd them that opportunity of obtaining work , which , as mere strangers , and without the prestige of being regarded as men flying from justice , tliey would not be

      permitted to enjoy . Whatever the remedy might be , it was clear they had not hitherto found it out . Coercion Bills had entirely failed , as the following history would prove . Sir K . Peel , in a speech , made so long ago as the year 1820—on introducing the measure for the removal of the Catholic disabilitiesgave this history of thu measures of severity adopted towards Irelaud : — " In 1800 we find the Habeas Corpus Act suspended , aud the act for the suppression of rebellion in force . In 1801 they were continued . In 1802 , 1 belkve , they expired . In 1803 the insurrection lor which Emmett suffered broke

      out ; Lord Kilwarden was murdered by a savage mob , and both Acts of Parliament were renewed . In 1 S 04 they were continued . In 1806 the west and suurh of Ireland were in a state of insubordination , which was with difficulty suppressed by the severest enforcement of the ordinary law . In 1807 , in consequence chiefly of the disorders that had prevailed in 1806 , the act called the Insurrection Act was introduced . It gave power to the Lord Lisutermnt to place any district by proclamation out of the paleot the ordinary law ; it suspended trial by jury , and made it a transportable offence to be out of doors from sunset to sunrise . In 1 S 07 this act continued in force , and in 1808-9 , and to the close of the session of 1810 . In 1814 the Insurrection Act was renewed

      it was continued in 1815-16 and 1817 . In 1822 , it was again revived , and continued during the years 1823-24 and 1 S 25 . In 1 S 25 the Temporary Act intended for the suppression of dangerous associations , and especially the Roman Catholic Asssciation , was passed . It continued during 1 S 26-27 , and expired in 1828 . The year 1829 has arrived , and with it the demand for anew act to suppress the Roman Catholic Association . " This painful history mi » ht be continued . Only four years after the time when Sir 11 . Peel spoke in these terms , it was found necessary to introduce measures of the severest kind . The measure then passed expired only four or five years ago ; and now , in 1840 , the Parliament was called upon to renew it . One fruitful cause of discontent and misery was , the law

      and the opinions of thu people as to the tenancy and occupany of the land . It was undeniable that clearances of estates had taken place to a great extent , aud in a manner which it was impossible to reconcile with real justice and humanity . When a population waa allowed to grow up upon an estate , what could be more repugnant to good feeling than to drive out that population ? It was a disgrace to a civilised country that such things should be possible . Their lordships had it upon the authority of the commission which lately inquired into the subject of the relation of landlord and tenant in Ireland , that improvements were not made there at the expense of the landlord , but of the tenant ; and , under the present law , it did happen that an industrious man ,

      who had brought a piece of land into cultivation , was sometimes , at the pleasure of his landlord , turned out to starve on the wide world . Could such things take place without creatiug a feeling in the minds of the population ? Then the practice of subletting prevailed extensively . An industrious man , it might happen , with a cottage and a small allotment of land , had paid honestly to his inuuediate Buperior , but because that superior failed to pay rent to his superior , thai poor man was liable to have his crop and means seized to satisfy the claim of the head landlord . The appointment of Lord Devon ' s commission had rendered some reform iu the law relating to the tenure of property in Ireland more pressing tharf ' ever . Not an hour should be lost in bringing the subject before Parliament . They must be prcpared | even to go to considerable lengths ; they must deal with the subject not in the spirit of a technical lawyer , but in the spirit of a statesman . They must look to those

      principles of the public good on which the law of real property was founded , and not merely to the practice of this country . But an ' improvement of the mere letter of tho law would not be enough ; the administration of it also must be looked to . ( Hear . ) When he quoted the other night the words of a great authority , that in Irelaud there was one law for the rich and another for the poor , he had been corrected by a noble friend of his who sat opposite , and who , repeating the words , added ihat it also should be said —" and both equally ill-administered . " ( Hear , hear . ) His lordship then proceeded to attack some recent legal appointments iu Ireland , and referred to the alleged revival of the practice of excluding men from juries on account of their religion—better have no jury at all than a partisan one . As to the outcry for the Repeal i > f the Union , it must be met as the discontent of . Scotland had been in 1713 , when a motion was made in that house for tho dissolution of the then recently effected union . What did Par-

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      liament do ? Wky , instead of granting a Repeal ol tho Union , they set themselves to work to govern Scotland differently—to govern . ScBtlani on principles of equal justice , and under . $ e Influence ol that system in a very few years all wisn for a llcuea ] of the Union had died away ; and now , perhaps , one abvecate for such a measure could scarcely be found in the country . Let the same course be pursued towards Ireland . We could not grant them Repeal . Let ui try the experiment of legislating for Ireland as an Irish Parliament fairly representing the wants and wishes of tho people might be expected to legislate . The master evil , and the grievance which in his estimation lay at the root of all the discontent and alienation of the people of Irelandwas the Irish lament do ? Wky , instead of granting a Repeal ol ... Tt .. " , ii ! .. » ., t « ... n-ir tn ,, n , r / . > . n

      , Church . On this topic his lordship expatiated at great length , discussing seriatim the various propositions which have been made for modifying the evils admitted to flow from the existence of that establishment . All he contended for was equality of favour to both reli gions , Protestant and Roman Catholicthat li the one were endowed they should endow both —( hear , hear)—and further , that there should be equality also in social position and rank —( cheers ) , — an equality which should recognise the Roman Catholio hierarchy even more than they were reeognisud by the Roman Catholic Bequests Bill—an equality which should give them their proper place in society , and assign to them that position which thy pnstorsoi the great body of the Irish people—a clergy who

      , taking them as a body , were as distinguished as any for their purity and devotion to their flocks—were entitled to . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho would carry ibis equality so far as to say that the Catholic prelates should take their seats on the bishops' bench in that house . ( Hear , hear . ) And he knew of nobody whose presence there would be more useful ; he could wish that at this moment they had the advice and assistance of those who were so united by the ties of religion with the Catholic , population of Ireland to explain to the house the feelings » nd wants of their nocks , and to advise their lordships as to the means of relieving them . ( Hear , hear . ) He was aware that the policy he now recommended was opposed by many difficulties , and he was prepared to find that

      it would be met with but little support and sympathy in that house . He was prepared to see the address he was about ; to move rejected by an overwhelming majority ; at the same timo he entertained an unshaken confidence that ere many years passed over that policy would , in all its essential features , be confirmed by Parliament . Since his first entry into public life , he had seen ample grounds for confidence that any cuurse resting on the solid foundation of truth and justice would ultimately triumph . However great the difficulties—however strong the prejudices to be met , justice and reason must in the end prevail . ( Hear . ) When he first entered Parliament , in 1827 , nothing seemed more discouraging than the question of Catholic emancipation . It appeared to be . going backward rather than forward —thenew Parliament rejected what the former House of Commons had passed : but in two vears more that .

      measure was the law of the land . Free trade at that time seemed altogether hopelcBS . These wlu . wished to apply it to our commercial legislation were treated as visionaries , whom it was scarcely necessary even to answer . The smallest measure in advance to carry eut those principles ( in corn especially ) into effect could obtain scarce a dozen votes ; and yet in nineteen yeais the question had progressed year b > year , until now it was on the eve of its final triumph " . ( A gesture of dissent from the cross benches , and cheers . ) Or if it was doomed to be once more defeated , that defeat would be but of short continuance ; they were at least in immediate , sight of the goal . ( Hear , hear . ) In the same way he was persuaded , however the policy of doing justice to Ireland iu this matter of the established church might now be received , the time was not far distant when it would be successful . ( Hear , hear . )

      The Duke of Wbluxoion opposed the motion , and defended the Irish Church on the old ground that its maintenance was an essential part of the compact entered'in to at the time of the union . He also gave an instructive history of past " concessions , " and advised them to make a stand on the Church , for if they gave up that , what security had they against farther aggressions ? . " ' Earl FoRTKacuu supported the motion . The great evil of Ireland he considered to be , not the relation that existed between landlord and tenant , but the tenure aud possession of the land . He remembered the time when the measure of Catholic Emancipation was passed ; he had in the other House of Parliament suggested the introduction of a clause to save the rights of the forty-shilling freeholders iu Ireland ; but he was at once met with the statement

      tnat a clauso to the effect would be wholly useless , for that , in point of fact , there was no such thing as a forty-shilling freeholder in Ireland , And why was there not ? It was v . ell known that many of the middle olasses had sufficient means to purchase small landed properties ; but the fact was , that Irish estates weregenerally so encumbered that it was impossible to sell them in parts , and parcels , iind to that circumstance was to be attributed the paucity of the number of small freeholders in that country . ( Hear , hear . ) Hibelief was , that if the people of Ireland were put on 51 fingwilu , agnation would enectually be put down , for the Irish people , however easily Jed and excited , were not ungratefulfor kindnesses conferred . ( Hear . ) Lord Brougham made a furious , speech in defence of the " saercd rights of property , " and denunciatory of the agitators in Ireland .

      Afterspeechcsfroin FarlFitzwilliam , the Marquises of Clanricarde , Wcstmeath , and Londonderry , the Duke of Richmond , and Earl St . Germans , Earl Grey replied , and the house divided on the motion , when the numbers

      were—Contents 17 Not content ... „ . Cl Majority against the motion —14 The Print-works Bill went through committee . Several bills were advanced a stage aud the house adjourned at half-past twelve . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Mondat , March 23 .

      AMALGAMATION OF RAILWAYS . Mr . J . W . Patten moved , pursuant to notice , for the appointment of a select committee " to consider how far , and under what regulations , the further amalgamation of railways would be consistent witk a due regard to the commercial and general interests ol the country . " The proposition was supported by the government , and after a long conversation , in which numerous members took part , it was agreed to , with the addition that the inquiries of the committee should extend to canals as well as railways .

      WAR IN INDIA . Mr . Hume having referred to the reports which had appeared in the Paris papers within the Jast feu days concerning some fresh operations by our troops in the Punjaub—Lord Jocelyn and Sir Robert Peel announced that no information had been received by government . The subject of the Trieste route to India \ vas under the consideration of Parliament .

      HOSTILITIES ON THE RIVER PLATE . Lord Pjimehsiok having made some isquiries of government respecting the present state of our relations with the government of Buenos Ayres , Sir Robert Peel affirmed that we were not at war with that power , though a bombardment had been rendered necessary to maintain the integrity of the settlement of 1828 , to which this country had been a party . Lord John Russell expressed a wish for further information respecting these transactions , and Sir Robert Inglis avowed an inability to discriminate between war and the state of things which Sir Robert Peel had intimated were in operation in the Plate . Mr . Milner Gibson expressed an anxiety on behalf of the manufacturers of tho North of England , concerning the free navigation of the Plate .

      CORN IMPORTATION BILL . On the motion that this bill be read a second time petitions were printed by several members in favour of the measure Among others , Sir R . Peel presented two—one from Liverpool , the other ' from Manchester , comprising the names of all the wealth and influence of these two towns , in favour of the measure , and deprecating delay as most injurious to trade . Mr . E . Yorke moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months , which being seconded by Sir J . Y . Buller , led to a long debate , in which the Protectionist speakers , Messrs . Parker , Cholmoiulcly , G . . V . Harcourt , and Sir R . Inglis joined . The free trade side of the question was supported by Messrs . M'Geachy , Fox Maule , Childers , and Captain Berkeley . *

      On the motion of Lord Polkingtojj the debate was adjourned , and tho routine orders having been diBposcd of , the house rose at a quarter to one o ' clock , HOUSE OF LORDS-Tuesday , Mutca 24 . The Royal Assent was given by commission to the Irish Fever Bill and the Metropolitan Building Act Amendment Bill . Several other bills were ferwavded a stage , and the house adjourned at an eariy hour . HOUSE OF COMMGNS-Tuesday , Maucu 24 .

      SHORT TIME IN FACTORIES . After the presentation of a number of petitions on private bills , chiefly railway bills , Mr . Lawson presented a petition from the factoryworkers of Aakton-undcr-Luie , praying that the honi's of employment in factories , for young persons , might not exceed ten hours for five days in the week , anil eight hours on the Saturday . Sir R . II . Lnglis presented a petition from the factory-workers of the parish of Bradford , in Yorkshire , praying for Uig adoption of a Ten Hours' Bill . Sir U . Stricklanb presented a petition from Hnddersfjeld , in the West Hiding of Yorkshire , and a petition from another place in the manufacturing district , in favour of the same object . Mr . T . Duxcomdb also presented a petition having the same prayer .

      WAR AND THE MILITIA . Dr . BowRi » No presented a petition from Newport , against the embodiment of the militia , and urging that all international disputes should be settled bv arbitration , without having recourse to war . Also a

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      petition from Yarmouth , against the calling out of fchi : militia . PROTECTION OF LIFE BY MEANS OJfe RE . UEF OF THE POOR ( IRELAND ) BILL . Mr . P . Sckopb moved for leave to bring in a bill for the bet ter protection of life in Ireland , by means of the bettor relief of the destitute poor therein . Leave granted . FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL . SirJ . Ghaham proposed the postponeumntofthe second reading of tho amende d bill with regard , to Friendly Societies , which was aynitd to . He also said , that he had received information from the member Jin Oiflhuin that he would postpone the second reading of the Factories Bill . petition from Yarmouth , against the calling out of i-i ,. . ~ 'r « .

      CASE OF A NEWSPAPER PROPRIETOR . Viscount Ingestre moved , pursuant to notice , that the house should take into consideration the petition of Thorns Wood , propriutor of the Wolvt' / Mmpion Chronicle , in relation to Lichfiek ! Free School . Some time ago , a commitsion hail been instituted by government to inquire into the management of the charitable schools throughout the country . Mr . Allen , » chaplain of the Bishop of Lichlicld , was the commissioner who attended at Liehiiekl , to inquire into the state of the free school there ; his report was presented to that house , and ordevsd to be printed with the minutes of the privy Cornell committee of education . After it had been : » o printed , Mr . Wood had copied it into his paper , for v / hichan action of libel was brought , and a verdict' was given against him for £ 50 damages , which with the costs "mounted to £ 000 . Another action had been brought at the same time against Mr . J . Vv . Parker .

      of London , the publisher of the minutes of the committee of education . The Boliciter for tho Treasury was instructed to defend him ; he apologised for the publication . saidthe report was incorrect , and escaped with a nominal verdict of 40 s . and costs , which the Treasury paid . The hardshi p of this was , th . it Mr . Wood , who defended himself , was thus dunrived of the only defence he could possibl y set up . ' He had tieviously endeavoured to settle the action amicably , by offering to apologise , to give up the person who had furnished him with Mr . Allen ' s prirnud report and to disavow any malicious intent . This case involved a very important public principle—whether the editors of newspapers , which were the organs of public opinion and the vehicles of public inJellnjence . were to be fined and punished for quoting government reports and official documents—for ' loing , in short , what they could hardly help doing . It was a case of great individual hardship , and Jjs hoped that some relief would be afforded .

      . Lord Jons Russell thought the house should proneed with the Corn Bill , ami moved tho previous question . The motion was , however , withdrawn upon a premise from Sir Robert Peul , that he would produce Mr . Wood ' s memorial to the Treasury and take the debate upon it next Wednesday ,

      ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE CORN IMPORTATION BILL , The debate was resumed by Lord PoLLixcrojf , who thought that ivlicu every ; vrotcction was withdrawn from agriculture , every restriction upon it ought to . be withdrawn Loo . The proprietor and cultivators of the soil of England ought to be permitted to cultivate their lauds ill any way they thought fit . . They should be allowed to grow hops and tobacco , and to malt the barley which they grew , turning it either into food for cattle or into wholesome beverage for laboureis .

      Mr . Plumtrb thought this was not entirely a landlord ' s , question ; it would certainly nffpet landlords in a certain rank of life , but it would be much more injurious to the labourer . He had been practically acquainted with farming for the Ia- ? t twenty years , and he knew that in Kent , when the price of corn was lii ^ h , the wages of the labourer wove 18 s . a week ; but , " when the price fell , wages came down to Us ., and a less number of labourers were ( iniiloycd . That was the uniform practice in Kent , where wages at the present time were 12 s . per week . The potato © disease had been assigned as the reason for bringing forward this measure , but he thought it was . tho fear of that unconstitutional association , the Anti-Cora Law League . If they gave way to the prc&urc from without on the present occasion , was it not nrcbable , when this league had done its work , that * another league , with other objects , would beeyllcd hico

      existence , and that the Chartists , encouraged by the success of the Anti-Corn Law League , would ' conic for * ward and demand the extension of the sulirage ? Having once launched upon the ocean of expediency , where were they to stop ? His belief was , that this once free and flourishing country would be exposed to many dangers , and that their wisely and i / nid-ntly limited monarchy would lapse into a wild democracy . ( Uear , hear . ) He hoped his fears might not be realised , but after the best consideration which he could give the subject , he thought he Avas bost promoting the welfare and prosperity of the country by giving his decided opposition to the present measure . ( Hear , hear . V Mr , B . Iiawes referred to the petitions from London , Liverpool , Manchester , GlasgOTf , and other populous places , in favour of this : ueasure , calculated to promote the general prosperity of tue empire .

      Sir J . TROLLora , in opposing the second reading of the bill , made a stout protection speech , in which he reiterated the usual arguments derived from the pressure of tithes , poor rates , highway rates , county rates , and the malt tax , on the agricultural interest . Sir J . Hanmer supported the bill . Lord Ebkingiok regretted , that though we had now the prospect of the total repeal of the Corn Law before us we were still to be cursed for three years longer with a sliding scale . By bringing forward this measure Ministers had conceded in sub-tauce the demand of that formidable agitation which had been commenced and conducted by the League ; but unfortunately they had left enough of protection in

      existence to justify , if not to compel , the continuance of that agitation which , as a remedy , was only h g dangerous than the disease which it professed to cure . After treating with comparative disdain the compensation which Sir K . Peel proposed to give to the agricultural interest , he asserted that tke scheme of the right hon . baronet could not deserve the title of " a grand and comprehensive scheme" so long as it left unchanged the law of real property , which really did press heavil y on the landed interest . Mr . IUshleigu wished to know from her Majesty ' s government whether they intended to accede to all the demands made from the other side . He saw the right hon . baronet ( the Secretary of- State for tte Home Department ) smile , but the right hon . baronet should not smile during the discustion of a great question . ( Laughter . ) Gentlemen opposite might smile , bat he ( Mr . Rashleigh ) was not to be put diwn by the smiles of the hon . member for Slorkport and

      all the crew behind him . ( Laughter , and cries of "Order . " ) The right hon . baronet at the head of the government was now tho leader of that party . What was it that had caused such a change ? Formerly the metion of the hon . member for Wolve . » hampton was met with siJeut contempt , and defeated with large majorities . In his opinion that was the constitutional way to beat such motions . ( Laughter . ) ihe hon . member for Bolton also smiled , but let tm take care—this was no smiling question . ( Loud laughter . ) The sooner the hon . member gave up that peculiar grimace , the belter for himself . ( Loud laughter . ) He saw the significant smiles of some lion , gentlemen opposite belonging to the Lergu " . He knew them well enough . ( Laughter . ) And ic knew what that smile meant coming lr .. m theiv , ( Much laughter . ) He lived at some distance from their smoky regions ; but he could tell them this , that some of those very personages whom they heid in comtempt were his greatest friends—they wcio 1 ' riei . ds he should feel uroud to have at his table—he

      meant some ol the operatives in those districts they treated with so much contempt , aud vbom they had constantly and on all occasions tried to put down —• the men whom they were afraid to meet in open meetings on this question . Mr . b \ Baring expressed his intention of giving his cordial support to the Measure introduced by her Majesty ' s government , because he saw in it much actual good , and the seeds of still greater prospective good He asked the members of the new party , t > f which the formation had been developed in the course ot theso debates , what they intended to do with respect to the present Corn Laws . Mr . Miles was ot opinion that , if they defeated the present bill , done that the

      was occasion ro quirod ; but his hon . relative , Mr . 1 . Baring , was of opiuion that the orew # r ^ jy 8 * » ^ a P «*» B a compronihe . Which ot these two leaders of the new party wb the country to believe ? He asked them to explain if they could , the chance which they had of succeeding in their present opposition to the measures of the « overnment . But , supposing that they were to succeed and that they were able to place on the Treasury benches gentlemen capable of competing with its present and its previous occupants , and that they were fortunate enough to obtain a majority sufficient to ehablo them to carry en the government , would they be able to meet the other difficulties of their

      position . Mr . Shaw addressed the house at some length upon the documents which had recently been presented to it by order of the government , relative to the famine and fever now raging in Ireland . From the very first he had stated that he believed the statements relative to the failmo of the potatoe crop in Ireland to have been much exaggerated , aud the Ministers to have been misled by the information which they had received ; and he now repeated his former belief , referring to numerous letters in

      justification of his statement , lie spoke with all sincerity when he declared it to bo his belief that shose gentlemen who sat around him acted upon this honourable principle : —they opposed what they thought wrong , and supported what they thought rig ht ; and they disclaimed no responsibility that might be cast upon them . ( Protectionist cheers . ) Jle was persuaded that thev had no thoughts of office . They were not cO full of that idea as Mr . Baring and his friends op . pt-arcd to be . Thev were prepared to taKe a straightforward , plain , and wauly course , and to abide the

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      * l'riuce SaiiguzSo , proprietor of large estates iu the district of Tarnow , in Gallicia . His family , wm , women , and children , jietilioned the Czar to mitigate the punishment of perpetual hard labour in Siberia to which ha had been condemned . The C zar wrote on the margin , " Oa foot , " and the jouraej fioia Warsaw to Siberia was performed on fooL

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      Impudent Robbery at Brighton . —On Saturday morning a man of gentlemanly appearance entered the Photographic Institution on the Marine Parade , and was shown into the waiting-room till the artist was at liberty to attend him . It would appear that the fellow took an opportunity of entering an adjoining room , occupied by a single gentleman lodger , and ransacking the room of all its valuable contents , consisting of bank-notes , jewellery , and trinkets , to the value of £ 150 , deliberately walked off . On the loss being discovered information was given at the police-office ; but no trace has been found of the delinquent .

      —~*™B™1 Jm™^ If . * Futpei'tal Sarliaitttttt & »»»» Qw»V«»»«T»»4'*»Vt

      —~*™ B ™ 1 JM ™^ if . * fUTpei'tal Sarliaitttttt & »»»» qw » v «»»« t »» 4 ' *» vt

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      March 28 , 1646 . THE NORTHERN STAR . 7 ~ " r ^ = r . "—33 I — »— -

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 28, 1846, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1360/page/7/