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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th March 1846, Edition 1 of 3, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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    • TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR. ESQ.
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      Untitled Article

      Mr Dwb O'Coxsob , —You said lately of a doctrine in morals ( for it was scarcely a political doctrine ) wMehlmaintained , thatit was " un-Chartist . " Yet the avowal of that doctrine did not involve a single pointer a angle line of the Charter . Your declaration , however , in last week ' s Star , in my humble opinion , proves that you are not a Chartist-You had an open opportunity of proclaiming your dislike to the ballot at the Birmingham Conference ; but you Toted for its being retained in the People ' s

      Charter , and you voted for the whole revised People ' s Charter . Again and again , have you contended that the tchde Charter was the standard of Chartist orthodoxy : bnt now you tell the world , in your address to the people of Edinburgh , " you are for the People ' s Charter , with the exception of the ballot ; and you are » k « for that . " Why ? " Because , " say you , " I consider it an insult to put a mask upon an honest face , and because I would consider it unnecessary if the electoral body was so extensive as to defy the snares of the wily and the machinations of the wealthy . "

      2 fow , why did you vote for retaining in the People ' s Charter this "insult ? and " maskupon an honest face , " if you believed such to be correct definitions ef the ballot , at the time the Charter was being revised at Birmingham , at the close of 1 S 42 ? Do you answer ( as I do , with regard to the doctrine of not taking human life even in self-defence ) , that reflection has convinced you of your former err or Then avow it . Itis amaximof mine , thatallwho think , must change their opinions in one way or other , at one time or other ; and , therefore , I cannot accuse any man of either insincerity or inconsistency -who changes his opinions from reflection , and avows the change . But I cannot grant that a man has a rightful title to be esteemed eitherasincereor a

      consistent nun , who condemns to-day what he voted for three years ago ; who has very repeatedly proclaimed that he would abide by the whole Charter , and declared that he had ne confidence in those who would not—and now , suddenly , avows he is opposed to one of its principal provisions ; and all this without renouncing a political designation which no loHger is truly his , or honestly telling the people that , after seriously weighing thejmatter , he . had discerned that he had hitherto been in error .

      You told me , lately , that I must not , so soon , expect my old pupils to forget their lessons of physical force . Let me remind yon that yon must not , so soon , expect your pupils to forget the denunciations you have levelled against all who forsake the Charter . You will , perhaps , tell me that the ballot is not a principle , and that it is but an expedient . I reply that the vote for every male person of twentyone is not a principle , and thatit is also an expedient . Principle would give the vote to women ; but existing conventional arrangements forbid our advocacy of women-suffrage .

      I am unwilling to occupy more space in the Star , because I know your Parliamentary matter renders long letters inconvenient just now . I only repeat that , in my humble opinion , you are not a Chartist . For if that name does not signify " one who demands that the People ' s Charter be made the law of the land , " what does it signify ? I am , yours affectionately , Thomas Cooker , xhe Chaetjst . 13 t Blackftiar ' s-rxKid , Monday .

      March 9 , 1816 . P . S . I cannot help observing—for I have a vivid remembrance of it—that you fully approved when I brought O'Brien and Vincent to the bar of public opinion , at Leicester . You know the old proverb" Sauce for goose is sauce for gander . " As a member of the National Charter Association , I hold that I have a right to question yon pnblicly on this point ; andthatyou , asamember of its Executive Committee —and , above all , asa public man whodemandshearty trust and confidence on the part of my order , who have leng looked up to you as a leader—have a bounden duty to perform : that is , to answtr me .

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      TO THOMAS COOPER , THE CHARTIST . Mr Dear Coofxk , —I receive your letter with thanks , and publish it with pleasure . Without stopping to discuss the niceties of moral and political doctrines , I shall proceed at once to a comparison between our respective regard for public opinionfirst , observing that your letter convinces me that I have achieved one of the main objects of my life—I mean such a revising , jealous , criticising public opinion as will watch , detect , and warn public men . For me this school cannot be too vigilant , critical , er severe ; indeed , I have more than once ascribed the continuous truckling of public men to the foolish toleration , er too lenient correction , of a first fault

      and therefore I cannot hope to erect a standard by which all save myself shall be measured . Publi men must either bow to that public opinion , or take a course adverse to it , and resist its progress . If the latter line was calculated to serve a principle that I esteemed , and if I thought public opinion wrong , I would hold fast by my convictions , as I often have done , in defiance of what I esteemed error ; but in the other case , where the adoption of an opinion cannot in the slightest degree offend morals , disgrace a principle , or retard its accomplishment , I prefer embracing it . In the one case acquiescence in error would be proof of prostitution ; in the other case , adoption of a harmless and inoffensive opinion , is proof of respect for , and obedience to , the public

      Now , having said so much upon the general question , allow me to say that up to the hour of writing now twelve o ' clock on Wednesday , I have received just three communications upon the subject of my address to the electors and non-electors of Edinburgh—the one from yourself , which I publish ; the other by deputation from the Chartists of Marylebone ; and the third , a resolution passed by the Soraers Townlocality . You must therefore conclude that I act wholly and eirtirely upon honest conviction , not at all swayed by any extensivel y expressed public opinion . Indeed , I consider , and always have considered , perfect unanimity 50 indispensable to the success of onr cause , that I have not unfrequently

      done violence to my own feelings rather than be the means of creating discord . As , then , you have thought proper to contrast our present positions with regard to newly accepted notions , and to award yonrself the triumph , give meleave , without wishing to tear a single laurel from yeur wreath , to say that my victory is greater than yours , because , while j / on Etill persevere in what many consider error , I bow even to your opinion , lest opposition to it should deprive onr cause of a single supporter , or arm our opponents with a single weapon for attack . Our reioicing is unmeasured when those hostile to our views will even listen calmly to our discussion , and it is bounding and overflowing when they confess

      themselves converts to any portion of our doctrines ; but as " there is more joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth , than over ninetr-and-nine just persons who need no repentance , " what will be your joy , what will be thefeelingi of the Chartist body throughout the land , when they find me ready to adopt an opinion which cannot possibly do any injury to our cause , rather than resist itat the risk of doing injury ? Now , if I saw anything injurious to the cause of Chartism in the ballot , I would still adhere to my conviction—but as it only contains an opinion , which Represent is not the proper time to discuss , I am willing to adopt it ; and when I adopt opinions , I adhere to them until reason corrects them , or until

      tune and circumstances Bhall of themselves have put them outof date . While I adopt this course , now give me leave to statemy reasons briefly and candidly for having introduced the subject in my address to the electors of Edinburgh—it was because Mr . Macaulay and his party profess to merge all liberal principles in the question of the ballot , and because , intending to be his opponent there , I wasresolral upon placing pnre Chartism in contrast with Whig Lhartism . This stick , however , you would uotaUow me to keep , and I do not regret it ; and now in j tificationefmypast conduct , whichyou would arraign upon the subject of the ballot , allow me briefly to review it , and at the same time to contrast Chartist theory with Chartist practice upon this subject

      In discussing the question of the Charter , I have invariabl y shewn that five of our points were based upon the old constitution of England , and that the billot was an offshoot of mere Whig creation . I

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      repudiate the ballot even as an adjunct . At the Sheffield meeting , m 1838 , when pitted against , Mr . Ward upon the subject , when he produced thebsdlotbox I christened it the " rat-trap ; " and now for the invariable practice . I hold , and I suppose you hold , that a House of Commons under the Charter law would be to the people what our Conventions have hitherto been . The object of the Charter is to harmonise the electoral and representative bodies . Well , then , see hew Chartist . Conventions have invarMIy dealt with the ballot I know of ho instance where any principle was involved , in which an amendment has not been put and carried against the proposition for a ballot—that the names should be taken down and recorded .

      The same does not apply to any other point of the Charter , for the five others are , the body , legs , and arms ; you cannot lopoff one , fetter , or crampjt , without injury to all . I may admit the necessity of electing the first Chartist Parliament by ballot , although the vigorous and independent manner in which the constituencies created by the Reform Bill used their newly created power in comparison with the-use they have since made of it , would almost lead one to . believe that-Englishmen rejoice in an opportunity of openly manifesting their newly achieved power But of this I feel assured , that many sessions of a

      Chartist Parliament would not pass before the independent electors constituting alarge majority of the constituent body would demand the abrogation of the vote by ballot , and the substitution of open Toting ; and for that correction by those who will then have the power , I am ready to wait . When I have more space at my command I shall prove to you irrefutably the enormous power that capital would possess over an impoverished constituency ; a power which I may be told Chartist law would destroy , but whichl beg to observe might have the inclination , as it would have the power , to preserve the monopoly .

      You are not to suppose , although THE TIME MAY SEEM FAVOURABLE for a controversy that this has been my first comment upon the ballot ; and now allow me to quote the opinion of the shrewdest men In our ranks . We have frequently after our meetings , and at other times when assem bled together , discussed the question of the ballot , and the Chartists have invariably declared that they WOTJLB RATHER BE WITHOUT IT . Again , the Marylebone deputation that called upon me yesterday , heard my explanation calmly , and with respect , and one of the three said , "Well , I would

      rather be without the ballot ; and I know that some of the best Chartists are of the same opinion . " You ask me why I did not oppose it at Birmi ngham ? What a very foolish question ! I went to Birmingham to heal divisions , not to increae dissension . I seconded Mr . Sturge ' s appointment to the chair . I gave tke lead to others in everything . I almost demeaned myself by apologising to Mr . Lovett and his party for any offence I might have given them . And then , to have cast such an apple of discord amongst ranks that should be united , would not

      have been treachery , but treason . I can speak of Birmingham , and of my subsequent conduct , with conscious delight . Can you ? But I'll go further : if there was a new Convention to reconsider the Charter , I would vote against the erasure of the ballot , leaving to a Chartist House of Commons the power to deal with it ; and I think you will at once confess , that my address to the electors of Edinburgh had a right to differ , and very materially , from an address that I may offer to the Chartist public . In

      my address to the electors of Edinburgh , I was stating the measures that I would vote for , if returned to the class-elected Parliament ; and , without entering into a minute discussion as to the relative necessity of the ballot with th 6 present suffrage , and the ballot with the Chartist suffrage , I was bound to tell them what I would vote for in a class Parliament ; and in that Parliament I WOULD NOT VOTE FOR THE BALLOT . I would vote against it ; and if I voted for it , every Chartist in England would curse my name , and denounce me as a traitor .

      Now , this one fact alone should , and would , have been a perfect answer to your letter—that , in the present House of Commons , I would vote for Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; but I WOULD VOTE AGAINST THE BALLOT . In your postscript you say , that I fully approved of your exposure of O'Brien and Vincent , after the Birmingham Conference . I neither approved nor disapproved , as far as I remember , nor did I disapprove of your denunciation of myself ; but , as 1 have subsequently convinced you , many at Leicester did . But you say , you have a right to question me ; and thai I have a right to answer " you . " 1 admit it .

      Your question is , "do I say that reflectionhas conviuced me of my former error , and that I avow it V My answer is , that reflection has not convinced me of any error ; but I leave to a Chartist constituency the power of taking the mask off its own face , if it pleases . Reflection has convinced me of no error , but thought has convinced me that I should have addressed my appeal to the electors and nonelectors of Edinburgh , as if I had been addressing a Chartist , and not a class constituency , in order to have prevented the possibility of doubt , hesitation , or discord in our ranks ; but then I could not have made my appeal to them with reference to the

      present constitution of Parliament . Reflection has convinced me that I am right in deferring to public opinion—tbatyou are wrong in resisting it . Reflection tells me that I have been right in denouncing minute discussion on all the changes that Chartism would effect ; and reflection tells me that the Charter is able to take care of itself . Reflection tells me that the unfettered use of all constitutional appliances must succeed in the accomplishment of the People's Charter ; while conviction persuades me that the acceptance of the doctrine of resisting tyranny by moral persuasion only , would leave to tyrants a perpetuity of sanguinary oppression and misrule .

      My dear Cooper , when you are kind enough to pluck the moat from my eye , do not , I pray you , hope that its shadow will cover the beam in yeur own ? Now , I regret exceedingly that you did not put your question nakedly , and unencumbered by invidious contrast—then I should have given you a simple answer to a simple question ; but when you hope to use a passage of mine , which you do not appear to have construed fairly , or even sensibly , for the purpose of achieving your own triumph , you must pardon allusion to it in my reply . You say that I am no Chartist ; I shall not place our

      respective opinions with regard to means that circumstances may render necessary to achieve the Charter in odious contrast , because I am determined not to put a peg in the wall for any man to hang his Chartist cloak upon . But if to spend every hour of the day , and every day in the week , in the advocacy of Char tism , be a Chartist ; if to bear with resignation the loss of friends and relatives in henour of Chartism , be to be a Chartist ; if to sell property for it * support , be Chartism ; if to bear with a smile the frowns of my class , be Chartism ; if to entertain the

      conviction that man has not only a right , but that it is nis duty to repel force by force , and that it is > s much his duty to rebel agahwt a corrupt Howe of Commons as against a tyrannical prince , be Chartism ; if the belief that the autocrat of Russia will surrender to the sejtUes of the Poles what Ue Las refused to the moans , the wails , and the tears of Polish womenand childre n . be Chartism ; if to nuke a voluntary surrender of an opinion which by chance may i , 1 Juro theeause , be Chartism ; if to allow others who do not wish to wear a mask to tear that mask

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      off their faces , instead of doing tf myself , when the bare attempt may do injury , be Chartism . ; if to live forit—if to be prepared to go as far as any otherman living for its accomplishment , be Chartism-then 1 am a Chartist . Now , my dear Cooper , mark that I have given you a fuller answer than . lneed have given ; for it would have been sufficient to remind you that my address set forth what I would vote for in the House of Commons ; but respect for ydii ; for the people , for Chartism and myseUVhaa indubed roc to enter more fully into the subject . I am sure you will rejoice to find that it is easier to recall one sheep who had . no flff fit All * £ > J * AJ 3 lflKf . Pflf 1 nf dninr * Zi' i—i _ . J _ l > - '_ Li , ' i

      intention of going astray , than to drive a whole flock through the pens that you , and I , [ and others , have taken so much pains to erect . ' I remain , my dear Cooper , An advocate for Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electoral liistoicts , No Property Qualification , Payment of Members , and the BALLOT , unta ' hbnesfcEnglish'independence ' shall see as ' niuch ' safety , 'in ' open voting , and . more honour in openly , giving expression to honest conviction ; and w ith the assurancethat you shall never again hear from my lips , or see from my pen | a word upon the subject—that is , I mean a word calculated to

      create suspicion , doubt , or , what may be worse in your mind , or in the mind of any other man ; and that lam further , my dear Cooper , Your faithful friend and brother Chartist , . Feauous O'Connob . . P . S . —When I meet Mr . Macaulay on the hustings in Edinburgh , before the Scotch people , I shall then , I trust , to your satisfaction and theirs , be able to explain the propriety of the passage to which you have taken exception ; but which , however , to satisfy you , I now retract , determined not even to create discussion , which may lead to angry controversy . Again yours , F . O'C .

      Untitled Article

      103 ACRES , 1 ROOD , 30 PERCHES op EXCELLENT LAND PURCHASED FOR THE WORKING CLASSES

      WITH THEIR 6 \ VN MONEY Mt Vbht Dear Friends , —In the very hurried announcement which Mr . Clark was able to make in the Northern Star of last week , by running from the Auction-mart to the Printing-office , it was impossible to oonvey to you the cheering intelligence which I am now about to develope to you more fully . It is said " that thereis nothing new under the sun ;" but your directors , with your co-operatiou , have produced a novelty . They have done that which , if followed up as vigorously as it has been commenced , must and will , at no distant period , lead to the thorough emancipation of labour , and to the unfettered possession of political power to defend it . We have purchased

      103 ACEES , 1 ROOD , 30 PERCHES of superior land , within fifteen miles of London , within six miles of the Watford Station , within hal f a mile of a brick-field , within half a mile of a limekiln , within three miles of a canal-wharf , where manure is brought for sale , and within a mile and a half of the thriving village of Mill End , within two miles and a half of Rickmansworth , with a population of between five and six thousand , with an excellent road bounding it , and without one square foot of waste in the entire of the freekold property .

      The land is ' such as I assert ,: without fear " of contradiction , may and will ; in . the ' -course of three years , bemzdo equal to the best market-garden in England . Chalk is the principal manure in use in the district , and in every field , withiu a few yards of the surface , there is chalk . There , are upon the land about fourteen acres of wheat , and ten ef oats . The parties have till the 8 th of May to make out and furnish a satisfactory title , or they may do it before ; and when that is done , cottages—neat cottages , with

      suitable offices — not hovels— will be built without delay . The two-acre cottages will consist of three good rooms ; the three-acre cottages of four ; and the four-acre cottages of fire . The land is situated in one of the most improved and lovely parts of England ; and there is attached to it a common-right of from three to five hundred acres . I am not sure as to the quantity , but it is not under three . The common is excellent land , and of course the occupants will derive their respective rights to it without any additional charge .

      The directors are more than pleased with this , their first attempt ; and I may tell you that Mr . Doyle and I traversed every held , and tried the soil in several places in each field . I will now give you my opinion candidly of the available value of our location . I will suppose , with extra money expended upon the cottage , that the rentofa two-a $ re farm wili be £ 6 per annum , and I have not the slightest hesitation in asserting that in thtee years from the time of taking possession , that that location , now fetching £ 6 per annum , will then be worth £ 15—a rent which not an occupant at that time would take for his holding . Now , let me apply this social improvement to our political considerations . I was in the House

      of Commons last night , to hear tho debate on Mr . DuHcombe ' a motion ; and previous to its being di » - cuijsed , Mr . Williams brought forward a motion withe better education of the Welsh people ; and I beg to submit to you one sentence in Sir James Graham ' s reply - : I beg , says he , to assure the hon . gentleman that the measures which the government are now engaged iu uaiisiugforthe improvement of the physical condition of the people will of themselves considerably improve their moral candition , because they will THEN BE BETTER ABLE TO ENFORCE TREIR . VIEWS UPON THIS HOUSE AND THE GOVERNMENT THAN THEY ARE NOW .

      Inadditionto th » purchase , I am about to start , on . Fnday morning , to visit 221 acres of excellent freehold Jaud in the neighbourhood of Sheffield and Doneaster , and if to be had for the value , and With a good title , that too will be the people ' s very shortly . However , we are now so far prepared with a knowledge that good land can be always had for Chartist money , and with funds to carry out our plan , that the directors have decided upon taking the ballot for locations by occupants in No . 1 section , at Carpenters' Hall , Manchester , on Easter Mondav , when all

      who have paid up their shares will be " eligible to ballot ; and those who are successful , and who may wish to add to the funds allowed for buildin-, will have the opportunity ot giving such direction a . they think proper . The directors have taken a suitable officeinaresp ectablestreet , where thesecretary will henceforth transact the business of the association . In all cases the locations will be laid out most profitably for the several occupants before they take possession , and each tenemen t will be enclosod either with a quick hedge or aingle po 5 t and rail .

      Let me now take a glance at what may be effected in less than five years from thisdate . Long before that period every member of No . 1 section will have been located ; and there is no reason on earth why x \ o . 2 section , commencing when No . I is closed , may not overtake No . 1 . They may go on , when they see the first section , surpassing even my most sanguine expectations , and may even be located before x \ o . 1 : it all depend s upon their payments . I should state that No . 1 section is not yet complete , and that those who pay Up their shares in full between tbib and Easter Monday , will be entitled

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      to enter the ballot list , Now , I hav « no doubt upon my mind , 'not . the slightest / that , before five years fromtluB date , 40 , 000 men will bo located uponja hundred thousand acres of land , with 40 , 000 good houses ; and that thi petitions of those 40 , 000 , if they have not the vote before then , would , in the words of Sir James Graham , go farther than they would in their present condition , to enforce their views . : ' ; ^ It it our intention to have a tremendoui denjonstration upon the day on which the occupants go to ; take possession of their tenements , bothirom London and , ___ i xi I __ ll' ' ± . !• a 44- > ? _ t i ¦ , ' -. ' . ' : ¦ : :

      m the north of England ; and I have not the slightest doubt upon my mind , that out ' ofthose two demonstrations alone there will be from five \ t 6 six thousand new members , when they see that the , plan is not only practicable , but easy- of aocomplishmcnt . The several secrejSarieB . are nov earnestly invited to forward full particulars , ai well of the riumber of paidup members in their- several sections , as the , number of newmembers that have joined j as it will ' be indispensable that the secretary should be in possession bf ^ exact ; number of enrjilled '^ etnberBi : ih order ihat ; he may . be enabled to Btate to the Society the time at which No . 1 closes . '

      The price paid for this estate is £ 1 , 860 , but will be increased something by the purchase of a weekly annuity paid to three old people , of . the respective ages of sixty-tvro , sixty-three , and sixty-seven . The purcliase-money for these annuities will fall far short of the value of the common-right , and therefore we should be jus tified in estimating the price at less than £ 1 , 860 ; so that the brawlers will see that land , good land , and in the neighbourhood of London , may be purchased at the figure at which Iestimated . while it matters not to the Society whether they give £ 50 an acre or £ 10 an acre for lands respectively worth those amounts , except , indeed , that good land

      is cheaper at £ 50 than bad land is at £ 20 . In conelusion , I have only to observe , firstly , that one of a society of fifty or a hundred leaving their old habitations , and coming as a resident among those who have entered into the same plan for their regeneration , and who have identical interests , at stake , cannot imagine that they go far from home . Secondly , that the directors have determined upon establishing wholesale marts for manure , coals , and other articles for which the occupants would have to pay a heavy retail price , and that no profit whatever is to . accrue to the Society from the retail of those necessaries , but that the purchasers are to have them retail at the wholesale price . ¦ ,

      . ' , -The centre room , a kitchen , of each cettage will be tiled , and will have a kitchen range with oven and boiler ; the other two rooms will be boarded and papered . The cottages will be painted and aired , and the lands suitably laid out , so that the respective occupant !! will have nothing to do but to put in their furniture and go to work . Where land is purchased , and where there are not suitable roads , the roads will be so constructed that every occupant can go without interruption from his tenement , to a road leading to the

      high-road ; and although , the perfect carrying out of the plan appears to involve cumbrous details , nevertheless , proper industry and application on the part of the directors will , 1 trust and feel confident , overcome all apparent difficulties , and satisfy those who have reposed confidence in my judgment , that I have neither misled nor deceived them . Anxious for the hour that all our hopes shall be realised , and so many of my fellow creatures shall be taken out of the house of bondage and placed upon their own independent freeholds ,..:. ir < - -Ji ,. --rv . - .....-,-,. ¦ I remain , my friends , . j ¦ Your faithful servant , Feargus O'Connor .

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      combined in putting it forward in the most cordial and satisfactory way . In short , SStS 5 LHITT > WiU b f J « 9 t ^ hat * aU lfiSpS £ tante as well M ourselves , have desired , namly-Unconditional Einancipation . y "Seventhly .-It is proposed to make a provision , by the Bin , for the Catholic Clergy ; such api-ol vimon as would give them the means of doing acts of charity , instead of being almost under tke necessity of obtaining it . But it is not intended by such nro-, . . .

      vision to alter or affect the existing jurisdiction of the Catholic prelateB in Ireland ; neither is there any new oath required , or anything but what the most conscientious Catholic can desire . In short it' we aye now emancipated , we shall be so in the true * spirit n « $ ™ ¦ eene , resity , and in a way to make every tatholicm Ireland psur out blessings upon his Protestant iellow-subjects . I do indeed think that a . ^ w era is arriving fast , when religious dissensions will sease with religious disablities .

      :. Eighthly , —It has been Bugguated for some time past , by many members of Varliament connected with we-government .-that the elective franchise in counties , but not in cities , should be ' raised from , 40 a . to £ 5 , or £ 10 ., It is not to be " raised m cities , because in cities the corporations can . make poor freemen and therefore the counteracting ' qualification will bo leJtlaw . ; besides , in cities , there aije none of those overwhelming large landed proprietorsVMd- can makt ahostof' poor freeholders , and traffic upon them as if they win actual slaves . The quantity of perjury and criuk produced in counties by the present tkm

      sy « lsenormous ; and the preponderating influence which the 40 s . freeholders give to great landholders over the resident intellect and honesty of a county is quite frightful . For my own part , / really think that raising the qualification to £ 5 , or £ 10 , would add to the Catholic influence in Ireland ; but , however that may be , it is not necessary to be in any haste to form an opinion on this subject , as , before any measure of this kind is adopted , full time will be given for deliberation , and for consulting the sound sense of the Irish people .

      ... Ninthly , —It ig intended to give the EmancipatiOH ttillafirst reading in about a week , and then to have it printed for circulation in England and Ireland ; and we shall have full time to deliberate on all its clauses . The second reading will be after F ^ u ? - ' wun l did P 0 S 8 es ! > any influence in the tatnolic Association . I wish I deserved the confidence of my beloved countrymen . . If I did , I would USe It JUSt to this extent—to implore that neither the association collectively , nor , if possible , any individual belonging to it , would give ant opinion upon the chanok of the elective FRANCHISE until the bill was printed , or until my arrival amongst you . Indeed I mean to carry with me the printed bill , after its hrst reading . I know something , I think , of human nature ; and if I can judge from the symptoms of the tinwe , emancipation is certainlv at hand .

      'I have made a great sacrifice in coming here : that sacrifice continues . I wish it were ten times as great . I do not boast of it ; but I have been amply compensated in the strong belief that the deputation has done good . The eentlemen who compute it , anil especially our chairman , Lord Killeen , deserve , 1 think , eternal praise . "There is one other cheering circumstance . 1 perceive a kind and general feeling amongst the Irish members who hitherto opposed us so violently . Believe me , they are worthier aad better men than our passions allowed us to think . I Bee the begin-» mg of better daya ; of mutual oblivion of the past ; oi mutual affection , and real and permanent conciliation for the future . I hope I may

      say—Erin , oh ! Erin , thy winter is paBt , "And the hope that liv'd through thee shall blossom at last . '" "I have the honour to be , sir , '' Your most faithful servant , _ " Daniel O'Co . nnell . To the Chairman of the Catholic Association . " There now , fellowr-countrymen—ejected tenantry of Ireland—poor outcast wanderers , in Great Britain ! read that letter , and . learn how you were driven from the land of your birth . You can see now who it was that laid the plan , and drew up the Bill for your destruction , under the ^ canting , hypocritical

      pretence that you ^ vtre all perjurers , and that he would help to save your souls by effecting your temporal ruin . Was there ever auch an audacious letter , as that which you have just read , penned by mortal man ? Read the eighth statement in that diabolical letter , and ask yourselves would you accept , even now , of a 40 s . franchise , in Ireland , from one of these "great landholders , " always bearing in mind that the 40 s . freeholders had houses , gardens , a few acres ot land , and leases for three lives , or thirty-one years . Bear in mind , that when Mr . O'Connelldrevv up this Bill , of which he boasts so much , for your destruction , that there were in Ireland about 400 , 000 40 s . freeholders , which , upon a low average , would have at the very least five in family , besides a few relations orfriendo , who were not immediately of the family

      of the 40 s . freeholder ; and that those together amount in the whole to 2 , 400 , 000 souls , the whole of whom were turned adrift upon the wide world between 1829 and 1831 , in pursuance of the plan proposed to Parliament by " . Mr . O'Connell , in March 1825 . This is what lie called the " Disfranchising wing , " and that wing was carried into effect with a vengeance . He swore in his evidence , before select committees of both Houses of Parliament , that the Catholic . 40 s . freeholders in Leinster , Munster , and Connaught were perjurers , and should therefore be disfranchised ; but that the Protestant and Presbyterian 40 s . freeholders of Ulster were not perjurers . This is a heavy charge . Will he deny it ? No , ho dare not , because that evidence has been printed by authority of the House of Commons .

      The "Clerical wing , " as Mr . O'Co » nell called it , hasnotpasBed yet , but he will get it passed into law if he can . The unhappy division which he has created amongst the Irish Catholic clergy and hierarchy isthe forerunner of that bill or " wing . " Mark how slyly he lays the plan for the payment « f the Catholic clergy by the Crown— " That that payment , or provision , would ^ give them the means of doing acts of charity , instead of being almost under the necessity of obtaining it . " Not a word about the corrupting influence of a State provision . The devil himself never pleaded '' more cunningly to cause the fall of man , than this patriot pleaded to corrupt the

      Catholic Clergy of Ireland . And he would have succeeded in making this atrocious " clerical wing" a part of the Emancipation Bill as well as the disfranchising wing , had not the Almighty raised up our venerated Archbishop Doctor Murray , and the late Doctor Doyle , bishop of Kildare , aud other prelates to oppose and defeat him . It was at a meeting in the parish of Saint Atideons , in this city , that the Reverend Mr . Purcell said , in the presence of Mr . O'Connell , and in opposition to his infamous proposition for a State provision for the Catholic clergy : — May that ri ght . hand of mine wither and fall down powerless by my side Jhe day it is contaminated by a llcgmm Donum . "

      Do not forget , but bear in mind , that you have been told over and over again , by the man who now addresses you , that a bill to pay the Catholic clergyjon the plan drawn up by Mr . O'Connell in March , 1825 , will become law , after , perhaps , & sham opposition to it by its projector ; and bear in mind also , that Mr . O'Connell has no more idea , hope , prospect , or intention of repealing the Union , than I have of carrying his threat into execution by bringing 600 , 000 Irishmen to England , to help a tyrannical government to cut the throats of my esteemed Chartist brethren . Patrick O'Hioomg . Dublin , March 9 , 1846 .

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      ^^ M ^ y ^ M ^ L THE TEN HOURS' BILL . ? - ¦ PUBLIC MEETINgTaT BRADFORD . " Ua Monday evening a public meeting of the clergy " , sentry , manufacturers , operatives , find other inhabitants of the borough of Bradford , was held in _ £ HTf ge roo - , tho Odd Fellows' -Hall , in this N ^\ town to consider the propriety of petitioning Parlia- \ V , mo ! fcW '"? ¥ " [¦ Mm ™» HoU 8 e of Com " ^ V C ' ° 5 B MS J tMctin ? T tneh <>«« of factory laboiirtoten ^> ™? " a ? u " , » of 2 , 000 people were- V SisaSent re 80 lution w as adopted without a \ I J . Pollard , Esq ., J . P ., was called to the chair , and ?

      opened the business of the meeting in an excellent v C * speech , in the course of which he observed that since- \\ the last election for the West Riding , when tha * x mover and seconder of Lord Morpeth recommended V > ah amicable adjustment between masters and men , instead of a Parliamentary enactment on the subject , r \ which arrangement the noble lord had also approved \ \^ of— since that day he ( the chairman ) had been told . N \ T that Mr . Marshall had offered his men a reduction VvVi of two houra per week ; but what the factory workers . ^\ wanted was , a reduction of two hours per day , and T ^ they would be satisfied with nothing less . ( Loud . A cheers . ) He might be excused , perhaps , for adding , \ that he believed they would soon get tho reduction . I they wanted . ( Loud applause . ) . \

      Ike first resolution was moved by the R « v . W . ^~ Morgan , and supported by the Rev . J . L . Frost and' . the Rev . Mr . Bivch , and expressed theopinion of the \ ^ meeting that labour in factories for twelve hours a ?* day was incompatible with the development of the- ) A physical strength and the cultivation of the minds of I \ the factory workers . f ISl * The other resolutions were t « the same effect , and- J \ correspond with those which have been passed at several preceding meetings . Mr . Wm . ' Fison , woofitapler , moved the second resolution . ¦ ¦ : .- _ Mr . Abedn « go Smith , a working man , and Mr . Joseph Bnth , also an oporative , supported'themotion . , - .

      Lord Ashley said the progress of the great quogtion which , he advocated might be in some instancesslow , but nevertheless' it was rapidly pouceeding to its final and happy consummation . " The question , now was-narrowed to that which might be called the commercial branch ; it was reduced to the simple calculation , whether , if the hours of labour were diminished , there would be any essential falling off in the produce of the mill , and a consequent general abatement of the wages of the workmen . That was a question which time and experience would most satisfactorily answer ; but it was a question to which the factory workers before him would reply by . saying that they are decidedly nrenared to incur

      any hazard to which they may be exposed by the accomplishment of this long and much desired consummation . ( Cheers . ) The noble lord then adverted to the government measure for abolishing the protective duties on the importation of foreign corn . —a measure which , he said , would soon , no doubt , receive the force of law . The existence of the Com Laws had been frequently urged—whether rightly or wrongly , he would not atop to inquire—against the concession of their just demands for further restrictions on factory labour ; go that the abrogation of ihose laws would remove a strong barrier to the &ttainraent of the object which they had in view ; at least

      , it would put to the test the truth of those assertions , the sincerity wilh which thoy had been urged , and the princip le upon which they had been maintained . ( Hear . ) Let them not be dismayed that , in , the late debate , a minister of the crown , one in high office , had declared that never would he consent to the . passing of this measure . Ministers had been beaten on this question before now ; they might be beaten again ; and he might tell them ' that it ministers were beaten again , they were not now in the condition that they once were , to ask for and to obtain the reversal of the vote . ( Loud applause . ) The fjhairman then put the resolution , and it wa 8 earned by loud acclaim .

      William Walker , Esq ., an extensive manufacturer , in moving the next resolution , expressed his opinion that the present long hours of labour in factories was a grievance which was intolerable , which need not , and which , therefore , ought not to be continued . He concurred with previous speakers in the belief that nothing short of a legislative enactment would sufhee to attain their object ; and entertaining these views , he begged to propose— " That ton hours a day is the proper period to which the labours of young persons m factories should be restricted ; and ,

      therelore , this meeting pledges itself to use every legitimate means in its power to procure a limitation of working hours to ten per day . " The Rev . J . Fawcett seconded the resolution , which was passed unanimously . .,-m \ Bottomle - ' an ° P « ative , then proposed—Ihat the factory workers in this meeting are quite prepared to accept the Ten Hours' Bill , leaving the price of abour to be regulated by supplv and demand . " ( Hear , hear . ) This resolution also was- agreed to unanimously , and also a petition in accordance therewith , and the meeting broke up at eluven o ' clock .

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      HThe Latb Fatal Duel at Gosport . - At the Winchester Assizes on Friday , Charles Lawes Pym was indicted for the wilful murder of James Alexander Seton , at Titchfield , on the 20 th of May last , and the indictment stated that Henry Charles Morehead Hawkey feloniously , wilfully , and of his malice aforethought , discharged a pistol loaded with gunpowder and ball , inflicting a wound of which the said James Alexander Seton languished and died , and lym was indicted for being present and aiding , abetting , and assisting the said Henry Charles Morehead Hawkey in the committing of the said murder . 1 ym pleaded not guilty . Mr , llawlinson , in addressing the jury , said the prisoner was charged simply with , the offence , that on the evening of the 20 tb of May ne went out with a brother officer , Lieutenant ilawkey of tho Marines as a second in a duel

      , , in which the deceasud , Mr . Seton , the principal on tho other side , fell , on Brown Down , loading to Alverstoke and Titchfield , three or four miles troin Gosport . A vast number of witnesses were called to show the presence of Pvm at tha scene of action . Alter which Mr . " Cockburn sutmittcd there was no case to go to the jury . Ihe indictment stated that the cause of the death of Captain Seton was by a certain wound caused by a leaden bullet , shob from a certain pistoL Now i « the death was not immediately caused by the bullet , but by an operation performed in consequence of it , it should have been so stated on the tace of the indictment . The death was not caused immediately by the bullet , but by putting in the SUrgGOll ' s lmifo ! At a late hour the "jury acquitted Pym .

      Tjik Cask of Poijoniho at BROMUtr . —rhe inquiry into the circumstances of this mysterious case , adjourned from the 18 th ult ., was resumed at the Swan Tftvelfr , Bromley , on Thursday , and again ad-HrtllK * L .

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      ? O'CONNELL'S PLAN FOR DISFRANCHISING THE FORTY SHILLING FREEHOLDERS , RAISING THE QUAL 1 FICATON TO TEN POUNDS , PENSIONING THE IRISH CATHOLIC CLERGY , AND ABOLISHING THE SPIRITUAL AUTHORITY OF THE POPE IN IRELAND . "London , March 7 , 1825 . "Sir , —I deem it a duty 1 owe to my respected brethren of the Catholic Association , to state to them the following fact-, and to mix with my statement some advice which is certainly honest in intention :-

      " I . rst , —The bill lor the suppression of the association will b < j read a third time this day . It cannot get the Royal assent for some days , and it will not be in force or operation for ten days after it receives the Royal assent . I hope I shall be in Ireland within that period to assist in . such an arrangement as may be most suited to the dignity and the interest of the Catholic body , without being in any , even the slightest degree inconsistent with that dutiful and

      ready obedience which we have always paid , and in every fortune will pay to the law of the land . Obedience to the law is our first duty , our next is the peaceable and loyal pursuit , by all the constitutional channels left opon for us , of that emancipation which would iiot be the victory of party , but would be the means oi consolidating the empire , by making the people of Ireland part and parcel of tiia common strength of the Great British nation .

      " Secondly , —I am able to state that the cause of religious liberty , which we advocate , is' certainly gaining ground in this country . Much of the opposition to us I was in the habit of attributing to bigotry , and to an old dislike of the Irish . Since I came here I am convinced I was in error , and that there js but little of bigotry remaining , and still less of an anti-Irish feeling . No ! the opposition to us at present , such as it is , is occasioned solely by an if noranee . oi the merits oi' our claims ; mid bu the prejudice treated b y Orange calumniators . Thave

      perceived that it is quite sufficient to give an Englishman accurate information on the subject of the oppressions under which we labour , and the extent ol the relief which we seek , to convert him from opposition into a steady and warm friend . Tne examinations before the committee of both houses in this way have done a great deal of good , and our cause is winning on the English mind by it 3 native merits in that friendly mode which is most desirable for the purpose of consolidating both countries in that cordial manner which would increase the wealth and strength of both .

      "Thirdly , —I have the happiness to state mj conviction that the Emancipation Bill will pass this session . 1 may bu too sanguine , but that in my opinion . WE CAS HEVER Bt TOO OISATUFUL TO SlB FRANCIS Burdkit for the manner in which he introduced the measure , and for the unwearied exertions' he has made , and is making , in oureauae . Mr . Piunkett , also , I am bound to say , and I say it willingly—Mr . i lunkett has shown himself most hearty and sincere , and nidetatigable in this business . I cannot be deceived on this point . I can pledge myself to the people of Ireland , that Mr . i'lunkett iu doing all that man can do , and more , perhaps , than anv other man but himself could do , to carry this bill .

      "Fourthly , —1 have further the great gratification to state that it has been permitted to me to draw the rough DitATi of this bill , in which 1 am engaged , and lio ^ e to have it rea dy on Wednesday next . " Fifthly ,-That this bill , if it shall , as 1 » o HRMLV HOPS AKD KXPBCT , ; MSS INTO A LAW , will pill Catholics and ProtestautB on a level as to civil rights —excepting the succession to the Throne in the present Protestant family , which no person amongst us ever desired to see altered , and in which , as at present limited , we heartily concur ; and except the offices of Lord Chancellor of England and Ireland .

      "Sixthly , —There is nothing sought for ; or desired , in the way of security , inconsistent with tho doctrine or discipline of our Church . This part of the business is taken up in a ivay full of kindness and good sense . It is felt that to give an Emancipation Bill which , instead of conciliating , would increase irritation and jealousy , would be mere folly ; and , therefore , the securities sought for are sought for in their proper place , namely , the afmctionatk

      gratitude of tuk iRisu pkoi'le . and in such arrangement as will make the nomination of our Prelates essentially domestic and national , viitlwut trenching upon the canonical rights of the Catholic Cmmcu . The allegiance of our dignitaries , which was never doubted , will thus be placed within ihe view of the laiv , but nothing at all of a veto or vetoistical arrangement is sought for or desired . Those who are supporting the bill , at both sides of the house , are

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      Total loss op the Grkat LiyhrfqqIi Steamer . — Intelligence has reached London of the total loss of "The Great Liverpool" Peninsular and Oriental steamer , which took place on the 24 th of February , off Cape Finisterre , by getting on shoals , at four in the morning . The catastrophe appears to have been wholly the result of accident . It is said that no blame whatever attaches to Captain M'Leod , the commander . Only three lives were lost , although it is stnted there wereaboufc one hundred and fifty souls on board . Mrs . Archer , from Bombay , a Miss Morris , aged seven , and an Indian female servant , were the three who perished by the swamping of the boat , while attempting to escape . Seventy-nine of the passengers and twenty-one of the crew have arrived at Southampton by the Pauha , which also had a narrow escape of being wrecked off Oporto ..

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      A deputation of the managers and overlookers of the . workpeople employed by Thomas Barnes , Esq .., at Farnworth cotton-mills , near Bolton , Lancashire , waited upon their employer last Saturday evening , to request an abridgment of their hours of labour . After a short consultation , Mr . Barnes very readily conceded to their request , to commence running eleven hours instead of twelve , he paying the samewages that he paid for twelve ; and expressed a wish that the operatives would devote a portion of their spare time to the cultivation and improvement of their moral and intellectual faculties . The boon has givon great satisfaction to the operatives , about nin& hundred in number .

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      THE POOR MAN'S GUARDIAN SOCIETY . A niGeting wa 9 hold in Marylebone , on Tuesday evening , Dr . Cox in the chair , for the purpose of receiving the report of a deputation which had waited upon the Marylebone vestry , on the part of the inhabitants of that parish . The object of the deputation was to have an inquiry instituted as to the treatment of that class of paupers callea " tramps , " it having been rumoured that they were very badly lodged and poorly fed . The reply made to the deputation was , "thateverythingneedl ' ul-wery duty had been fulfilled by the parish guardians towardscasual paupers . " However , several persons present mentioned instances of cruelty towards tho tramps who applied to the Marylebone workhouse . One woman was instanced

      , * ho had , with a famished infant in her arms , re » quested assistance , which was refused . The woman , according to the evidence of the parish surgeon , was totally unable to afford any nourishment to her child . In this wretched plight , all hope being los ' , with the inad tenderness of a mother , she threw hor infant into the water and it perished . She was tried for murder , found guilty , and received sentence of death . A mechanic told this tale to the meeting , and added that a respite was obtained for the unfortunate creature . We scarcely need add that the heroine of this sad story was the unfortunate Mary Farley . After some discussion , the meeting agreed that the answer of the vestvy was unsatisfactory .

      It was then proposed by Mr . Savage to found a society to be called ' Tho Poor Man ' s Guardian Society . " The object sought to be obtained was the better execution of the trust confided to parish guardians . It was shown that the office of guardian is often seized upon as a means of trading in the work of tho paupers . Shirt-making waB shown to exist in many unions , where the guardians paid the poor needlewomen only throe farthings per shirt , and realised a handsome profit themselves . It was to effect a chango on this system that the Poor Man's

      Guardian Society was sought to be established , its object being to make the guardians of unions act according to the law , and with a better spirit , with more sympathy for the poor creatures whose necessities compel them to make use of a right so grudgingly and so harshly recognised . Resolutions were unanimously passed , appointing a committee for the Poor Man ' s Guardian Society , and empowering a deputation to wait upon John Walters , Esq ., of Beawood , to solicit him to become its president . The meeting then separated .

      To Feargus O'Connor. Esq.

      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR . ESQ .

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      flCLUU Ci ^ t-isu AND . HATIONA& . TBJJ ) KS'l JOffliAL .

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      X have heard the best speakers in the Chartist ranks VOL . . NO . 435 . LONDON , SATURDAY ; . MAKiSf ^ telo . - ^^! - * i ^^^ - ' - —— I Ffr * Shilling- aiul Sixpence ber O-n . rer UcLYC neani tilA hp $ t . CnPnV * rc in i \* A nko * -flof ronifa . /[ ¦ ¦""¦ " ¦^ - ^^« " *

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 14, 1846, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1358/page/1/