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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th March 1844, Edition 1 of 1, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • The First Number of THE MINERS' MONTHLY MAGAZINE,
    • fHE JSORTHEKtf STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 9, 1844.
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      Price Fourpence , Will be published on Monday March 11 th , 1844 , Edited by W . P . Roberts , Esq .

      Untitled Article

      » MASTERS AND SERVANTS . " fin onr last we announced that a new Bill for taiarging the powers of Justices in determining complaints between Masters , Servants , and Artificers , had been prepared and brought into the House of Commons by Mr , Miles , Mr / Palmer , and Hi . Gaily Knight . We also intimated that we should , in this -week ' s Star , print the Bill at fall length ; as it is one which affects all classes of labourers . Thai " promiEe we now fulfil . Below is the Bill in question . ] A Bill for enlarging the Powers of Justices in determining Complaints between Masters , Servants , and Artificers , and for the more effectual Recovery cf Wages before Justices .

      Whereas by an Act passed in tbs twentieth year of the reign of his Majesty King George the Second , intituled , " An Act foi the better spurting and more eaiy Recovery of the -wages of certain servants , and for the better regulation of vnch servants , and of certain apprentices , " it is enacted , that all complaints , differences and disputes between masters or mistresses and servants in husbandry , who shall be hired for one year or longer , or between misters and mistresses , and artificers , handicraftsmen , miners , colliers , keelmen , pitmen , glaHgnan , potters and other labonnrB , employed { or any certain time , or in any other manner , aball be beard and determined by one or more Justice or

      Justices of the peace , provided that the sum in question do sot exceed ten pounds with regard to any servant , nor five pounds with regard to " any other of the said artificers or labourers ; tnd farther , that it ahall be lawful for such Justice or Justices , npon application or complaint made npon oath by any master , mistress or employer against any such servant , artificer , handicraftsman , miner , wilier , teelmao , pitman , glassman , potter or labourer , toueMag or concerning any misdemeanor , miscarriage or ill-behaviour in such his or her service or employment , to hear ,-examine and determine the saaie , and a mode is provided for enforcing the decision of the Justice or Justices .

      And whereas by another Act passed in the thirtyfirst year of the same reign , intituled , " An Act to amend an Act made in the third year of the reign of King William and Qaeen Mary , intituled , ' Au Act for the better explanation and supplying the defects of the former laws for the settlement of the Poor , ' 20 for as the same relates to . apprentices gaining a settlement by indenture , and also to empower Justices of the Peace to determine differences between masters scd mistresses and their servants in husbandry , touching their wages , though such servants are hired for less time than a year ; " it is enacted , that the said'first-recited JLci , and all and every clause aad matter therein contained , and shall be defamed and construed t * extend to all servants employed in husbandry , though hired for leas time than one year .

      And whereas by another Act passed in the sixth year of tha reign of his Majesty Sing George the Third , intituled , " An Aet for better regulating apprentices and persons working under contracts , * it is enacted , that if any artificer , calico printer , handicraftsman , miner , collier , keelman , pitnan , glassm&n , patter , labourer or other person shall contract with any person whomsoever , for any time or times whatsoever , a-cd aha ! l absent Wra—itf from his service before the term of hit contract shall be completed , or be guilty of any other misdemeanor , it shall be lawful for a Justice of

      the Peace , and such Justice is empowered , npon complaint thereof made upon oath by the person with whom suck artificer , calico printer , baadicraftssoan , miner , collier , keelman , pitman , glassman , potter , labourer or other person shall have so contracted , 07 by his or her steward or agent , to issue his warrant for apprehending every such artificer , calico printer , handicraftsman , miner , jollier , keelman , pi ton an , glaasrian , potter , labourer or other person , anil to examine into the nature of the complaint , and to decide tbareos , and to enforce such decision .

      And whereas by another Act passed in the fourth year of the rtign of his Majesty King George the Fourth , intituled , " An Act to enlarge the power ) of Just ices in determining complaints between , masters « nd servants , and between masters , apprentices , artificers and others , " it is enacted , that if any urvant in husbandry or any artificer , calico printer , handicraftsman , TMiTtftr ooliifir JfftfrHw 1 ^ , pitman , giyigrr 1 * - " , potter , labourer or other person , shall contract with any person or person * to serve htm , her , or them , for any time 01 times whatsoever , or in asy other manner , * nn ahall sot ester into or commence his or her service , according to his or her contract , ( such contract being in writing aad signed by the rr ^ frref *™; parties ) or , having enteed into such service , shall tbsznt himself or herself from his cr her service before the term of his or her e * utra « t , whether such contract shall be in-writing ,

      07 not in writing , ahall be completed , or neglect to fulfil the same , or be guilty of any other misconduct or misdemeanour in the execution thereof or otherwise respecting the same , it shall be lawful fox a Justice of the Peace , and such Justice is empowered , upon complaint thereof xade upon oath to him by the person or persona , or any of them 'with whom such servant in husbandry , artificer , calico printer , Ti » T » rtiCT ] tft « TmiTi , lainex , collier , teelman , pitman , glassman , potter , labourer , or other person shall have so contracted , or by his , her or their steward , manager or agent , to issue his warrant for apprehending every such servant in husbandry , artificer , calico printer , 7 >» T > fKrrafr—t » . T > miner , collier , keslman , pitman , glassman , potter , labeuier , or other person , and to fgnrmnfl into the nature of the complaint , and to decide thereon , and to enforce eush decision :

      Ana -whereas , after Tooting that it fr-. qaently happens that such masters , mistresses , or employers reside at considerable distances from the parishes or places where their benoess is carried on , or are aecasionaJJy absent for long periods of time , either beyosd the sew , or at considerable distances' from asch parishes or places , and , during such residence or occasional absences , entrust their business to the management and superintendence of stewards , agents , bailiffa , foremen , or managers , whereby such servants , artificers , hacdieraftemen , miners , colliers , leelmen , pitmen , glassnsen , potters , labourer * or other persons and apprentices , are or may be snbjected to great difficulties and hardships , and put to a great expence in recovering their wages , it is enacted , that in either of the said cases it shall be lawful for a Justice or Justices , upon the # oiDplaint of any such servant , artiEcjr , handicraftsman , miner , collier , teelman , pitman , glassman , potter , labourer , or other person or apprentice , touching or

      concerning the son-payment of his or her wages , to snamon such steward , agent , bailiff :, foreman , or manager to be and appear before him or them , aad to bear and determine ibe matter of tbe complaint , in such and the Eke manner as complaint * of the like nature against any master , mi ** ress , or employer are directed to be beard and dfcUrmined in and by the said recited Acts , provided that the sum in- question Co sot BTfieefl the sum of ten pounds ; and it is by tb « said last-recited act farther enacted , that every Justice before Whom any cam plaint shall be made , in pursuance of the said before-ieeitsd Acts made in the . twentieth and in thirty-fixst years of the reixn of King George the Second , shall and may order the amount of the wages that shall appear dus to anj servant * in husbandry , artificers , labourers , or other person named in the add acts or either of them , to be pud to the person entitled thereto , within such period as the said Justice or Justices shall think proper :

      And whereas doubts have arisen whether the word «« labourers , " expressed in She said Kveral recited Acts cf the twentieth and thirty-first years of King George the Second , of the sixth year of the reign of King George the Third , and of tire fourth year of the reign of Slog George the Fourth ; and also whether the words " or other person , " mentioned and expressed in the said two last mentioned Acts , txtend or apply to any labourers or other persona , except such as axe employed in ihe various trades enumerated in the Bame several Acts , or to any cases except where the relation « f master asd servant exists ; and also whether by the said last-recited JL . pt the jurisdiction of the Justices has b * en extended to the sum of ten pocmis in any case in which the master ar mistress is summoned :

      70 B OBVIATING SrcH DOFBTS . Be ii enacted and" declared , by the Qaes 2 * 5 most Excellent Majesty , by and with the advice and consent of tha Lords Spiritual and Commons , in tfc »* present Parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that tile said several recited Acts of the twentieth and thirty-first years of the reign o ? King George the Second , of the » ixth year of the reign of K 3 ag George the Third , and of the fourth year of the reign cf Xing George the FomrQi , and all and ev&ry the powers , authorities , clauses and matters therein contained , so far as the same affect , concern , or xelite to iatouies * , orotier persons , shall , frem and after the passing of Si * JLti , extent , and be deemed and construed to extend" , and apply to all labourers sad other persons ,

      although no * employed in any of ths trades enacerated in the said several recited Acts , and although the relation of master and servant may not » ctcai } y subsist between s * eb labourers , or other persons , and their employers ; and that in all the cases aforesaid the jurisdiction cf the Justice or Justices ahall extend to the 2 UIB of Tea Pounds , -whether thB summons or - —xxant shall against the master or mistress , or agaiLit his or her steward , agent , bailiff , foreman , or man = $ er ; and suchJurisdiction shall be exercised by any Justice or Justices of the Peace of the sounty , riding , drrjnon , or place where the contract was made , or whsre the v * ork was executed , or where the person complained against is found ^ Provided nevertheless , that nothing herein

      contained shall be deemed or taken to affect , vary , alter , or repeal any Acta passed for regulating particular tzades or manufactures , other ** >«*» and except the * aid several hereinbefore recited Acts of the twentieth and thirty-lot years of the reign ef King George the Second , the sixth year of Jhe reign of King George the Fourth , and only so much and snch parts of the same several recited Aets as are hereinbefore expressad to be hereVy explained , altered , or varied : Provided also , that nothing herein contained shall be deemed or taken to authorise and empower any Justice or Justices to hear or adjudicate in any case or difference between domestic servants -or their employers , unless snch do-—estie servants shall also be employed in husbandry .

      And whereas by another Act passed in the fifth year of the reifh of his said ^ dsjesty King George the Pourih , intituled , " An Act for the rapra effectual lecosny of penalties before justices and magistrates on conviction of offenders , and for facilitating the execution , cf ~ arr _ t » by constables , ' it is tsacted , that WheneTerit ahaU fSpPfar toasy juEtice or jntSces ef the

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      peace , magistrate or magistrates , by whom any penalty or sum of money is adjudged to be paid , upon the return of any warrant of distress , that no sufficient goods er chattels of the offender or defendant can be found whereon to levy the ram adjudged to be paid , and all costs and charges within tbe jurisdiction of such justice or justices , magistrate or magistrates , or Id case it shall appear to such justice or justices , magis trate or magistrates , either by the confession of the party er partial , or otherwise , that he , she , or tbe ; have not goods . and chattel * within the jurisdiction of such justice or justices , magistrate or magistrates , sufficient whereon to levy such sum of money , costs and charges , such justice or justices , magistrate or magistrates , at his or their discretion , aad without

      issuing any warrant of distress , may proceed in such and the like manner as if a warrant of distress had been issued , and a todla bona returned thereon ; and it shall be lawful for such justice or justices , or magistrate or magistrates , to issue forth his or their warrant for committing such offender or defendant to the common gaol for any term not sxceeding ihres calendar months , unless the sum adjudged to be paid , and all costs and charges « f the proceeding ! , shall be sooner paid : and whereas it is expedient to extend the said last hereinbefore recited enactment to persons who have no sufficient goods and chattels whereon to levy any sum or sums of money ordered to be paid by any justice , or justices , magistrate or magistrates , for wages , under or by virtue of the said several hereinbefore

      recited Aets ; be it therefore enacted , that the said recited Act , passed in tbe fifth year of tbe reign of King George the Fourth , and the powers therein contained , shall , from and after the passing of this Act , extend and be deemed and construed to extend and apply to persons who have no sufficient goods and chattels whereon to levy any rum or sums of money ordered to be paid by any justice or justices , magistrate or magistrates , for wages or other work , under or by virtue of the said sevaral Acts of the twentieth and thirty-first years of the reign of King George the Second , and the sixth year of the reign of King George the Third , and of tbe fourth year of tbe reign of King George the Fourth , or this Act , or any or either of them .

      The First Number Of The Miners' Monthly Magazine,

      The First Number of THE MINERS' MONTHLY MAGAZINE ,

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      THE POLICY OP PRINCIPLE , versus THE POLICY OF EXPEDIENCY , THE UEAGUE DEFIED . —THB ANTI-LEA . GTJE DEFEATED . —THE SH 0 Y-H 0 Y 8 UNMASKED .

      TRIUMPHANT MARCH OF THE CHARTER . How often have the Chartists had flung in their teeth that they were * doing the work of the Tories ;" that their leaden were in the pay of the Carlton Club ; " that " Feabgcs O'Co . vnob was the agent of the Duke of Buckingham "; and that w the whole party was the supporters of Conservatism , " and "the deadliest enemies of progressive reform" ! How often has Cobdeh , the king of the Bte&m-lords iterated and reiterated these infamous slanders . Hew often has he been challenged to make good his falsehoods ; and how often has the braggart coward fihrunk from the proof of his ealnmnies 1

      How many once seeming patriots , " load noutbers , " and " vituperative denunciators" of every movement bat that for the Charter , and every class buv the working class ; whose patriotism was perfectly red hot while Chartism was ( to them ) a paying trade ; how manj such , within the last year ox two , sJlured by the " flesh-pote" of M respectability , " have , aa Castlkhkaqh would have said , 14 turned their backs npon themselves f and , " repudinting" their old doctrines and old practices , have had the assurance to turn round npon those whom they had deserted , charging them with the heinous o&ncas of "bigotry" (/) "intolerance ( 0 M impracticability" (!) and all the rest of the political misdeeds usually laid to the account of the honest and consistent bj the knavish and the truckling !

      Nor is this all . There have not been wanting lukewarm friends , like our well wisher the Editor of the Dublin World , who either woold n , or to could not , understand our position ; and who , with sundry wise shakes of the head , have predicted all sorts of evils as sure to be the result of a perseverance in our " impracticable" policy . And yet despite of all , Chartism has steadily advanced . No one deserter , who has abandoned our banner , has taken with him any of our forces . We have lost the dishonest nnits ; bnt we have kept the honest masses ; and notwithstanding all tbe ominous fears of friends and foes , Chartism advances . The working people crash the head of faction nnder tbe heel of Chartism with greater ease even now , than in

      1 « 3 S . la a late number of tha Dublin World , we find some strictures npon the present position of Chartism , to which we willbrkflj reply . The writer says : — " With a good cause , numbers , intelligence , and wo alth sufficient to struggle for their political rights , ire yet sea no party making less progress towards the advancement of the object they are seekin g than the

      Chartists . W « watch them year after year , and cannot perceWe they ars making , the least way . They meet , dance , speech , and Bre lectured ; but " the five points " ol the Charter do not seem likely to be carried during existence of the present , or indeed the succeeding generation . Chartism , -which once promised wonders , has dwindled down to a mere mar-plot , and appears to be fulfilling its mission by embarrassing , or thwarting the Anti-Corn law Leagne . "

      The writer complains that the Chartists M with a good cause * rcmbkes , INTELLIGENCE , and wealth , "— ( what will Mother Goose say to that 1 ) —are making no progress ; but Beem to be simply engaged in " embarrassing or thwarting the Anti-Corn Law Leagne . " " "We watch them year after year , " says tbe writer , " and cannot perceive that they are making the least way . " Our optics happen to be belter-sighted than those of the World : probably becanse we are aearer the scene of action . Seven jears is not a very long time in the history of a nation ; more particularly when

      • we consider the length of time which it has taken to build up the monstrous despotism vrhioh it is tbe ¦ work of Chartism to overthrow . Seven years ago where were we ? Then , the juggling cry of " Keep out the Tories" was in fnll tone . Then , the principle of Radical Htform was smothered in the mire of " expediency . " Then , the believers in the principlesof Paine , Cabtwkjget , Habdt , H unt , and Cobbktt were the mere cat ' s-paw of the Whigs . Party had ehokedprinciple ; and the masses lay groaning beneath the weight of the vampire-like incubus of Whiggery ; disgusted with the treasons of the past » and hopeless of the future .

      But what G'Consell calls the " unhappy genius of Chartism" arose : tha M men of the progress " shook off ail Allegiance to the Whig faction . They unfurled the standard ef principle , and pledged themselves to no " compromise : " asd behold thb Aiitosr iNSXAKTAXEO us besult 1 Thousands and hundreds of thousands shook off the lethargy of years , and came forth joyously to the conflict with oppression . The Government became alarmed . The property-holders , piously affecting to regard the people as spoliators in intent , while we can prote them ( the property-men ) to be se in fact , goaded

      the Government to " put down" the Chartists . The usual means were had recourse to . The Newport affair was " manufactured ? ' Frost was carried into captivity , and Chartism consigned to its tomb . So boasted the Whigs J But , lo ! the " unhappy genius " rose again . As the dungeons were relieved of their inmatea , once more did tbe avalanche gather strength j and within a short period of Plain Johh Campbell ' s boast—that " Charltem wa ? dead , " the country beheld a petition with the unprecedented number of ¦ cpwabds oi three wujoks o * sighatdkes , demanding ihe Charter , and attesting the unwelcome truth that Chartism vf as stronger than

      ever . Then came tbe "ping plot" of 1842 , with more persecution , more transportingSj and more duneeonings ; and Chartism was again said to be no

      more . Bnt we tell our friends of the World that the march of Chartism is still onward ; and here ia our proof . Through 1338 , 39 , 40 , 41 , we opposed the Leagne We showed the justice of onr claims to the Suffrage

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      and their own weakness to obtain their class objects vrithoatour aid j and in 1842 , we found a section of these same Leaguers openly admitting that the " impracticable" policy of the Chartists was , after all , a sound policy ; and following up that admission by adopting ihe whole of the principles for which we had hitherto contended without aid , and of ourselves ahnt . If the policy of principle was eo far successful with a portion of the League , a continuance of that policy is surely indispensable , so far as that party is concerned . The World admits , in the plainest possible language , that the League is a dishonest party . He says : —

      "It cannot be denied that the principal motive for withholding the suffrage from the working classes is the conviction which the privileged orders entertain that to grant it would lead to the destruction of every monopoly . " If this be true , what most we think of a party calling themselves" Anti-Monopolist 3 , " who refuse toco-operate with the people for the obtainment of the Suffrage ; seeing that , as here admitted , its obtainment would lead to the destruction of every monopoly !

      w Corn Law Repeal first , " say the Leaguerg , and then the Suffrage . " But precisely the same cry was used in 1832 . Let ' s have " the Bill , the whole Bill , and nothing but the Bill" first , and then Universal Suffrage , Thus was Hknrt Hunt burked , and the Radicals bought and sold . " Old birds are not to be caught with chaff . " We were deceived ; onee but shall only have ourselves to blame if deceived a second time .

      But the World says the Chartists " should remember that clamouring against those who are more than half disposed to co-operate with them , may retard , but cannot possibly accelerate the consummation they desire . " The World has built up its own character for patriotism and independence by clamonring" against those who were half disposed to co-operate with ike Irish Repealers—viz ., the Whigs . It has strenuously supported' the " whole-hog" principle with respeot to Repeal ; exhorting constituencies to " turn out" their members who would net go the full length of " a Parliament in College Green . " It has bitterly waged war with the half-and-half polio ; : and yet forsooth is angry with us because we carry out the same prinoiple .

      But the question is asked , why we oppose men who have adopted onr principles , and only fall short of adopting oar name f We want a national motkmbkt . To have the popular forces contending tot two or three different objects is not the way to attain any of them . The Complete Suffragists called a meeting of delegates from all partB of the the kingdom . That meeting was to deoide upon the object to be agitated for . The delegates decided by an overwhelming majority for the Charter . Then what did Mr . Stubgb and his friends ! They violated the prinoiple they

      professed to have adopted . They set up the minority against the majority , and refused to act with the masses when they found the masses would not be led blindfold by them . In the mortification of defeat , they exposed the cloven foot , by avowing that the object of their separate agitation was to " get rid" of certain menipossessing the confidence of the people . With no small amount of assurance they appealed to the public onoe more . They demanded the vote of the public . It was again recorded against thenn to their signal defeat and dismay . What did they then ! They turned upon the man , who of all others sitting in the Legislature , ha 3 ehown an

      independent and determined front in opposing the factions , and vindicating the rights of the people . They basely assailed him ; and , apeing the League threatened their puny efforts to damage him with his constituents ! And this treatment waa given to a man the most popular in England ; the loved and honoured champion ef the democracy . ' Can there be any doubt , after these proofs of baseness on the part of the faction without a name , that they are mere " Shot-Hoys" ! fit only to be treated to the same sauce as the League have been served with ; and exposed in all their duplicity when they venture npon an attempt to mislead the public .

      We are now come to another party , one that has only very lately appeared in the political arenathe Anti-Leaguers . In another column will be found a report of the proceedings of a meeting holden in the Freemasons' Hall , London . We should like to know what the base Whigs , the lying Leaguers , and the Complete M Shoy-Hoys " will say to thatt There we find tbe ' * Tory tools " engaged in breaking np , literally smashing , at its

      very outset , a party the very opposite to the Leaguo , and formed for the express purpose of " putting down" the " cheap-bread" men . Let tha factions of all names , and of no name , read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest the following Chartist amendment , carried triumphantly at that meeting ; not forgetting to read also the straightforward reasoning of the mover , why all parties should be opposed , but those that will do full justice to the people . The following is from tbe Chronicle : —

      " « Resolved , That while . this meeting fs of opinion that the policy of the League is erroneous , and th&p its doctrines would be Injurious If brought into operation ; it is also of opinion that every other agitation Is equally valueless and erroneous In policy , which has not for its object tbe earrying of the document known as the People ' s Charter '— ( tremendous and prolonged cheering ) . Bj this amendment they would tell the party who had

      brought them together that evening , that they ( the Chartists ) considered the movements of the Anti-League equally base and ucja&t as were those of the Auti-Corn Law League . He called on all present to snpport the amendment , and thereby prove to the League , and the Anti-Leagie , that they considered them both ia the light of the Kilkenny cats ; and that they should leave then to eat up and devour each other at their leisure —[ laughter and cheers ) . ''

      and the Chronicle ' s reporter tell 9 as that the meeting concluded by giving three cheers for the Charter , three groans for the Whigs , and an equal number for the Tories . Why the Chartists oppose the League has been already shown ; and they oppose the Anti-League for the same reason . " We ' re all for ounelvet in this world , " is the motto of both steam-lords and landlords ; neither party caring for the welfare of the many ; both intent only on promoting their own class interests ; both desirous of using the people for selfish purposes ; and both equally hostile to the political emancipation of those whom they would jugele and betray .

      True , the League and the Anti-League differ . The former take their stand on the baleful principle of competition ; the latter on the righteous principle of protection . But there is this difference : thi League hohbstlt go thb full length with their DKSTBUCnvE polict , and make no scruple of its avowal . The Anti-League , on the other bund , while advocating a good principle , are for " conserving " THAT PRINCIPLE TO THEMSELVES—JOB THEMSELVES \

      They would " protect" landlords and farmers ; but are content to leave the labourer and the artizan wholjy at the mercy of grasping Capital . The League should be opposed for seeking the universal establishment ef a destructive principle . The Anti-League should be opposed because they dishonestly refuse to " carry out" to its legitimate extent , a good principle : and both should be opposed , because both are the enemies of the rights of man , and the relentless opponents of politieal equality .

      Our reader * will find an amusing empose of a piece of transcendant villany , in connection with the above meeting , which they are likely to peruse with so small interest . We allnde to the secret letter of the Rev . E . Maktz , to the Secretary of the Anti-League Association . They may remember that a few weeks since we had occasion to notice the " body-snatching'' propensities of this Reverend scamp , when exposing his fraudulent appropriation of the labours of another—namely , a lyric from the pen of Chasles Cole . We confess we were not a little surprised at our friends , the London Chartisls , allowing him to take part with ihem after that expose Indeed , had we consulted cur own feelings his name would not hav < 5 appeared iu our c ? lumne ,

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      after the discovery of hia dirty trick ; for though some men may regard the stealing of a song a very venial offence , we entertain a different opinion ; and are not at all surprised that this mean-souled trickster should turn out a Judas to those who had foolishly oonfided in him . Mark the villany of this Iscariot : — " Being present at their deliberations , I was politely requested to move the first amendment : bat as my

      object is the defeat of the League , and not the advancement of the Charter , of course I have no desire to advocate their interest more than Is sufficient to enable us to battle with the common enemy , I therefore modestly declined . * ? From my union with the Chartists , in their opposition to the League , they have unfolded to rue tbe secrets of their councils , and reposed in me a degree of confidence which from my real political sentiments and opinions , I am not justly entitled to . "

      Of all the canting villains that ever cursed this earth with their presenoe commend us to a needy tricky parson ! Sorely this will teach the Chartists to be more cautious for the future how they admit among them fellows who mount the Reverend , that they may drive a comfortable trade at the expense of their dupes . His object " was not the advance ' ment of ihe Charter . " His " real political sentiments and opinions were not those of the Chartists . " In short , it turns out that the Rev . E . Mantz is a Tory spy i Drivb him forth ! We will tolerate no " Shoy-Hoy , " no humbug in our ranks ; and woe to the scoundrel who , for any purposa , shall play the part of & traitor . The fate of Griffin shall be his . The public execration shall destroy him , and eternal infamy blast his name .

      Curious enough , the Whig papers that have been lustily abusing the Chartists for their opposition to the Leaguers , are now patting them on the back ; crying well-dohe good Chartists , " because they have done for the Anti- League once what they have bo often done for the League . The Chronicle , the Sun , the Advertiser , all join chorus : — " The working 'classes have done themselves immortal

      honour . " Just so . When the Chartists thrash the League men , the Tories cry •* bravo ! " When giving the Anti-League a turn , the Whigs say " well-done" ! Here is evidence from both factions that we do right ; only , says eaob , " don't knock me down , but knock down him . " Knock , down both say we ; until such time as you compel both to do you fall and entire justioe .

      Ia the World now satisfied ! We have shewn what was the position of Radical Reform seven years ago . We have shewn what was then the fallen state of the popular cause . Now see our position . By nailing the flag of prinoiple to the mast ; by pouring our broadsides , hot and heavy , into every oraft sailing under false colours ; we ride the waters of agitation triumphant . ' The League is defied ; and it dares not shew itself , but takes refuge in Covont Garden theatre , from which the people

      are- excluded . The Anti-Leaguers , less cautious than their oft-beaten opponents , dared their crazy craft upon the waves of public opinion ; and behold Chartism scatters them to the four winds of heaven . The " Shoy Hoys" attempted the old game of fast and loose ; strive to seduce the people from the Charter of their hopes ; and where are they ? Echo answers " where" ? Is not then the march of the Charter all-triumphant ! The Whig , the Anti-Corn Law—Morning Chronicle shall answer .

      , M All the papers , " says the Chronicle , " ooncur in representing the meeting , which nearly filled the great room of the tavern , though the persons were admitted by tickets , as chiefly composed of Chartists . It seems novr-a-duys soaroely possible to call a public meoting , in the metropolis , nor , perhaps , in any town of tbe empire , to which free access is given , without finding in it a large portion , very often a preponderance , of persons professing Chartist sentiments . " Mark that I " Tho meetings to which free access is given , " usually have " a preponderance of persona professing Chartist sentiments . " Yes ; and well the Chronicle ' s masters , the League , know it J Persevere , then , ye gallant Chartists , in that polioy ,

      denounced though it be by mistaken friends , avowed enemies , and selfish traitors : that polioy which has made you the arbiters of public opinion : the polioy of prinoiple ! Abiding by that ; applying it as the test to all schemers and M shot-hots" who may present themselves before the country for popular support , you will ultimately arrive at the goal of your labours . And if , ia firmly holding by the honest polioy , you at the same time steer clear of the indiscretions of the past ; you may with confidence hope for the realization of your hopes , not in the far distant day of some future generation , but at a period which will be much too early for the foes of liberty , much too speedy for the vultures of corruption . ** Honesty is the best policy "; and

      " Come it Blow or come it fast , " only by aoting undeviatingly upon its precepts , can we hope to release the throat of Labour from the grasp of tyrant Capital , and make the Charter tbe law of the land .

      Untitled Article

      THE " UNHAPPY GENIUS" SHOWING ITSELF IN IRELAND . PRINCIPLE AGAINST COMPROMISE . It is well known that we have long struggled for the Repeal of the unholy , unprofitable , and unchristian Irish Act of" Union "; while saints and sinners , hypocrites and jugglers , Whigs and Tories , Catholics and Protestants , quakers and dissenters , agitators and pacificators , moral force instructors and physical force denunciators ; all in turn , have used the subject for the redress of their own particuliar grievances , or tho gratification of their individual passione .

      Ireland , till now , has been lost sight of , and left wholly out of the question : and it is because , at length , we see due weight given to the national mind , and due importance attaohed to the people , that we rejoice at having aided in the transfer of public opinion from selfish individualism to generous nationalism ; from sectional caprice to popular resolve . We write thus from the hope inspired by the following timely article that appeared in the last number of the Nation newspaper : — " Frieuds , foes , and neutrals seem to have ' conspired" to frighten tho Repealers into suspicion . The Buepicion exists . We do not wind Whigs and Tories saying— ' So . Repeal is to be given up again ; ' but we do respect the alarm of members of the national party . We beliavo it needless . We shall account for it , and answer it .

      " Tbe causes of this fear are raiuuf 4 d . Amid the roar of tbe monster meetings , language became rod hot , and hope boiled ovar iu men ' s breasts . Clontarf \ faa stopped—nine men were arrested , tried , and condemned . The People ' s feeling was impatient anger . Their leaders dreaded disturbance , und , in urging tbe prudence of peace , some seemed to forget the policy of vigour , and the neeessity of success for our honour and our interests . : The decision of tbe Queen's Bench and the verdict

      of the Jury bad made all tbe Association liable for the words of the newspapers distributed by it , and of the newspaper proprietors enrolled on its books , it was agreed that the proprietors should resign , and that the newspapers should bo no longer distributed . Some doubted tbe propriety of this—Mr . O'Connell was convinced of its necessity , and it was done . The alternative to doing so wm to face another prosecution . No man shrank from the personal danger * but the majority thought tbo gain of the newspaper connexion not worth the risk « f distributing them .

      " Again , the Queen's Bench had , by its law , made it illegal for the Association to manage the Arbitration Courts , and all the Repeal leaders agreed that these Courts might be left to manage their own business without the Association , and thus they , and the Association too , would best accomplish their objects , and keep within even that semblance of law which Pennefather and twelve Jurymen had made . " Nor were these the only grounds of alarm . It hod been often stated that we were done with the Imperial Parliament ; that we hoped nothing fiom its justice , and would ally with . neither of its factions . " Oureel ves alone" was tbe motto of the Repeal year . Accordingly our members retained their seats to be enabled to cheok that Parliament , but they ceased to attend it

      : " Sinca tbe conviction ,. Mr . O Connell went to London , with the approval of the warmest Repealers , to face hia inauliers in the House , and to proclaim our ¦ wrongs ; but not to say he asked or expectad justice . He w ; is warmly welcomed by some who were generous , and some who were knavish ; and his gratitude Was exuberant . The press of both factions have endeavoured to turn these events to . , their own base account The Chronicle and tbs Post adjure us by all they wrote

      Untitled Article

      during the trials , and by the cheeraof St Stephen ' s and Govent-guden , to make another Llchfleld-house alliance , and suffer Ireland to become tha ladder by which they ( may scale Dawnlng'street . And the Evening Packet , echoing far once the deepest wish of Peel ' s heart , declares that the sure and only way to save O'Connell from gaol is to dissolve the Association t ; " Here ate all the reasons which led friends to fear and foes to hope a compromise . We have stated them all strongly , and ahall answer them completely .

      " We are not sorry for the calmez tone of the press and the oratorg . The language of last summer was nobly in earnest ; but it Was beyond our strength . Perhaps some of j the proceedings were premature . In one instance , st -least , we had the Dangannon- resolutions without the Dangannon Volunteers . We are sure the People now { see that Repeal is a long journey off , and leaping at it will only delay them . Dogged , iron , bitter perseverance iu agitating , and in every other preparation for eucceis , \ a felb to be our duty . The national character Is j getting steadier—sterner , perhaps—perhaps—every day . Last year men said , ' We are going to succeed ; ' ; this year , more wisely , they say , 'We must not fail—let ua work . '

      •• The resignation of the Newspaper Proprietors has simply lessened the books of the Association of ' the names of four men far too busy to do much ' work in it . Their real efficiency never was in the Conciliation Hall , but in their J columns ; and there they labour more exclusively , and as well as ever . " The Association ceasing to aend papers can be easily remedied . Let the people lay by , out of every tenpence daaigned for the Repeal fund , one penny for newspapers ; or , ia other words , whenever £ 10 ia collected , let them , instead of sending it all to the Corn

      Exchange , ae&d only £ 8 143 of it there , and £ 1 6 a to a weekly newspaper , with tbe name of one of themselves , and they will get tbe paper exactly as they got it from the Corn-Eschange . Is there any mighty labour in tblfl ? If the people wish for the papers , one additional paper for every £ 10 will make their bosinesa work as smoothly aa it did under the old system . If they doa't care for papers , of coarse they need not aend for them . Bat , in either case , we ask them would it have bean wise to hazard another conviction , even under a wicked law , for tbe sake of saving them this little trouble ?

      " As to the Arbitration Courts , they have been pronounced to be perfectly legal ; the People can and ought to continue to work them . Have they not sense and capacity for business to do this without having little forms sent to them from the Corn-Excbange ? The connexion of these Courts with the Corn Exchange made j both illegal , according to the Queen's Bench . Separated , they are admittedly legal . The good working of the Courts dependB on the Arbitrators being wise and honest , and on the People referring all disputes to these Arbitrators , and never flinching from the decision , whether adverse or net . Let them consult and obey the present Arbitrators , appoint additional Courts , be punctual and steady ia their support of them , and they will lose nothing by the change .

      " The cheers of London wore idle fascinations . Do these intriguers take Daniell O'Connell , the oM agitator , for a dolt and a traitor ? Do they take tbe people of Ireland for lacqueys ? We can well fancy the consulted cheers of St Stephen ' s , and with what wry faces coDCOcters of the coercion bill buzzVd for the denouncer of Ihe Whigs , the head of that people whom they despised when in office , and fawn on when in opposition . We can fancy , too , the sick statesmen of the Chronicle , aad Ihe dim representatives of tbe Sun ,

      and the hesitating graces of tbe Globe , combining into that anomalous yell which shook Covent Garden , aad excited Mr . O'Connell ' a admiration or hia irony . ? ' He had never heard tbe like before . " We can believe it . Seriously , though wo are very much obliged for all these civiltiea to Mr . O'Connell , the ambassador of Ireland , we must res » nt aa a grosa insult the suggestion of tbe Whig press , that these things , or any word , thought , or deed , of the Whig patty , could shake his allegiance to Ireland , or Ireland ' s devotion to Repeal , i

      " A quiet word with tbe Whigs . They found some corruption in Ireland , and they left more . They are conscientiously opposed to Repeal , for they are selfish and unpbiloaopbical . Ba it bo . They think the Repeal cry is raised merely from discontent at loss of patronage . We now solemnly warn them they have mistaken Ireland . We UU them to their teeth , they never corrupted the people of Ireland ; and we tell them that the people rale now . That people is sober and thoughtful —it has got politieal education—it ia suffering wrongs

      which the trtcka of party could not remove , and it is filled with hopes which corruption comld not satisfy . We tell them that if they let ua alone we will let them alone ; but if they dire again even to insinuate that Insult against Ireland that she will sell , compromise , or postpone one national desire , or one single tight of selfgovernment for Whig cheers , Whig palaver , or Whig plac 3 s , we and the people of Ireland will trample upon them without mercy ; and if we are to have a struggle , we'll have it with open foes .

      " We do not fear these foes . We are hot retiring before them . \ The Association is now free from many things that embarrassed it It has all its weapons free and strong aa ever . Neither newspapers nor Arbitration Courts made the Repeal Association . The organisation of the people into one body , sustaining a central council by its contributions , and obedient by on « will—that is the Repeal Association—that is the volunteer nationthat ia tbe power which made Wellington cram his barracks and Peel hia jury-list—that la the body wherewith America treats like a government , and to which France looks as much as If our diplomacy was in Paris —that is the great Irish union , which , spuming all compromise , punishing capitulation as treason , and observing tbo law aa long as there la any law left , will move right on till English domination yields to nationality ; or—but ! no , no alternative , we will avoid rashness aa much as compromise—we must conquer this time .

      *? Amongst hereditary freemen , suspicion cornea from weakness . Amongst hereditary bondsmen , suspicion proves zaal . Long trampled on , often deceived , the rallying slave ia watchful of hia gains . Despair succeeds anxiety in the serf ; self-reliance prevents it in the born freeman , j Ireland is not free , nor has Bbe been eo for ages . After many failures she baa again halfequipped herself for liberation ; but her knee is still on the ground in subjection , if not in meannesa ; and her hand ia not raised ; it only gropea for weapons- We wera not eorry to find the public jealous lest the cau 3 e of nationality ; was about to be perilled . The fear was excessive , but it was natural and healthy . We have examined its causes and shown their wrong . Let no man dare to talk or dream of compromise . No man need feat it "

      We are some years older than the Journalist whom wo , for the reasons contained in the above article , now gladly call brother in the work of Ireland's redemption ; and we venture to ask him with great pride , but with becoming modesty , to review our several articles of admonition upon every branch of the Repeal question that he has introduced into his new creed ; and after having examined and compared those several strictures with his own excellent article , we would enquire , " Why is it that those who have been always right , should have been alwats denounced" ?

      Let the reader of the Northern Star take the Nation ' s article , paragraph by paragraph , and he will recognize' in each a minature of the several full-length portraits wo have drawn of the subject . We , as well as our younger brother , are " indifferent to the suspicions or declarations of Whigs and Tories ; " land , like the Nation kow , wo have always ' * attached importance ; to the suspicions of the popular party . " We also , like the Nati » n , believe that " loud

      proolamation of war , " simultaneouslv with the " urging the prudence of peace , " caused " a forgetfulness of the policy of vigour , " and total oblivion- about " our honour and our interests . " Like tho Nation , we are not " sorry for the calmer tone of the press and the orators ; " bat , we do not a little marvel that the Nation should have omitted to tell the people , even in the heat of " impatient anger , " that the money subscribed to make 1843 THE repeal year , * was to have postponed rather than hastened the wished for event !

      In tho above article there is such a manly denunciation of Whigs and Wbiggery—so strong a fetter put upon the j expectants from patbonapb , " that we are willing to forget ! much of the past in hope of the future . ' Upon the paragraphs regulating the financial concerns of the { Repeal Press , independently of tke Controller-General of the Corn Exchange , we shall say nothing . How the exchequer depabthenj will treat thisjresoinding of the Act of conaolidation , ' we know not . As to the prudence of the

      Irish Journalists withdrawing from the Association , that was mere matter of taste with them ; with the people the question may hereafter arise , as to the moral effect the step was likely to have upon the future efforts , ] or life , of the Association \ ; aad , in passing , we may observe , that had tbe opinion of the Irish-Chief Justice led the proprietor of this paper to a similar conclusion , and bad he sent in his resignation , to tho : National Charter Association upon the same pretext , we much doubt that he would have escaped that censure in which we should have felt ourselves hound to join .

      We now turn for a moment from the consideration of the forgoing article , to introduce the reader to anothor which immediately follows it in the same paper \

      Untitled Article

      : . i ¦ :- ¦ . ¦ V "MORAt FOECE . * "An article-under this head appeared in our lajt trad must be explained . It was sent to us by an oce * atonal contributor . We concurred in its amiable dislifca to physical force ; but we did not coneur In its unqqs . lifted censure of war , Jta unmixed praise of agitation ^ , still less did we like its criticism on courage . "We have always glorified , and shall ever worshi p , tbe brave , profuse of their blood in a good cause . W « shall not deny the hero-creed of Greece to flatter the fat and sensual Quakerism of thia age . There are wotK

      things than to die or to kllL Tis batter to slay a man than let him dishonour virtue , destroy the rights of pro . perty , crash liberty . Avoid pnttlng him to death if moraforce can stay his crimes ; bnt save your hearth , your all tar , and your freedom , even though he dies for it Stand on the threshold of temple , of country , and of home , provoking no invasion , using every means to prevent it by justice , kindliness , and the display of force * bnt , if these fail , God and your conscience command you to do or die . Agitation is one means of redress ,

      but it leads to much disorganization—great onhappi . ness , wounds upon the soul of a country which sometimes are worse than the thinning of a people by war . War baa its heroic devotion—its wondrous deeds of mind and of body—its ennobling memories . Tkere U good ,- there ia evil in war and in agitation . Still , aa long aa ther » is any hope for a nation by preaching optniens , by agitating or unsettling society , or by anj other moral means , we say , and ever said , let them avoid physical force .

      " Some such words as these did we introduce into the article , and to this , our thought , did we mould it in returning the ' « proof . ' But by a silly accident tin article was printed without change , and therefore this explanation was needed . We have not hastily formed our opinions on the subject . They are the opinion ! which nine out of ten of the great dead and living sanction . We are not likely to change them yet We are sorry for being forced by thia untoward event into repeating them , aa we know they pain a few ex > cellent men . " Before we offer a [ brief comment upon the above , we may observe that there ia in both articles much to congratulate the country upon . The first teaches Mr . O'Conneli ,, that all hope op fatbonage BY

      COMPROMISE is gone ! and that at length the Irish press has measured him ; while the second teaches the press that the people have measured its power , and marked its course . The second is an apologetic article , no doubt consequent upon some wise remonstrance on the contributed article , for which the Editor feels bound to explain . The remon < etrance having produced the explanation , we shaD neither quarrel with it nor further comment upon it ,

      than to request Mr . O'Connbll ' s attentive perusaof the whole ; and , at the same time , desire his re ] consideration of the many slanders heaped by him upon the ' * Physical vokcb" Chartists . We would merely ask the writer , " if temples , halls , and altars " are dearer to man than life 1 and whether starving Englishmen , deserved the eternal censure of the orators of the Corn Exchange , for having said that they would rather " die freemen than live slaves'" f

      sit . O'Coiwell has systematically denounced the Chartists as physical foece chartists ; and he further declared his intention of carrying Repeal by moral force , and moral force only . Aa there are but two modes ofachiering the desired object , and aa one ia out of the question , we shall take a review of the means resetted to for strengthening the other . The question must be firstly deoided out of tbe House , and then legislated for in the House , Popular resolve leads to legislative enactment . The moral courage of a people is in no way so forcibly pourtrayed as in ( he timidity ot their rulers . The

      source of Ireland ' s moral power was said to be in the Repeal Association ; and the leaders of that body told not only the landlords of Ireland , of all denominations , but even the Orangemen of Ireland , that it was their doty to become members of the Repeal Association , in order to give that body a great moral importance . This sweeping invitation to the enemies of Ireland caused more than us to prick their ears ; and we were irresistibly led to compart notes in THE repeal year with the year 1834 ; and to ask what bad become of the moral force staff of the earlier period 1 When Orangemen were asked to

      join tne Association , we asked : is William Fink , brother-in-law to Mr . O'Connell , a member of the Association ; he who voted for the Repeal in 18341 Is Nicholas Fnzsmos , Mr . O * Conneu . ' s son-in-law , a member , who also voted for it in 1834 ? Is Charles O'Connell , Mr . O'Connell ' s son-in-law , who also voted for it , a member ? Is Morgan O'Coknell , Mr . O'Connell ' s son , who also voted for it , a member ! Is Sir Nicholas Fitzsimon , police magistrate , who also voted for it , a member 1 Ia Cabew O'Dwtes who also voted for it , a member ? 13 the Right Hon . w socp commissions * " ( Shiel ) . who also voted for

      it , a member ? and if none of those repealers 01 1834 are now members of the Repeal Association , and if they are nearly all related to Mr . O'Conkeu , with what colour of right can he call upon other parties to become members ? Would not the countenance of those great names ( and to them we maj add Sir David Roche ) give great" moral" influenco to tho cause of Repeal ! and are they members ! and if not , why not ! Tha answer is to be found U the "decline and fall" of the Repeal influence is tho House of Commons , from the moraP trapilaii of its quondam supporters . Since 1836 *—the period

      of tbe Doncannon compromise for patronage—tin following Parliamentary territory , with the mjs » thereunto belonging , has- passed from Repeal to Whig hands : —Kerry County ; Cork City ; Yoaghaj , Mallow , and Kinsale , all boroughs of Cork County —and the County itself is going ; Limerick Citj ; Cashel and Clonmel , in the County of Tipperary ; Dungarvan ; Kilkenny County ; Carlow Cousty and Town ; King ' s County ; Qaeen ' s County ; Wexford and New Ross ; Dublin County and City ; Drofr heda ; Westmeatb ; Athlone ; Dundalk ; Heath County ; and Loutb .

      Now will our " emancipated" cotemporary look over the picture we have drawn for him , and s » J « that Ireland ' s " moral" influence has not been sold ) while her physical strength has been weakened " t » the forgetfulness of Ike policy of vigour" and " iobl oblivion about Ireland ' s honour and her interest . We rejoice however that , though late , one papef has been found virtuous enough , in the midst sf rank newspaper prostitution and corruption , to put

      a " straight waistcoat" upon the had man who hope » to make another bargain and Bale of popular excitement . Mr . O'Connell may now rave ; Master JohI may eat his hot treason ; and yet will the denunciation of Chartists and Chartism by the old , andtba tender appeals on behalf of Whiggery by tbe youuft place-hunter , fail to screen ; both from vengeance of whose coaxing the Nation ' s article ia the warniDg flash .

      " The unhappy genius cf Charlism" does indeed stand between prostitution and public liberty . Titf Chartists would have gladly joined iu thatsympatbj which the English people will ever award to tke disconsolate and oppressed ; but after Mr . O'Cor well ' s fresh attempt to increase and perpetuate the divisions and disunion between the English andtb * Irish people , since his arrival in this country , iw have reason to rejoice that THE PEOPLE naW abstained from joining in any demonstration & favour of the " moral force" Chartist and pHKicii

      FORCB REPEALER . It is indeed matter for great rejoicing to find oitf Irish newspaper bold enough to stand alone . Thfl Di / pyrs , the M'Nevixs , and the Davises of dA were M true men , " whose genius , some how o * other , appears to live in the recent columns of the Nation . One question and we have done . If the pM * should be the reflector of public opinion , how , tr « may ask , does it come to pass , that not a word spoken at the Association of the real Irish Repealers is ever communicated through any portion of " *

      Irish press ? Why not report the proceedi&g 8 o » the Irish Universal Suffrage Association ! A J as yet it is too poor ! Let the Nation &r 0 * off the financial fetter . Ko more apDeaB for any portion of the wages of corrup tioni , cum going forth from the brothel , let the N ation pw on the virgin' dress of truth and purity , and ^ ay w the brave Irish people , our venality and'p rosti (< t ttoli " HAS CAUSED A . yORaETFCrLNI-SS OP TUB POWC * ° VIGOUR , " AND " TOTAL OBLIVION ABOUT OUR flCNJ" * and our interests . " Yea ; let one pa psr in '& laud look to " the honour and the interests" « f m people , while tho prostitutes live upon the wag' *

      Fhe Jsorthektf Star. Saturday, March 9, 1844.

      fHE JSORTHEKtf STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 9 , 1844 .

      Untitled Article

      4 , THE NORTHERN STAR . _____^ March 9 , 1843 ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 9, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1255/page/4/