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    ( Continued from our sixth page . J -nit Jo put satt on the tail of so shy a bird as Sir Robert t >^ lmt lie thought that he had done it now , when he —LJaeed an opinion of his that the Minister ought to £ rt . tfs ears open to the complaints of the agriculturists , Z ^ d [ to gire t 3 lem a sllare ™ any relief which he was matted to dispense to the community . He gave notice tnat , on a future day , he should propose to extend the in . come ana yroperty-tax to Ireland . Tbe Marqais of Gbanby thought that the manufac ^^ 5 wo uld not feel satisfied if the same answer were liornea to them which Sir Rolwrt Peel had just re-4 nied to the agriculturists . " Would they think themes , rentreatea if they were told that their distress ^ oaja be a lleviated * in consequence of the general prospe . jjv which would overflow , the country , when the remis-V ^ j , of fne taxes on agriculture came into full operation !? ijter afew words from Mr . Collett ,

    jjr . Boebbck caned the attention of the country to this jati , that every Member on Ms side of the Honse had wna 0 nned the income ana" property tax—had deprecated jj as a permanent tax—anil had expressed Ms expectation jjjSt ji would be pmncnent ; and that , nevertheless , everj jggofthemiad come to the conclusion that he would ^ e&r the tax . jlr . C . BCiiEBsaid , thatthi 8 tax must now be regarded ^ per manent tax ; and seeing that it most he so re-^ j ^ a , he felt himself at liberty to oppose it * The gallery was then cleared for a division , when there sjjieartd— For the amendment . 55 Against it . 263 Majority against it ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 208 jjr . CcETEis moved that the Chairman do report prog-tf ; , and ask leave to sit again . Mr . Roebuck said , he was about to move that the in-HBne Jas l > e extended to Ireland .

    3 Ir . Sheil . — -Yes ; to give the Hon . and Learned McmierforBathan opportunity of reading Edmund Burice ' s H « ech on the conciliation of America . ( A laugh . ) Lord Howick observed , that if the Hon . Member for Baa meant real ' y to move his amendment , it must be ivse in the present stage of the bill . Mr . Roebccs said , lie seriously intended to move it . \ Jr . Cdbteis repeated his motion . Aiteraiewivords from the Chancellor of the Exchecctr , on the inconvenience that would attend delay , * Mr . Roebuck said , he felt all that inconvenience , but shtre ¦ would i > e quite as much inconvenience in hasty taislalion . observed

    3 r . SsirTH , that there seemed some reason in iiie I mposition of the Hon . Member . Jb . V . Wjixiahs supported the postponement . Sir R . Eeel saidj if the Hon . Member for Bathperse-¦ s ^ red . hemnst of conrse give way ; bathe begged to xeimnaVne Hon . and Learned Member that at the same nine die income tax was proposed , he had also proposed £ < i < Hc ( mal stamp duties for Ireland . He should decidedly expose tbe Hon . Member ' s motion . Lorf J . Hcsseix supported the postponement . He iytdafewuays would be allowed to members to conddtr the Government propositions with regard to the nxar dunes . The ChaiehAS then reported progress , and obtained leave » at again on ¦ Wed nesday . Aojoaped at ialf-past one . . Tuesday , Feb . 18 . Thellonse met at four o ' clock .

    TneHoa . II . t lteroy took the oaths and Ms seat on lasieilcctloa for the borough of Lewes . Sir . W . Heathcote brought uo the reports of the ttmnniitee to wliich several petitious for railway bills had been referred . From these it appeared that in the case of the London and Tore Railway the sanding orders had not been complied with . This report was referred to the Committee on Standing Orders . Jn the cases of the following petitions for railway bills , the committee reported that the standing orders had been complied with , and the parties obtained leave to bring in their respective bills : —The Leeds and Bradford Railway ; the Manchester and Birmingham Railway ( Ashton branch ); the York and Scarborough Railway ; the London South-Westem Railway ( Metropolitan branch ); the Leeds and "West

    Riding Junction Railway ; the Manchester and Leeds Railway ( Birley branch ); the Leeds , Dewsbnrv , and Manchester Railway ; the West Yorkshire ItaUway , and the Xorth British Railway . air . Todxg movedthat anew writ should be issued for the election of a knight of the shire to serve in ibis Parliament for the eastern division of the county tS Kent , in tlie room of the Right Hon . Sir Edward KnafchbulL Bart ., who since his election had actepied the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . )—Ordered . Mr . Todxg next moved , that a new writ should be issued for a burgess to serve in this Parliament for the borough of Thetford , in the room of the Hon . W . B . Baring , who since his election had accepted ihe ofEee of Pa-master of her Majesty's forces . — Ordered .

    Mr . Cowper gave notite , that on the 4 th of March fce would move for leave to bring in a . bill for the allotment of field gardens io the poor . i Mr . TViiiUMS gave notice , that in the Committee 1 of TVays and Means he would move a resolution to ^ aas > - « f cct— "That all persons receiving public money is Ireland shook ! pay the same amount of income tax as persons in like circumstances were obliged to pay in Great Britain "

    EMPLOYMEXT OF CHTLDHEX E ? CAUCO PRKT-WOBKS . Lord Ashzet rose to bring-forward the motion of vliich he had eiven notice , and addressed the House toihis effect : —Sir , the subject whieh I feel bound to bring under the consideration of the House is so much akin tc others which I have had the honour to brins forward , that I fear I cannot promise anything in ihe way of novelty in the evidence I have to adduce , or in the arguments derived from it ; but , nevertheless , I do hope that the House will extend tome its patient indulgence while I bring before it the case of a large elass of our fellow-subjects who lave never yet been represented here . I am about to speak in behalf of a large body who have been nraeh oppressedand I may say , have been altogether

    , forgotten—but whose interests are of great value WiUemselves , and , if taken in connexion with their Hrtanporarj ; labourers , are calculated to have a powerful influence on the destinies of the empire . It TnB be recollected that in the year 1840 , 1 had the honour to move in this House for a commission to s quire into tire employment of children in the various departments of labour . That commission made a Tery -roluminous report ; and in a summary of thai report , from which I shall read a few extracts , zLev stated what was the condition of many diousands , I may say hundreds of thousands , tff children . I do not here mean those employed in "ie factories , but those employed in the various trades and branches of labour in the realm , and who

    are compelled to commence labour at very tender ? fsas . Thereare many instances of their beginning io work at the very early age of three and four jears ; many more betweenfive and six , and in many instances , regular employment began irom seven to ipfct , and iu most instances between eight and Bine . With respect to die employment of girls , the report Stated , that " A large proportion of the children and yoijug persons employed in this branch of trade are pris , the proportion in Lancashire being upwards of WHMhird of the whole number under thirteen . " It Jcrdier appears , from the report , that the young girls jorked as long each day as the adults , which soniefcffles extended to sixteen , seventeen , and even &&ii < xn lionrs consecutively . Schools were wholly fDl

    of the reach of these poor children in consequence M tue eai'ty age at which they were set to work ; and ae result is , that the greatest demoralisation exists 0 those districts . Tliis" was the summary presented y the commissioners , and adduced from a close arey of large numbers employed in various trades J lie realm . Of all these cruel and pernicious em'Oymejits—pernicious , I mean , in the extent to whieh - iey are carried on—only one has been brought under e consideration of the Honse . I had the honour ' proposing to the House the removal of females ¦ m aap / oymeiit in colleries ; but of all the trades i ^ maiSifaetures that have been inquiredinto . that ?« only one with respect to which any measure of is liaslieen afforded , or any motion made . 3 u all

    er respects nothing has been done , —or , rather , iTilajig has been left undone ; act one hour has a struck oif from their term of labour , —not an U added to tl ; eir recreation . They have cot had ^ « ne advaaiage of public opinion being awakened ^! mf . ' F = —that puhUe opinion , -which has such ^ nu ] uijiuen . ee when brought to bear on other : ^ ias biist cf no advantage to those on whose ' " fa I have Tentored to come forward . I am , <* er , iKw prepared to take up the subject , and I JTist taaiin consideration of the urgency of the -jJ-Oiualsoof the moderation of what I am about Propose , tie House mav he induced to give me : ' i « not the whole , of what I ask on behalf of 'yoacg persons . I hope it will be borne in mind

    __ , -C ' ff ** whole of fte discussion onthisques-^ aijumtea my demand entirely to children under ^ - ^^ ftMne ' en , whicli are children according to ! Tj WO 5 ffli ( ffi Of t ! ie ; Factory Act Ayast number of ^^ aiildren are females , and therefore entitled to SL ^ eoal rrtttaoii of thisHouse . Idonotconsider g ^ nn the tidusion of those of more advanced age ft ^ ° ^ reiionofthemeasnrewliiehlshallpropose ^ ust ; ce aad humanity wiU be satisfied , Iratthede-^ o wlueu I bow make is more in accordance with C ^? to ^ toootdnthanwithwhatlthinfeisreqnired tioi [ , V " " ? " ^' t 0 vt&eh I nowTjeg to call the atten-^ _ , xlie llOUSe , is thus described in Ihe eommis-... S rpnmt - « n _ i : » . t _ j .: _ ~ ~ AiU !?< . ciiW .

    On t ^' ? rocesses 0 } ' Weaehing and dyeing , is carried , « . ne greatest extent in ilie cotton districts of S ??*' CheslJire , Derbyshire , and the west of iflnnVT ^ « also a few prinfc-wks near ^ aoa , ana several near Dublin . " With respect to " In 7 w e children employed Ae report saida L ancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyahire , instances j ^ J unvflich children begin work in tins employbet ^ ^ J as between four and five , and several sisa ! i Tean dsk inclusive , manv begin between ti * ' cZ ?? ves > sifflmore between serenand eight , and rea S ?" Wnty oetween eight and niue . " From ** obia tted from print-woria in laneashire ,

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    trn ^ . D ! ^ sllac . «* Moien under thir teen years amount to 5 , 646 . "But this estimate , " Si ^^ T " 1188101161 " ' ^ mea 119 Eludes the Swh ^ ? * . \ ' There ai * several SSS ? i ? S . lllwIudl » t ^ ug ^ they comm ence Sfi ? % P tlia ? as tlerera » ma » y children are employed . The works at West Ham / in Essex , are on the largest scale , and those at Carehalton in ? urrey , are considerable . " Total number as stated in the report , 13 , 492 . But this is confessedly much under the truth ; and when we add the number employed in bleach-fields and calendering departments sometimes detached from printing-works , we cannot put the wholeof thenumbers atless than 25 , 000 . I now beg to call the attentiouof the House to what must

    hare an important effect on the moral character of tlio § e employed—I mean the state of the places in which this work is earned on . On this point ihe commissioners state— " There is perhaps no deseription of manufacture in which the convenience and Comfort of the places in which the various operations are carried on differ so materially in different establishments , and even in different departments of the same establishments , as in calieo-printing . In great numbers of cases these conditions of the place of work are deplorably neglected . The hooking and lashing-out rooms , and the singeing-romns , are also very disagreeable places , the air of which isfiUedwith dust , andin thelatterwithsmallburnt particles , whichinitate the eyes and nostrils exceedingly , ' On going into this with friend

    room a , ' says the sub-coniinissioner , we were both instantl y affected , our eyes began to smart , and we felt a ticklish sensation in the throat and nostrils , much the same as that produced by taking snuff . I noticed that all the children who were employed in this room were more or less affected with inflammation and copious discharge from the eyes . The temperature of the workshops usually varies from 65 to 80 degrees ... the stoves we often overheated , and I have occasionally seen them red hot . The temperature to which the stenters are exposed is very high , from 85 to 100 degrees . I have found them between eleven and twelve years old working fourteen hours . The temperature at which , ' says the commissioner , " I usually found these stores , when the girls were filling them , was

    as high as 110 degrees , or fever heat , and the steam rising from the wet goods as they * are hung up is still more suffocating and oppressive than dry heat would be . '" To give a complete pictur e of the case I have to present to the House 1 must likewise show them what is the nature of the employment in which these children are engaged . It is quite true that the labour is not in itself heavy ; it is the continuity of it during so many hours that produces a debilitating effect on both body and mind . Sir , I now quote from the Report of the Commissioners : — " The work of the tierers does not require much muscular exertion , while it admits of some variety , as they occasionally bring the colour from the colour shop , and it is also their duty to wash the blocks and cleanse the sieves ;

    but , on the other hand , their exertion of attention must ! be almost unremitting ; they must keep their arms in a continual rotatory motion , and during the whole time they are at work thev must be upon their feet . " And what are the hours of work ? " The regular hours of work in the different departments of the print field are rarely less than twelve , including the time allowed for meals , but it is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children of from five to six years old to be kept at work for fourteen , and even sixteen , hours consecutively . " "In those of Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , the nominal hours of work are twelve , including meal hours ; but there can scarcely besaid to be any regular hours , for all the block printers are in the habit of

    working over time , and as they arc paid , and are independent of machinery , they are at liberty to work what hours they please . " Thomas . Sidbread , block printer , says , "I began to work between eight and nine o'clock on Wednesday night , but the boy had been sweeping the shop from Wednesday morning . You will scarcely believe it , but it is true , I never left the shop till six o ' clock on the Saturday morning , and I had never stopped working all that time ; I was knocked up , and the boy was almost insensible . " Henry Ricliardson states , " At four o ' clock I OCgan to work , and worked all that day , all the next night , aud until ten o ' clock the following day . I had only one tierer during that tune , and I dare say he would be about twelve years old . . . 1 have known

    children made ill by working too long hours ; the boy that worked for me at the Ailelplii was sometimes unable to come to his work from being sick with over working . " The sub-commissioner adds , " instances were found of girls working at the steam cans for tliirty eight hours in succession . " The occasional practice of night work in print grounds in all the districts is universal , while iu many it is so general and constant that it may be regarded as apart of the regular system of carrying on this branch of the tirade . In Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , night work is stated to be so common that those establishments in which itdoesnot exist are exceptions to the general practice . " But here comes the fearful and important consideration for the Parliament and the country—the physical

    suffering is bad enough , but the moral degradation is worse . The commissioners state , and this is their general report , that "the evidence collected in the Lancashire district tends to show that the children employed in this occupation arc excluded from the opportunities of education ; that . this necessarily contributes to the growth of an ignorant and vicious population ; that the facility of obtaining early employment for children in print fields , almost entirely empties the day schools ; that parents without hesitation sacrifice the future welfare of their children tuwvuglv life for the immediate advantage or gratincation obtained by the additional pittance derived from the child ' s earnings . " This is not my language ; it is the language of the report . . . "Of the same class in Scotland , it is stated that the ease with whicli parents are enabled to rid themselves of the burden of their ckUdren ' ssupport weakens all parental and domestic ties , saps the foundation of morality ,

    and stops all progress in the mental and moral culture of the children . " I shall not weary the House with any further evidence as to the moral condition of those engaged in ^ the print works . But I will ask if that be a state of things which should be allowed to continue ? Any eflfcrt we may make , may in the outset be imperfect on account of the difficulties that stand in the way of all legislation on such a subject ; but at any rate we may strike at the main evil , and correct the law as far as we can . In the first instance I should propose the total abolition of night work for all females of whatsoever ages , and all of Loth sexes under thirteen , to commence in October next I am quite sure that in this I am not proposing i anything that can he in the least injurious to the interests either of the workmen or their masters . If the House will allow me I will state on what evidence I found that opinion . Morally and physically nothing

    can be more injurious than this night work . A deputation of calico printers say—" Night work is doubly distressing on this account , where a great quantity of gas is burning in a room badly ventilated , the air is hurtful to breathe and bad for the constitution . Children of delicate constitutions are obliged , in a long succession of night work , to desist from coming to the shop , otherwise they die off . " "When children first conic to work , from beingrobust they -will become pallid and -weak . " " Almost all classes of witnesses in all the districts concur in stating that the effect of night-work is most injurious , physically aud morally , on the workpeople in general , and on the children in particular . Xor is night-work necessary or advantageous to the trade . The report savs , — " Xo countervailing advantage is ultimately obtained from it even by the employers . '

    Again , — "In working in the night it is generally considered that more work is spoiled than in the day , and an abatement is made for bad work . " Mr . Robert Uiirgresves , of Accrington , one of the highest authorities in the kingdom , says , — " I do not like the principle of night-work ; there is danger of fire , and a necessity for a double set of superintendents . The work done is much wowe . " The sub-commissioner for the " West of England reports that " the < Teat majority of printers would not object to ft prohibition of night-work for children and young persons . " Mr . Gilbert Jones , manager of Cogan printworks , "is very strongly of opinion that over hours are injurious both to workmen and employers . " He " considers that a law reducing and regulating hours

    of work in print-fields would put all on a footing , and so would soon produce no inconvenience . " Mr . Kennedy , the sub-commissioBer for Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , reported—and this is a most valuable statement— " ! have been favoured by an ' mfluentialhousewith an inspection of those bookswhich show rates of production in their roller printingmachines , during a period of four months , when they worked fifteen hours a day . . . . Theproportion of spoiled workfrom the beginning of the first to the end of the fourth month , actually doubled itself , whilst the average production of the machines decreased from 100 to 90 per cent . lnTact , the aisountof spoiled work increased to such an alannmg degree , that the narties referred to felt themselves compelled to

    shorten the hours of lalxrar to avoid loss , and as soon as the alteration was made the amount of spoiled work sank to its former level . " ( Cheers . ) I am informed , he adds , "the general experience ol tins branch of trade is , that under whatever circumstances night work is tried , the produce is distancuished by a larger share than ordinary of spoued work . " ltis clear , therefore , that a law must be proposed to save these unfortunate children from tne effects of such a system . I would next propose a reduction of the hours of labour with respect , to those under a certain age—Tinder the age of thirteen , * or instance . I nroDose , therefore , tbatin October , 1 M 0 ,

    allowing thereby , nearly two years before the operation of the enactment , none under thirteen years ol age shall be allowed to work more than eight hours a-day for six days in the week , or more than twelve hours a-day for three alternate days in the week , i shall propose also , in conformity with the provisions of the Factory Bill , that two hours a-day of schooling should be required with respect to those children wno work eight hours a-day for six days in the week ; and three hours of schooling on alternate days witn respect to those who work twelve hours a-day tor three days in the week . Should more labour be required , it may be oWained If ? xelays , to "which tae trade is accustomed . I do not know whether it is

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    necessary forme to notice the number of arguments which I may anticipate as likely to be urgedacainst my proposed provision with respect to the education ot the children . In the first instance , I may be told that parents may be safely trusted to attend to the p hysical and moral welfare of their children . Now , m answer to this I may refer to the results of the investigations of the commissioners , which prove the utter carelessness of the parents of those children in reierence to then * education , ' even when they have ample means for providing for that education . Mr . Kennedy says— " One of the chief points for observation is the carelessness of the parents as to the future welfare of their offspring , as shown by depriying them of the advantages of education . This they

    invamoiy do without reference to their ample means of supporting them . " Mr . Grainger says , many of the . parents are utterl y indifferent to the moral and physical welfare of their offspring ; and it would be a seriOUS error to mistake this Indifference tor desperation arising from distress and misery . In this deplorable state the population is being brought up . 1 $ must , I think , be evident to every one , that unless parents themselves receive the benent Of education , they will he indifferent as to the education of their progeny , and yet we are bringing up a race of parents in an entirely demoralised condition , and who Avill be ignorant of the great advantages which would accrue to their offspring from proper attention to their education : for we find the

    present generation of these children neglected as fatas their physical and moral condition is concerned ; and we find also that such a complication of evils has been suffered to accumulate , that even the powers of this House will scarcel y be able to extricate the population from them . ( Hear , hear . ) I am at a loss to consider on what ground opposition can be offered to the motion with which 1 shall conclude . It Cannot be said that I have selected one interest only to legislate on . This is the third in the series of reformations which I have introduced to the notice of the House . I have , I hope , been careful—for such was my intention—in my language respecting the Character and conduct of individual masters . I have endeavoured to expose a pernicious system , without

    imputing to them either the authorship or the encouragement of the mischief which afflicts the present generation . It has come down to them by inheritance . ( Hear , hear . ) In all debates on subjects analogous to this , it has invariably been conceded that protection should be conceded to very young children . Their helplessness , the deep interest which the state has in their moral and physical welfare , were urged as grounds why protection should be afforded . There may be some , though very ieV ^ ho thought differently , believing that the children might be safely left to the affectionate solicitude of their parents and guardians . But these objections were overruled , and the legislature affirmed by various enactments the principle which I now contend for .

    I now ask no more than that principle ; for I must again observe , that this bill will affect children of tender years—children whom tlie Government of 1833 protected to the extent of eight hours of labour a-day , and to whom they gave the advantage of a regular system of education . In the "various discussions to which I have alluded , perpetual endeavours were made to drive us , who sought the aid of legislation , from our peint , and to taunt us with taking narrow and one-sided views . I have been told that there were far worse things than those I exposed—that I Jeft untouched much . It has been in vain for me to reply that 1 could not travel through the whole . On the first introduction of the Factory Bill , my opponents directed me to go to the collieries , and when I went to them I was then told to go to the printworks .

    Now , I have got to the printworks , I know not where I may be sent next ; but from all that I have observed passing , I think it may be concluded that it will be to the Corn Laws tbat 1 shall be sent . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , let me ask the most zealous friend of the abolition of the Com Laws what tbat abolition could do more in his opinion for the manufacturing population than perpetuate the present state of commercial prosperity ? Yet , in favourable circumstances , what is the actual condition of these children ? . The repeal of the Corn Laws would leave the children just as it found them , neither bettev nov worse . They would be precisely in tlie condition in which the children are in those countries where there are no Corn Laws—Belgium , for instance . But I will

    most solemnly declare , if I believed that the repeal of the Corn Laws would place these many thousand children in a condition of comfort , and keep them there , that in spite of every ' difficulty , and in the face of every apprehension , I would vote at once for their entire abolition . ( Hear , hear . ) It has been said to me mor e than once— "Where will you stop ? " 1 reply without hesitation , that wherever , and so long as any portion of this great abuse remains to be remedied I will not stop . I do confess tbat it is my desire and ambition to bring the labouring children of this empire within reach of education , and within a sphere where they may acquire the habits and usefulness of citizens ( hear , hear ); and if I had a hope of your confidence and support , I would devote the remainder of my life to the accomplishment of this work . Will any man deny that this object is well

    worthy the attention of this legislative assembly ? Do look to the increasing number of yo ' ur children—I speak not of one class or of another —manufacturing or agricultural . The principle is alike as regards both , though the danger may be less in one case than in the other . 'Ihe march of intellect , ' as it is called , brings forth fruits either for good or for evil , according as it is directed . Do what you will , it will be of little use if yoi ; will not , as a nation , undertake the task of applying a remedy to a system under which the population is brought up in a state of neglect as regards their moral welfare , and which almost renders fruitless all private exertions for their improvement . Does this state of things afford us any security ? The time was

    when many believed , or maintained , that utter ignorance and excessive labour were the best guarantees for the tranquillity of the people . Awful delusion ! to suppose that men brutally ignorant could not find time and intellect for mischief ? I have endeavoured to impress on this House the dangers of the present system . I may be thought somewhat dogmatical , but I cannot disguise the truth , that we are standing on a very rotten foundation . You may increase your fleet , and extend your commerce—these are excellent things in their way , but all you may do will be unavailing unless it rests on the moral tmd physical prosperity of the gjcat mass of your people , ( Bear . ) It may flourish tor a while , and we may exchange congratulations , but an hour of difficulty

    will soon discover that we have done nothing . But while there is life there is hope ; and while the facilities for mischief are rife , let us not neglect the faciliti es for good . Tlie powers of science are now stimulating the energies of mind and body ; and the verv condensation of the people into masses and large towns may be converted into influences of a mighty nature , if the state only performs her duty . Let her show herself to be the great and pious parent of the population . Her efforts . be assured , will not be lost in tlie sight of God ; and " her children will rise up and call her blessed . " ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord concluded by moving for leave to bring in" a Bill to regulate the labowoi" children in the calico printworks of Great Britain and Ireland . "

    Sir James Graham said " , that though it had been frequently Ids lot to oppose the Noble Lord on measures of this nature , he had always acknowledged the purity of his motives , the singleness ot his heart , the importance of his objects , and the touching eloquence of his statements . Lord Ashley said that 25 , 000 cliildren were employed in this branch of manufacture . Now , not undervaluing what he had stated respecting the moral condition and the education of these young children , he stul thought that , considering the great increase of our population and the great competition for labour , it behoved Government to be cautious how it interfered with any measure which would affect their physical condition , and so affect their means of lato at all with the

    bour If we were proceed regulation of the labour of young persons , nothing could be more moderate than the Noble Lord ' s proposition He then proceeded to point out the distinction between this labour and factory labour . The first was a healthy , and the latter an unhealthy , occupation . In calico printing , when the process was once begun , if must be carried on till it was completed , otherwise it ran very great risk , and infant suffer an irreparable injury , toiactorv work the labour was carried en by macmnerv you might calculate your time , and tnen stop your machinery without any injury to the work yoif were conducting . Again , faetory work was equal , uninterrupted , and continuous . In printworks there were three months in the year in wJueu

    work was slack : whilst in spring , when there was a demand for new patterns , there was a great demand for labour , and the work must be continuous iiie mixture of the work of young cliildren with that ot youn" persons and adults was indispensably neeeBsary to carry it on . If , by the force of your legislation you compelled the labour of children to be suspended , you compelled the suspension of the whole operation , or else the substitution of adult labour at higher wages , which would cause a great diminution in the profits of the trade . Again , factory labour was concentrated , inspection was easy , ana evasion ot the law difficult ' . It operated , therefore , equally on aU manufacturers . In calico printing , there was no machinery , or atleast no machinery worked by steam not

    power ; and the labour was , in consequence , concentrated , but dispersed . Inspection was therelore difficult , and evasion easy ; it would therefore take place , and the effect of your legislation would re , that honest men would obey it , and would so beplaeed under the most cruel disadvantage , when compared with the dishonest men , who would disobey it . The Noble Lord had said , that night-work was not necessary , and not advantageous . If it was not advantageous , it would not be necessary , tne persons engaged in carrying it on yonw not have recourse to it . He ( Sir James Graham ) contended that aight-wovk was necessary , and therefore the House should be cautiwehwit interfered with it . He had peat hesitation in consenting to the introduction of this bill ,

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    He saw the impossibility of advancing further , and even of stopping here . If the Noble Lord would not stop here , he had serious apprehensions of tlie effects which he would produce on the interests of trade . He could net refuse his consent to the introduction of the bill , . on account of the moderation of the Noble Lord s proposal ; but , in consenting to its introduction , he reserved to himself the utmost latitude of discretion as to his mode of dealing with it hereafter . Mr . Wawace expressed his satisfaction that the Government had consented to the introduction of the Noble Lord ' s bill , and said that he should endeavour

    on : a future occasion to prevail upon the House to include within its provisions the bleaching and tlfe dyeing trade of Scotland . Mr . Hume was glad to hear Sir James Grahajn express his reluctance to interfere by legal regulation with the management of our manufacturers . The working classes were at this moment too much trammelled by the fetters of our legislation on their means ofemployment . Mr . Cobden denied that there was anything demoralising in the employment of children in calico printworks . They obtained 3 s . a week for their labour , whereas in the agricultural districts children did not obtain more than Is . fid . a week .

    Mr . TyAKXEYsaid , that as an act of political civility to the Noble Lord , the Right Hon . Gentleman had determined that the Noble Lord should bring in his bill ; but he ( Mr . Wakley ) thought it was quite clear that it was the intention of the Right Hou . Gentleman strenuously to oppose the second reading of the bill ^ Sir J . Graham . —I studiously avoided making any such declaration . ( A laugh . ) . Mr . Wakley continued . —The Right Hon . Gentleman did so , but he ( Mr . W . ) as studiously inferred , from the manner of the Ri ght Hon . Gentleman , and he thought he was not mistaken , and he believed the result would prove that his anticipations were correct —that the Right Hon . Gentleman would most strenuously oppose , upon the part of the Govenimen * the

    second reading ot this bill . It was right that people out of doors should know the state of tilings in that House ; and he anticipated for the Noble Lord , if the friends of humanity would move in the matter , a splendid victory . He called upon the Noble Lord not to be dismayed when he obtained it . ( Hear . ) He entreated the Noble Lord to push forward to the final goal , when he did obtain the second reading of this bill , because he ( Mr . Wakley ) did not forget what happened in that House last session , when the Noble Lord did not anticipate success , and was dismayed when he obtained it . The facts ef the Noble Lord were true , and the subject was one of the most painful character ; and was it possible for that House to entertain such acute sympathy with reference to

    foreign slaves , and not to protect our infant slaves in . this country ? ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord said that 25 , 000 were so employed , awl tbe lion . Member for Montrose said that the parents in this country were at liberty to make such engagements as they pleased , and then the Hon . Gentleman went on to say that children could do the same . That was a novel doctrine to Mm . He was not aware that children had any such liberty . Ill fact , it was notorious that they had not , and , from the statements of the Noble Lord , it was certain that theirs was a state of infant slavery . Could that House , then , act in a more praiseworthy manner than in removing those infants from such a species of thraldom as was described by the Noble Lord ? It would

    be disgraceful if the House allowed such a state of things to continue without making an effort to remedy it . The Noble Lord said he would not allow anything ^ of this sort to last without endeavouring to bring it under . legislative regulation . lie thanked the Noble Lord for that pledge , but he constantly found that when the Noble Lord made any of these efforts in the manufacturing districts , he always referred to the agricultural districts . But it was not be&iuse greater evils existed that you must not deal with lesser ones , and he strongly recommended the Noble Lord to take the evils of the agricultural districts in hand . ( Hear . ) If he did not , his motives would be misrepresented and thwarted by some person or other in that House . ( Hear , hear . ) Let

    the Noble Lord go into the agricultural districts , and see what was the state of the people there . His belief was that they were as badly off in their labourers ' cottages as they could be in any of the manufacturing towns in this co \ n \ tvy . ( Ileay , heav . ) The Noble Lord would find there every evil , with which he must grapple in some way or other ; and he advised hun not to postpone doing it , but at once , in the present session , to move fov a committee , or take some other means with reference to the labouring classes of this country in the agr icultural districts . The Right lion . Gentleman , in the remarks he made , stated , with that peculiarly imposing and solemn manner which he could always exhibit when appealing to the commercial interests in that House , that it was a

    question of profit ; it would interfere with profit . Granted . But were we to love our children or—profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) Were we to sacrifice thousands of children in this country , to make a few pounds of profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) Wiiat they were doing they were neglecting education . An lion . Friend of his said , educate the men ; but ho said , educate the boys —they might make a boy a good man , but they never could make a man a good hoy . ( Laughter . ) Educate the child , and we should then have a , good and respectable member of society . The Noble Lord had opened the ' case with reference to another branch of tlie community . They had proofs of the awful condition in wliich part ; of the population were placed ; and he therefore entreated the Noble Lord to pursue his labour , and he would live to see the happiest

    results from his exertions ; but he must not be again dismayed—he must marshal his forces , and go on to a completion of the object he had in view . ( Hear , hear . ) After a few remarks from Mr . M . Philips , Lord Asuley observed , that he was willing to make any alterations in his bill which would meet the views of Mr . Cobden , as a practical man , provided that those alterations did not affect its principle , Mr . Laboucmehe hoped that the Noble Lord would fix as early a day as possible for the second reading of his bill . At the same time he must express his regret that , on a question of this importance , which must have undergone the consideration of her Majesty ' s Government , Sir James Graham had not thought fit to express a more decided opinion as to its merits than that with wliich he had favoured the

    House that evening . Leave was then given to bring in the bill .

    POST-OFFICE . —lETTER-OPEXIXG . Mr . T . Dcncombe rose to redeem , the pledge he had given , of calling the attention of the Honse to the unsatisfactory and evasive character of the report of the secret committee appointed to inquire into the opening and detaining of letters . The report had not been presented till such a late period of the session that it Was impossible to call the attention of Parliament to it ; and he regretted that it had not been so full , and so satisfactory and straightforward , as the committee had the power of making it . He had last session presented a petition from Ml " . Mazzini ) and other Italian gentlemen , complaining that their letters had been detained and opened . This complaint had then been treated with positive indifference by

    the Home Secretary , who declined giving any information , beyond stating that lie had certainly openod letters of one of the parties who had joined in petitioning , refusing to tell whose or whether he' had issued any warrant , A short time afterwards he had presented a similar petition from a Captain Stolzman , a Polish gentleman , and had moved that , the petitions be referred to a select committee , in which he was defeated , the Government using all their influence to stifle inquiry . His motion had been for a committee on the secret or inner office of the Post-office and the conduct of the parties engaged therein , and to report their opinion thereon ; and whether any alterations i n the law were advisable , as to the opening of letters . He had

    been met by an amendment on the part of the Right Hon . Baronet , who had persuaded the House that the object all had in view would be met by the appointment of the committee he proposed . I objected continued the Hon . Member ) to the constitution of that committee , and to the course the Government had taken in appointing , without a single exception , everymemberuponit . I , who had brought forward the question , was not allowed to be upon that committee , and I shall be able to explain to the House and the public the reason . There was not one single gentleman on the committee with whom I could communicate in respect to the conduct of the inquiry . I objected , further , to the secrecy of the inquiry , knowing well that secret inquiries never proved satisfactory . But

    when the committee had performed its part , as I had hoped fairly and impartially , it was to be expected that a report would have been presented which should lave set this question at once at rest , and that the House would not have allowed the statute authorizing such proceedings as I had revealed to remain a single moment longer on the statute-book . The Right Hon . Baronet took care to appoint his own jury , professing to refer to them the whole question along with " his own honour , " yet reserving for himself an appeal to the House , supposing the report proved not quite satisfactory to him . And I ,-who was excluded from the committee , had the right to reserve to myself , in the same manner , the power of reopening the whole subject if the report appeared unsatisfactory . I now appeal to the House for another and a searching

    inquiry , which cannot be refused me when I have made out that the committee even disobeyed their instructions ; that there are gross inaccuracies in their statements ; that they Lave mystified where there were the clearest proofs ; that they have omitted most important points ; that they have been evasive where they might have told simple , straightforward truth . YTha * irate my charges ? As 1 stated them before the House , I repeated them ( and from my own notes ) before the committee . I charged , that there existed a secret department in the Posf ^ office , where , fraud and forgery were practised , and private correspondence . violated ; that in that department letters were resealed ( hear , hear ) , and forwarded to their destination , the recipients not having any idea of What had occurred , or that their correspondence had been violated by the Home Secretary —( hear , hear ); that the Right Hon . Baronet

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    —^—¦ — - had exceeded his powers , and had made a most unscrupulous use of them ; more letters "having , been opened in Ids time than under any former Secretary of State ; that the letters of certain exiles in this country , while claiming the hospitality strangers ever found in England , had been opened . at the insti g ation of foreign powers , to whom the contents had been communicated ; England having thus become the spy of continental states , where the result had been imprisonment , banishment , and death—( hear , hear ); nay , further , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors had been inspected by the Minister ; that a roving commission of inspection had in 1842 been sent into the manufacturing districts , seeing who had written , and to whom ; and that , among others , mv

    letters had been opened and detained . ( Hear , hear . ) That was the bill of indictment 1 was called on to prefer before the committee , and _ which they took down on then notes , and I maintain it was their duty fully , frankly , and freely to tell us how far those charges were proved true or false . ( Hear , hear . ) But how have they met those charges ? Not one of the allegations I thus made has been contradicted ; and the committee have not fulfilled their duty . Their instructions were to " inquire into the state of the law as to the detaining and opening of letters , " Ac . I declared at the time the terms were not comprehensive enough , but the Rig ht Hon . Baronet declared that they would be found so . I declared that we should know the circumstances under which each

    wan-ant was issued . The Right Hon . Baronet affirmed the truth , and the whole truth , would come out . But how have the committee begun their report ? As to the state of the law , they simply tell us , that they presume it is the same as it was in the year 1711 , under tlie Act of Queen Anne ; and that is all they say as to the law—in " preference to discussing which , " thoy proceed to " the history of the practice . " Ami then they go back as fav actually as Edward II . —( a laugh ) , and they accumulate much valuable antiquarian research—two-thirds of their report , indeed , being full of such matter—and warrants being supplied , of the Duke of Newcastle , the Earl of Carmarthen , &c . ; when what' we wanted was the warrants of Sir James Graham . ( Alatish . and Hear , hear . )

    In 1742 , the report says , "The seevets of Sir U . Walpole's Government were somewhat rudely pried into by a committee . " ( A . laugh . ) Now , I suppose that is the modem phrase for describing a committee which performs its duty ably and faithfully —& compliment , by the by , which cannot be paid to this committee . ( Ilear , hear , and laughter . ) But perhaps it is one which I shall be considered as being deserving of before I sit down . ( Renewed laughter . ) Nevertheless I shall discharge my duty . ( Cheers . ) We did not want to know that the committee of 1742 had somewhat rudely pried into the proceedings of Sir It . Walpole's Government . But what was this extreme rudeness ? The committee tell you that there was this very secret office , of which I complain ,

    then established . They tell you everything that happened 200 or 300 years ago . In short , the report is one of the greatest "takes-in" possible . ( A laugh . ) You would say , on perusing the first portion of it , that it was a most valuable report , and how interesting it would grow in proportion as it came nearer to our own times . ( Laughter . ) Why , it would be natural for you to do so , the committee having displayed so much research , and told the House so much of past days . It would he quite natural to expect that , if the information was within their reach , they would tell the House much move of present times ; but as they approached nearer the nineteenth century , instead of exhibiting greater research and completeness , they suddenly increased in

    reserve and concealment . ( Ilear , heav . ) They have divided the warrants of the last century under the dates of the years and classified them , and also the warrants of the present century . And now I think I I have satisfied the House that they have not obeyed our instructions as to their inquiry into the state of ' the law ; they have made no report-on it . They state in another page of their report , the 16 th , I think , with respect to the mode in which they were to examine the warrants , that they declined to follow the warrant from the time of its reception in the I'Sst-office to its execution . They have , therefore , evaded explaining the law , and then they tell you that with regard to the mode of operation thoy do not think proper to follow the warrant from tlie time of its

    veception at tlie Post-omee to its execution . Why , that is cue of the specific points of tlie complaint tbat I made before this House , and one on which the public require information , and without that information they will not be satisfied . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not followed the warrant from the time of its reception at the Post-office till its execution . Why ? Because it would have carried them into this secret office . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not said one word of that ; but if they had gone on they must have laid bare the whole of the iniquities of that office . ( Hear , heav . ) But they have escaped that by not following the warrants ; and , therefore , I think they have not obeyed the instructions of the House . " Then , secondly , 1 say , the Right Hon . Baronet has exceeded his powers , ami made an unnocossavy uao of thorn .

    More letters have been opened by him than by any former Secretary of State . ( Hear . ) Without intending it , the committee , it appears to me , have rather " let the cat out of the bag" in respect to this circumstance . ( Hear , hear , aud a laugh ,, ) A good deal of my charge Is proved by tlieir report . In the three years from the summer of 1841 , when the present Government came into office , to the summer of 1844 , when this committee made their report , three years of the Right Hon . Gentleman ' s administration , the following is the number of warrants issued :-In 1841 there were eighteen warrants issued , but I give half of those to his predecessors and to him ; the case , therefore , will stand thus : — In 1841 were issued 9 warrants . In 1842 — 20 — In 1843 — S — In 1844 and a half 7 —

    Making in all ... 44 — Forty-four warrants in the short space of three years ! ( Hear , hear . ) Now , on looking over the wholeof the list preceding will you find during three years of any administration forty-four warrants issued ? Singular enough it is , but the greater number was in the time of Lord Sidmoutfi , whose entrance into office was marked by flagrant opening of letters . It appeal's that the warrants issued by him were , in 1812 2 S 1813 ... 8 . 1814 ! i

    Total 30 Why , the Right lion . Baronet bouts Lord Sidmouth by live in the number of warrants issued . ( Hear , hear !) That ,. then , is part of my case against him as originally stated by me in this House , namely , that he had opened niore letters and abused and exceeded his power more than any preceding Secretary . ( Cheers . ) ' With regard to the case of alv . Mazzmi , whicli conies first , I stated my grounds of complaint to the Government , which were that the Government had opened the letters of Mr . Mazzini at the instigation of a foreign power , and had communicated the information they received through those letters to gome foreign power ^ The committee acknowledged that a warrant was issued on the 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June , last year , for opening bile letters of Mr . Mazzini throughout that period . "The fact 8 of the case , " say they , "so far as your

    committee feel themselves at liberty to disclose them , appear to be as follows . " Jfow , mark this . There is an error in this report , ' and a gross er-vov , which is fatal to its validity . The committee say that the warrant was issued on the 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June . Now , the House will recollect , that when I moved for the appointment of that committee , the Right Hon . Bavonet said that Mr . Mazzini had no grievance to complain of , because the warrant had been withdrawn . My Hon . Friend behind me asked the Right Hon . Baronet when he had withdrawn it ? and I undertake to say that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were opened the ilay beiore I presented his petition , afterwards , and that from Christmas , 1843 , to the 13 th of June following , in 1844 , the system was going on , and it is in my power to prove it . ( Hear , hear . ) An Hon . Member ( on the Opposition side ) . —Was there anv \ v ? . want ?

    Mr . Dtoioombb . —Why , no ; I believe the wan-ant was fabricated for the occasion . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that a legitimate warrant ever existed . ( Hear , hoar . ) I believe the whole system was conducted in suchaloose manner that the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs or the Right Hon . Baronet sent down their messages to open those letters . ( Hear , heav . ) The committee limit the existence of the warrant to three months , from the 1 st of March to the 3 rd of June ; but , unfortunately fov them , tbe Lords' committee contradict tlieir statement . The Lords' committee say— " It is true that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were for about four months stopped and opened . " ( Hear , hear . ) There is a material difference then between the committee of the Lords and

    the committee of the Commons . ( Hear . ) There is a difference of a whole month . ( Hear . ) Does not that call ior further inquiry and investigation ? ( Hear . ) But 1 carry it further , and say that the practice was continued for between five and six months . ( Hear . ) I do not care what was laid before this committee ; I will undertake to prove that these letters were opened by the Post-office authorities , by men high in office in that department , for the purpose of inspection , prior to the time at which this report says the warrant was issued , and subsequently tO the time When it Says that warrant was eancellotl . ( Hear , hear . ) There is , therefore , gross

    misrepresentation in this report . ( Hear . ) Then I say also that the contents of Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were comraumca . te . d to foreign powers , and that his letters were opened at the dictation of foreign powers . A portion of that charge is admitted by the committee . It is said by them , " Representationshad been made to the British Government from high sources . Who were the high sources ? One would suppose such a phrase would be used with regard to the monarch ofa country , or his immediate representativeatleast But the committee could not speak plain English , and say that they meant the Austrian Ambassador , or Sardinian Minister ^ or some other person of authority in connection with Borne foreign court . . They

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    say— " Representations had been made to the British Government from high sources that plots , of which Mr . Mazzini was the centre , were carrying on , upon British territory , to excite an insurrection in Italy . " Now , nothing can be more false than such a charge against My . Maraim . ( Hear . ) Had the committee efvenhim an opportunity of being examined , —as he had aright to expect , and as he petitioned to have , - before that committee , he would have shown hw ability to disprove that charge , and have produced a very different impression on the minds of the committee . ( Hear , hear . ) But the report proceeds— " And that such insurrection , should it assume a formidable aspect , would , from peculiar political circumstances , disturb the peace of Europe . The British _

    Government , considering the extent to which British interests were involved in the maintenance ot that peace , issued on their own judgment , but not on the suggestion of .-my foreign power , a warrant to open and detain Mr . Mazzini ' s letters . " Not on the suggestion of any foreign power ? Well then , what will become of the high sources ? ( Hear , hear . ) I suppose there will be some quibble about the word " suggestion , " and it will be urged , perhaps , that it was not positively said — " Open his letters , and perhaps you will find something , " , though no doubt the Right Hon . Bart , has found out a great number of thingB . ;( Alaugh . ) " Such information deduced from those letters 83 appeared to the British Government calculated to frustrate this attempt was communicated to a foreign power *

    but the information so communicated was not of a nature to compromise , and did not compromise , the safety of any individual within the reach of that foreign power ; nor was it made known to that power by what means , or from what source , that information had been obtained . " The report says that the information given was only such as was calculated to frustrate the attempted insurrection . What a way to frustrate any such attempt was this ! Was this worthy of England ? ( Hear , hear . ) Was this the course that a gvesit nation like you ought to have adopted to frustrate this attempt ? ( Hear , hear . ) Are you proud of taking this course , which has caused the lives of men not onlv to be endangered but to be forfeited ? You

    have asserted that Mr . Mazzini was the centre of this insurrection . Had you allowed him . to come before the committee you would have found by his correspondence , as 1 can prove , that there were certain statements made in letters to him proceeding from those misguided and unhappy men in Italy , then residing at Corfu , to the effect that they wished to make a descent upon tho states and dominion of his Holiness the Pope , and also upon a portion of the Neapolitan territory . Mi \ Mazziui , in Ma letters to these individuals , said and did all he could to dissuade them from it . He told them it was a rash attempt , and must fail ; he implored them to desist , and they in reply wrote , saying , "We will desist ; we will follow youv advice . " But ¦ unfortunately the

    poison had gone forth to the Neapolitan Government ; the British Government had informed them of the intelligence of the purport of the first letters , and it was too late to recall it . The Austi-ian Government sent their spies among tllOSO unfortunate people ; they resided at Corfu , and they told those people that in Calabria the peasantry were ripe for the enterprise , « nd waiting for them . ( Hear . ) These men were thus induced , notwithstanding tlieir assurances to Mr . Mazzini , to leave Corfu . They went into Calabr ia , where , instead of finding the peasantry ready for them , they were conducted into the mountains , where they became easily mastered by organised troop * which had been sent there by the Neapolitan

    Government . Seventeen of those persons were tried by a military commission , and condemned to death , ahd nine of them were executed the following day . They wove persons of noble family ; two of them , the Bandieras , were the sons of an * Austrian admiral of that name . The Bandieras and their seven companions with a calm and happy bearing bore good witness to their faith , and died like martyrs , having slept peacefully on the night before tlieir execution . "If we fall , " they said to a friend , "tell ourcountrytfien to imitate ouv example , tor life has been given to us to enjoy ' nobly and usefully ; and the cause we die iu is the purest , the holiest , and the best that ever wanned the breast of man . It is the cause of the independence of our country . " Such

    ave the men whom you were thus leagued with Austria to crush . Those men were executed , and this is the way you adopted , and the end for which you gained information , with a view of ( as you call it ) "frustrating that attempt . " Why did not you send nobly and generously to these individuals and state to them , — " You are plotting on British ground ; you ave running into danger ; this must inevitably be your ruin ; let us persuade you to desist from such A course ? " They would have listened to you , and you need not have supplied another Government with the means of entrapping men and putting them to death . I say that they are the victims of this system , . and their blood is upon the heads of her Majesty ' s present Ministers , as much—aye , much more ,

    than it is upon those whose duty It was to pull the trigger that launched them into eternity ; and if a monument be erected to their memory at Cosenza , where they fell , as I hope it will , it ought to be inscribed upon tlieir tombstone , that they fell in the cause of thoiv country , and of liberty , through tho treachery of a British Minister . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Duucombe then stated , that though Captain Stolzman had discovered that his letters had been opened by the Secretary of State , and had demanded redress and inquiry , he had never boon called before nor examined by this committee . If the House would grant him another inquiry , he would undertake to prove that at the period of the arrival of the Emperor of Russia in this country a set of spice fabricated , at the cost of

    honourable men , conspiracies against him ior the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the Russian Embassy . He said : —Sir , if this matter goes before another committee , I know that what I now state would be proved—that there were spies here at the time the Emperor of Russia was paying that visit , which we have taen told he paid at very great personal inconvenience ( hear , hear)—spies who , being exiles themselves , and wishing to ingratiate themselves with the Russian Embassy , at the cost ofhonourable men , and to return to their native country , told of foul calumny , about a projected assassination to the Embassy , upon which a communication was made to the Secretary of State for the Home or the Foreign Department , and that suspicion is what the committee

    say would justify the imputation of the crime of murder . ( Hear , hear . ) The Emperor Nicholas came here—ouv Government partly believed theiiitbvmation and opened the letters ; but " the committee have not learned that there appeared anything to criminate those gentlemen . " The spies have returned to their native land , having got an amnesty immediately after the visit ot' the Emperor ; and these gentlemen are to remain here , I suppose , with tin ' s foul Stain attempted to be thrown upon them by a committee of the British House of Commons . ( Cheers . ) I say that this is a most unpardonable poi-timi of this report , and what the committee was not justified in reporting . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that the British Government are aware of what they are doing

    sometimes , when they are imparting the correspondence that passes between individuals in Poland and the exiles hero . Suppose they arc requested to get some information respecting one of these Polos who is here « they open his letters ; they state to the Government at whose instigation they have done it that there is nothing improper whatever in those letters , or in the ^ oiTcs |) ondence of Mr . So-and-so "; that the communications volute entirely to family matters , ami have no reference at all to that Government . Now , are her Majesty ' s Ministers aware what they arc doing in giving even that information to llusshi ? ( Hear , hear . ) why , there are in Poland these decrees , —

    ukases have been issued prohibiting any person in 1 ' ohmd from corresponding with an exile ; and if he do so , it matters not upon what subject , he is visited with imprisonment and flogging . ( Hear , hear . ) By one of those decrees it is high treason to correepond with certain exiles named in it who are resident in Kngiand . ( Hear , hear . ) Now listen : under this decree the wifeoi' General Slobinski has been imprisoned on suspicion—only on suspicion—of corresponding with other Folish ladies in exile . Another Polish lady has also been imprisoned for writing to iitt : bis ' vsmu in exile . Another has been imprisoned , arid received fifty severe lashes for corresponding with an exile . And this has all been done under the

    ovdevs ot that sovereign wpon whose visit here , at great personal inconvenience , " at il great Sacrifice of private convenience , " the British House of Commons has recently congratulated her Majesty ! ( Cheers . ) Sir , I am satisfied that the Government are not aware —no man , no C 4 overnment would suspect it—that they are doing these individuals in Poland so serious an injury , when they are even telling a foreign power that there is nothing criminal in the coms . yQnuc . nce ; for the very fact of tho wife corresponding vrith her husband , " if he is an oxile , subjects that unhappy and unfortunate woman to punishment by imprisonment , and that most brutal of aU corporal punishment also—by tlie knout . ( Hear , hear . ) Besides which , their children , if they

    have any , arc taken from them ; and these also have themselves on some occasions been sentenced to the lash . ( Hear , hear . ) I say that it becomes this Government to be very cautious , ( cheers ) how they communicate any information whatever to the foreign power which may be receiving what is called our hospitality . ( Renewed cheers . ) Another charge which I made is , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors was subjected to inspection here . I know perfectly well , when I stated that the bags of the foreign ambassadors were opened here , previously to their being received by them , or sent out of the country , people doubted it ; they thought it DVU 8 t DO periMly imaginary on my part , and totally impossible to be a practice existing here .

    ( Wear , near ,. ) iiut what do we . find in this report ? ' On the subject of the foreign department at the General Post-office , the secrecy of private correspondeiiee , your committee are assured , is kept inviolate f ^ -JWS bc 5 ? J ? ectively * e signatures . ol the Right Hon . Charles James Fox , when Secretary , of State for Foreign Affairs , in 1782 , and of his successor , the Marquis of Carmarthen , We * ertara > w before your committee , which being of as ^ qmtlrfS £ ( Continued in owr eighth pa $ k . J ^ C ^ 'V- " ^ "V / ] © r J ^ - ? M & i 94 ^ K # 1 " - ^^ S imM

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    ¦ FKBBHAM 22 , 1845 . THE NORTHERN STAR . ¦¦¦¦ ...... ' ¦ .. -jr 8 ' .

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 22, 1845, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1303/page/7/