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    THE HUDDERSFIELD MEETING . { Continued from our sixth page . J nore Tamable ( applause ); ana they couia maks It , ¦ witfe * fce ~ BaaD-ssesiSra ofraoderlBg justice to the people , J . 00 per cent more talnable —[ loud efaBers ) . To * ato another view of the subject—suppose thB working-population amounts only to 6 , 000 , 000 ; a reduction d only 1 b . » -TfMk in their wages makes a loss to the wnntry of £ 800 , 000 per weekV or il 5 , 000 , WO per Tea ? - Then , again , only think of -what an addition of 16 a . a "week would be on ihi * population - » hy , it would create a market greater by far than the home and foreign market pat together —( applause ) In fills ease ' the people would hate £ 150 , 000 , 000 to spend annually on domestic produce—{ Tenement

    cheering ) . Let mho longer hear those who lament so much the low of a foreign narttet , -when here 5 s a market far them , at the smallcost of justice and humanity to their feflow men—( cheats ) . He could assure them that Minister * required to know these facjH . If h * could prevail on aome of them to come into the manuftetoring districts , they would then sea the poverty aad distress of the people , ani they wouia have justice done , for they "srere misrepresented , and Ministers were kept Ia the d « rk—( loud cheers ) , o thai tawa -wbq . werB crying about foreign trade , cheap bread , and the "wani-of free trade , -would only give their men that -which would enable them to purchase cheap bread—( loud , ajplause ) . If the people of this country were enabled to spend only ose penny per

    day irjore than they now did , In purchasing ^ oids ind Ticfcuals , it . would amoant ia the coarse of one yearjto no Jess a sum than £ 41 , 000 , 000 ; a snm greater than was annually obtained from the foreign market taking the average for the last ten years—( Applause ) Dr . Sleigh here read an extract from a paper showing -that during the late turn-outs the general cry was , that all the distresses of the people arose from bad wagesthere was plenty of employment , but men had not suffl--dent wages—( cheers ) . He would now consider two or three objections that might ba raised to UnB plan . JSrsS , it might be considered impracticable . Many iaid it was desirable to hate wages protected , but that it was impossible . Hewould admit that at the iiist blush it might appear . so . It was like one seeing

    a high Ml at a distance , to reach the summit of which appeared impracticable ; iut as we approach it , ibe ~ difficnlty finishes , and we wonder at It having appeared to us jbo difficult , if not impracticable How many things now practised were deemed a few yean ago impractible < Permit me to tell you that for neatly S 00 years * Tarious acts of Parliament were enacted for the protection of labour . The fact is , that many' of our ancestors had smch greater wiadom than their descendants—( hear , hear ) . The acts I allude to are the 25 th of Edward HL , the 36 fti of Edward 1 IL , Xhs 12 ih of Bichard IL , o . 9 , 10 , the 23 rd ol Henry VIL , the 2 d of Henry YIIL , the 55 h of EUzibeth , c 4 ., and James L , in 1602 . But , as trades bare become more numerous , and science has branched into

    so many-channel * , be would not pretend to say that it would be so « asy now as it was then . He would not go into details , but mention general principles Which conia be acted upon . This was a matter which reqnlred-serious and mature deliberation , not only of one individual , but of many ; and if it could be rendered practical and operative , all ought to co-operate heart and hand in accomplishing it , thereby destroying -all animosity between the employer and tba employed . The general principles of the plan he suggested were , first , the hours of labour to be legally defined { bear ) secondly , wages should be regulated according to the quantity , . quality , and nature of the work ; and , thirdly , local boards , composed of employers and employed , to regulate this ; keeping the price of corn as

    the-principal criterion , so Oat each trade might be properly represented , and thus a check given to unfair practices . These were his fundamental principles upon which a law might be easSy framed for the protection of labour . He now came to another objection . Some manufacturer might « y it would diminish bis profits—we cannot pay better wages , and if we do it wiD flimSniah -our profits . Permit me to say that your apprehensions are totally unfounded . They might say that times being bad made them pay low wages . New , he had gone into Lancashire and examined the people in the presence of the leading manufacturers of that county , asking them if , when times were good , they had better wages ? The unanimous answer was , " LitUe or nothing . " Of course they could not expect the same

    wages when times were bad . - This was provided for in his plan . But that good wages would ^ iTnimnh profits was out of the question . Honest wages were the same as seeds put into the earth by the agriculturist . As anecdote just occurred to him relative to the county of Kent . He saw two fields of corn , one thick with corn , the other , though of the same soIL extremely barren . He asked a farmer who was hy the reason ? The answer was , "Because the owner of one field was not covetous ,, but spent mon ^ upon -manual libour and cultivation . ' ( Cheers and hear ) . This was the case with the manufacturers . If they paid good wages , g 9 od would be the consequence . If they paid according to the real value of labour ( and the labourer is worthy of bis hire } , the labourer weuld stand by

    them , and trade ba -vastly improved ; for if they did not ^ et proper wages , sufficient not only to keep body and soul together , but also to cover them with clothes , the grocer , draper , &c suffered . These havB t # go for tbetr goods to tbe maaaEaCturer , and to all are ultimately benefited . Giving good wages was sowing seed yielding ten , twenty , and fifty-fold , as he had proved fcy facts in reference to the increased value of the home market . Therefore , the objection was-not sound—that profits would be too much diminished by giving good wages . But suppose the profits of a few were to be « urtafled ? { Cry of " They want it" ) Was the legislature or the Sovereign justified in sanctioning the principle , that in order that soms might make princely fortunes , the mass of tbe-population was to be kept in

    » state of starvation ? Was it consistent with Christianity , that the masses should "be sacrificed for the benefit of the few ?—( cries of " No . " } Was it consistent with Justice that a few should revel in luxury While the mass of the people was destitute of the necessaries of life 1 This was not sanctioned by the words of unerring truth ; and if an angel Trere to say to the contrary , be would reply , ¦*• Thou liar , begone !"—( loud applause ) . It might be said by some— " We agree with all this , but It comes abort of what we want : we want snore . " Wtuldif be a sound or wise principle for a man ins state of starvation to . refuse £ 1 because he could not have £ 10 ? It should by remembered , that tbe petition confined itself solely to the providing for the

    labouring population honest remunerating wages . Hs wished them , Whigs , Tories , or Chartists , to confine themselves to this petition , by snpporting-. whieh they Would obtain that which was their principal object : " a feir day ' s wages for a fair day ' s work . " Therefore , he begged them to lay aside their peculiar political -news in order to accomplish the object be had submitted to their consideration . It was of the greatest importance to them , that while they wera straggling year after year for sther things , let them at £ 1 eventB secure this object and hold it fast If they accomplished a victory ,-it Would be an event of . great and lasting importance . 1 wonder-will the Pree-traders object to this ? If they do , their fate is for ever sealed in the eyes of the people —f cheers ) . Xet them come forward and prove that they

    hid the welfare of tbe people at heart , and S&at they did not wish for the reduction of wages . This petition Was the finest touchstone for trying them . They might talk about the Corn Laws , but the fact was , the people bad good reason to doubt tbe good intentions of the Pree-traiers . Ton can now say : " Give us security by adopting this petition , and yon may repeal the Corn laws as Boon as you like . " They dare not oppose It ; far if they did they knew that every voice Would be Taised against them . He did not wish to insinuate that they had a desire to reduce wages , nor would i = e attribute any bad motives . If o conscientious individual cenld willingly oppress bis fellow-men , or wantonly rednee wages , but would rather keep them np . Some of the leading free-traders—Earl Pitzwllliam , Mr . Hunts , and Mr . VUliers—said it waa impractieable to pay good wages , for they conld not compete wiihforeigners but by reducing wages . ( Cries of " Ho , no . " and Yes . " ) Some cried out for proof .

    He conld giva it . He could give tbe "words of Earl " Pitzirilliani , and Mr . Mnntz , who did not say it was their desire to leducs wages . He wished to do away with the impression that he was censuring only the manufacturers , and declaring that only the agriculturists were good . Ho such thing . They were ^ ll fallible . It was only by fair , honest discussion , that truth would be elicited j fer they might depend npon it that any subject which could not stand the light and fair honest discussion -eras isot a right one ; neither was that a good cause which required vituperation or -falsification . Truth conTted investigation—coveted it , in an honesty straightforward manner . He now returned them his -warmest acknowledgments for the kindness and patience with -which they had listened to his obsarrafions on a subject -which lie thought best calculated to promote their interests . He was ready to answer any questions , and to give a reason for the ^ rietw and doctrirjea he had stated . < 3 > r . Sleigh concluded amidst

    mas ; eatbasi&stie and lengthened applause . ) As » onn as silence bad been obtained , Mr . Glenbssstsg rose to move tbe adoption of the petition Bobmir ^ by Df . sleigh . This be did with tbe ^ restest eordytftj . ^ ae principles enunciated by Dr . Sleigh , it wa * ipeil kao-wn to bis own friends , bad been the principles for -wKeh be { Mr . Go had coBt « nded for many years ; therefore he did ' not rise to propose tie motien because be ttss , as some ssid , one -of the tools of the Tories . He happened to sign tbe requisition to Dt Sleigh , waich he did because he believed him to be a good man , and onB who was , both by his speeches and writings , -well able to defend tbe rights of labour . Protection for labour waB a principle to which they mtut

    * fl agree and act npon before the country cculd be be-Befitted or tbe great masses of the people improved . They all knew that the principles already in operation fcadbeen mating them worse aaa worse ; many of those in business being quite sick of it , not knowing what to do . How many different princip l es had been put for-* ard by other political parties , saying that if this and sbatiad been done , trade would be improved and the workmen better paid . But be would say , that so leng * s the condition of ihe labourinn classes waa getting Worse and -worse , something must be done to protect the industry of the poor man—{ hear , hear , and ehem ) . They an knew that a great deal of the wnrk Bow done , was performed by females and < fcnaren ; a-a that a great deal of the work formerly

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    done by men at from 22 a .. to 25 s ., was now done by boys from thirteen to seventeen years of age , who obtained no more than 9 s . or 10 s . —( cry of " Say 6 s . " ) They were sure this would not support any family . When boys were the head of a family , as many now were , they were looked upon as supporters of a family , because their parents were entirely dependant on them—( bear ) . This was an unnatural state of society and ought speedily to be amended . 16 was high time , the legislature should adopt some plan by which the head of every family should be properly provided for ,

    cave proper remuneration for his labour , and be provided with employment before his wife and childrenthat he should not s > a compelled by circumstances to send Ms wife or children to a factory or a coal mine , ot other department of labour , to provide for him when be was willing , able , and streng to do it himself—( hear and cheers ) . These were bis views , and though be and many others had been opposed by Borne fox standing in defence of the principles of the petition , yet he hoped every one present would give bis support to tbe petition . He envied not the feelings of that man who opposed it

    The motion was seconded by an individual ia the b > dy of the meeting , and the Chairman nwe to put it to the vote . Before doing so , however , he asked if there was any person present who had observations to make , objections to urge , questions to put , or amend * ment to move ; and paused for a moment or two to see if any such would present himself . None such appearing , the vote was taken , when tbe great body of the assembly held up their hands for the motion , and less than half-a-dozen against it . This was the more extraordinary , as it was well knows that a strong muster of Leaguers had been made , for the express purpose of oppesing the conveners of the meeting . A considerable" band of them occupied a portion of the orchestra ; aad their behaviour there was -very indecorons . They laughed , and jeered , and taunted , and sneered , and interrupted : so much so at one lime , that Mr . Hobson

    rose to call public attention to It , remarking that such conduct cams from parties whe bad preferred loud complainta against interruptions of ftrfr meetings . He begged to remind them , that they were there " on their good behaviour , as it were ; " and begged of-them to give an example worthy of being follows to those whom they bad formerly denounced as disturbers of public meetings , Bnt sneering was all tbty dare Venture on . They dared not to oppose the adoption of the Memorial . The " yjs" that Dr . Sleigh bad put them into , ofapp 8 aring , if they appeared { at all , as the undisguised enemies of the labourer , j ^ wd them to their seats ! They stirred not The knowing ones did not even hold up their hands against It This was only done by two poor things belonging to the gang ; two , who have not brains to see an inch before their nose ; and who mechanically oppose every resolution tbat does not say " Bspeil the Corn Laws . "

    At soon as tbe motion was carried , several « f the Free Tradas in the orchestra , addressing a number of Chartists there assembled , asked in a sneering , taunting tone : " Where is the Charter ? " " What has become of the Charter T" "Are not we to have the Charter ?" " Is the Charter to be forgotten ? " Mr . Hobson immediately rose from bis seat , and advanced to the frost of the platform . While he was standing there , Ths Chairman read the second resolution : — " That the petition now adopted be committed to the care of Dr . Sleigh , and that he be reqnested to use such means as may appear to him best calculated to have the same effectually laid before hex Majesty . " This was moved by a gentleman in the body of the meeting , seconded by Mr . Ha" ? tktaKd , put to the meeting , and carried .

    Mr . Joshiu Hobsox then said , he bad to move a resolution that had not been prepared by the conveners of the meeting ; still he apprehended it would meet with tbe support of a large portion of the meeting ; and he was happy to say that it would meet with the approbation of a considerable number of gentlemen present , who did not often grace the meetings of working man . Tha « e gentlemen had betrayed considerable anxiety that a certain " question" should not be overlooked . He was happy to inform them that he had not " forgotten *' it ; that he had embodied it in tbe resolution he should mote ; and be , therefore , from the anxiety they had displayed , claimed their support . No doubt that some one ef them would second his motion when they heard it ; and be hoped that they would take care not only

    that tbe " question" was not there overlooked , but that it bad theib . support "in t ' other place , " ( Loud laughter- ) Assuring the gentlemen present , who had evinced such a laudable anxiety as he had alluded to , that their utmost wish should be gratified , in the introduction of the " question" they were so anxious afeout , he must congratulate the assembly on the extraordinary conversion made that nigbt in their presence . Nothing could be more certain , than that the principles embodied in the memorial just adopted , and so forcibly advocated by Dr . Sleigh , were totally and wholly opposed to the doctrines bolden and enunciated by the gentlemen be then had in his eye . He bad therefore a right to assume , that the speech of Dr . Sleigh had either converted them , or that they bad not tbe manliness

    or the courage to bring their own doctrines before the assembly , in opposition to tbe principles of protection to labour , from a consciousness that their so doing would dojf tbe do * k of tsibsdxiness with which they had clothed themselves , and cause them to stand before tbe meeting COn £ e »«* l enemies Of fofow —( loud cheers ) . Tbe position that Dr . Sleigh bad put the free traders into was a meat trying one . They felt that they dare not oppose him ; though had they been true to their own principles , they were bound to do so : but their doing it , would have torn tbe veil from off their " recreant limbs "'; and they would have stood before the labouring men in all their hideous naked deformity—( great cheering ) . With the great principle of Protection to Labour , he ( Mr . Hobson ) most

    cordially agreed . It was the principle for which tbe working classes bad been long contending . Ever since tbe introduction of the present ruinous system of paper money , taxation , and free-tradeism , tbe labouring population bad contended fer protection to labour . Their struggle for . the accomplishment of that object , had assumed many phases , many aspects ; but the one , sole leading cause of all their efforts bad been to secure wages wherewith to obtain the necessaries , the conveniences , tbe comforts , and some ef the luxuries of life . Why shsnld it not be so ? Why should those who create all property , as Dr . Sleighhad conclusively shown ; why should the labocbeb . alone be deprived of the enjoyment of tbat which he himself created ? Why should the mass of the population be deprived of the

    absolute necessaries of life , and left to drag on a miserable existence—for it was not living ; why . should this be the condition of the working classes , when those who merely set them to , ; work , those wbo merely directed their operations , Bbould be able in a few years , as their own town conld testify , to rise from the bovel to the mansion—from the small cottage to the large house at Gledholt Bank ? He again asked why the IABDTJBBB 8 alone ; those who had given value to property ; who bad created the property that others possessed ; he asked why they alone , should be in the condition they now -were ? It was because labour was unprotected i it iraabeeauss laBOXJB irosE was unprotected . And be felt sure , that no man , unless be had a front » f brass , ¦ would dare to come upon that platform and contend tbat

    this state of things on ? ht to continue ; that PBOPEBTT , the offspring of labour ahonld be protected ; while iaboub itself , tbat which created property , Bhonld be unprotected . With the general principles therefore , of Protection to Labour , so well advocated by Di . Sleigh , be in common witii the working population of Eagland , cordially agreed . With them , protection to labour was no new question . As he had before observed , tbe working people bad always sought to obtain that protection . All their struggles bad been directed to that end . Indeed ft might T » truly said that from tbe day protection was lost , up to the present bonr , a continual struggle to regain It had been going on . That Btrnggle had presented many phases ; assumed many shapes ; but it was directed tot the accomplishment of the ene oDject ; protection to labour . When machinery "was first introduced ; or rather when the tide of "invention" and "improvement" which

    bad now set in so overwhelmingly ; when this tide first appeared , and was but as the ripple upon thB ¦ beac h , aa it were , the working people saw tbat their property ia labour was threatened . They saw tbe beginning of a power which would deprive them of labour , and consequently of tfee means of living . At the first blush of tbe thing , they looked npen tbe machines themselves as their enemy . They determined to rid themselves ef it They determined to destroy that -which threatened to take from them the means of living . They did destroy . They combined together to destroy . , This was the first phase that the straggle to ofetaia protection to labour presented itself in . Tet it was unsuccessful ! Machinery -was demolished ; yet that demolition did not prevent its general introduction . It was a desire on the part of the labouring many to preserve for themselves the -wages of labour that dictated

    the breaking of machinery . The labourers failed however : aod -why ? Because labour was unprotected ! Because dpitaV was stronger ihan labour ; for capital had the power of the uw ; labour bad r . ot . Capiial ¦ used the pewer of the law : labour was forced to yield . Machinery was introduced ; and very soon it was seen that the fears and apprehensions of the labonrers were but too well founded . Wages conld not be maintained . Employment beca » e Bcarca . Tbe comforts of the labourer were diminished . To wmedy this 4 to prevent tbe downward course thus entered upon , tbe labourers presented the warfare to obtain protection to labour , in antther aspect . They confederated together . They combined together , in order to keep np wages , and formed trades' unions . Por a time the unions were but it

    formidable to capita ^ eventaaUy overcame and put them down ; and why ? Capital bad with it the power of the law ! Labour had notJ That was the great Jiecret Capital seized upon four m five labourers in the agricultural county of Dorset ; and Capital sent them across the seas ; trwwported , them ! thus breaking up the unions of tbe working classes , and leaving them more at the mercy of Capital than before . Tbe " improvements" in machinery »«* on . Much labour was dispensed with ., Itjras found that many of the operations could be performed by the labour of infante . Infant labour was " cheap . [ Ol tbe sweets of tbat word " cheap "! That ™ r ddetermines every question new-a-dsys , relating to labour . So tiat it be " cheap " , all ether considerations weign as nothing in the scale Q To obtain that " cheap labour , the child which ought to have been at school was

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    dragged from the care of iU mother , and placed in the position that Hit father ought to have occupied . It was forced to labour ; and labour too for periods so long that many sunk beneatb ^ the heartless oppressions to which they were subjected * There were however Borne few operations ; operations reqairing the exercise of MIND ; more mind than the infant possessed . To perform these the labour of the female portion of the population was called ia It was called in because it was " cheap , "" cheaper" than male labour . The daughter of the working man , nay , even bis wife , and the mother of his children , was dragged from his home , to work for £ « support , while he was left idle to walk the streets . Did the working people quietly permit this ? Did they tamely sit down with it ? Did not they try to

    remedy it ? O , yea ! The struggle to obtain protection to labour hereupon assumed another shape . The working people directed attention to these instances of crying injustice . They asked for paoiECXiON to the infant labourer . They showed that tbe system was reversing the order of nature . They said : " We boast of our civilization : we boast of this being tbe 'land of Bibles ; ' we are so full of religion , that we freight ship-loads of it to China , and to the nethermost parts of the earth—( loud cheers);—we boast of these things ; we talk of iaveglsm , where woman is made to do ' all the work , and the 'lords of the creation

    stalk abont in perfect Idleness : but what has the factory system done for tu ? Has it not introduced the wont features of Savageism * Are not our females and oar little-ones forced to do all the work , and we forced to remain in unmanly idleness ? Are' not our children , too , almost worked to death 1 P&AY PROTECT these I Pray SHTEfcD these ! Such was the language of the working men ; and to accomplish this measure of protection for the infant enly , England was-heaved to its centre . A mighty straggle was made . In that struggle , he was happy to Bay , Hndderafield had taken its part Nay , in Hudderafield the warfare commenced . It was in tbat

    town that the banner for the protection of infant labour had been reared . But was the struggle Buccessfnl 1 One would have thought that this simple request , a request , not that adult labour should be protected ; not tbat female labour should be prohibited ; but simply a request that infants should not be permitted to be worked to death : we would have thought that such a request as this , and bo preferred , would have met with universal support . , no ! Capitai was arrayed against labour . Capital could not dispense with " cheap labour . " Capital was afraid of profits being diminished 1 Capi ta l coald not let go its hold t Tbe agitation in favour of the factory child , great at it was—( and great it was )—waa set aside bj Capital , because Capital had the power of the law l The demands of Labour were Bet at

    nought It is true that they could not be silently pa&sed over . The agitation was too powerful for tbat ; but it is equally true that a measure of mock protection was passed by Capital , and passed , avowedly , because it was known that it would be "impracticable " —( bear , hear ) . : This fforfc of Labour , then , to obtain only a modicum of pbotecijow , was unsuccessful . But -while this effort had been progressing , Capital had not been asleep . While the working people were thus seeking for PBOTECTION , that most hellish and infernal law alluded to by Dr . Sleigh , the Poor Law Amendment Act—( cry ; of " Poor Law hell" )—was passed for the farther subjugation of labour at the feet of Capital —passed for the getting more effectually at the wages of LaBOUK . " , Ah "! ( exclaimed the speaker , turning

    round and confronting the anti-Corn Law men on the platform , one of them being a Guardian notoriously in favour of tho law ) , let us never forget that tbat law was passed for the avowed—the AVOWED purpose of reducing the labourers of England to live on a COABSKB sort of food I Ah ! let ub never forget to remind the friends of that Act of that fact— ( Loud applause ) . Let the fact be continually trumpeted forth , and let every working man treasure it up in hia innermost heart of hearts . " But was tbe fact so ? They should judge . In tbe printed instructions prepared by the Whig ministers who bronght forward that act—( hear , hear , from Dr . Sleigh)—and given to the barrister wbo drew up that act , were these words : ¦— " Among other things it is desirable to bring tbe people of Eng .

    land to live on a coarser sort of diet" —( Hear , bear , from Dr . Sleigb ) , That was onejof the objects which the framers of that law bad in view , and believe me—( Cries of * ' a chap here mys that is not true "— " never mind him , be ia a bastiler **)—believe me ( continued the speaker ) those who passed that law knew bow to frame tbe Machinery to accomplish their object A gentleman said it was not true . It was convenient for those wbo bad supported the measure , thus to try to getover the fact j but tbeir saving it was not true did not make it so . They should judge from a plain statement of facts , whether it was true or not The banister wbo had these printed instructions delivered to him by the Whig Ministry , was so horrified with tbe hellb ' n proposal so nakedly put into his bands , that he caused the fact to

    be known . —( A cry of •' He did right . " ) He mentioned it to two or three friends , and they communicated it to the late William Cobbett Mr . Cobbott could not believe it ; not that he doubted tbat the intention existed . He knew enough of tbe Whigs to believ « that the intention was there : but he did doubt tbat any set of men on this Bide hell would have so undisguieedly stated it He expressed these doubts ; and bought to have tbe instructions sent to bis house for examination . This the barrUter did not feel himself at liberty to accede to ; but be intimated tbat if Mr . Cobbett would call upon him , he should peruse the instructions . He did bo wait . He taw the instructions . He copied the words . He tbeu went into the House of Commons . He there stattd tie

    fact in tbe face of the House . He challenged contradiction . He moved for the laying of the instructions on the table of the House ; and Lord AIthorpe , the then Whig Ministerial leader of the House , did not dare to deny Mr . Cobbett a statement ; bat contented himself with getting his majority to silently vole that the instructions should not be produced . Not true , indeed ! Who , in the face of these facts , dare doubt its truth . There was enough , in the facts just detailed to produce conviction in the mind of every man tbat such was indeed and truly tbe case . For a considerable period tbe matter thus rested . Bnt at last the whole truth came out Mr . Walter was returned for Nottingham . Ah , if Nottingham had done no other good than this , it had showed theWhigs in their

    true colours ! A copy of a private document , tbe document on which tb « Poor Law Act was founded , was forwarded by the Wbig Government to Mr . Barnes , the then Editor of the Times , under the pledge of secrecy At the death of Mr . Barnes , this copy came into Mr . Walter ' s possession , under no such pledge . He declared the fact In the House of Commons , and dared Sir James Graham to deny it Graham bad formed one of the Whig Ministry when tbe instructions were issued . Graham , however , " could not recollect any . thing of it—be really could not recollect" After a few good hints , and a poke or two in . the ribs from 34 r . Walter , Graham admitted tbat he " had an indistinci recollection of something of the Bort" —( laughter . ) Mr . Walter then moved that the instructions be laid

    on tbe table of the bouse , when Graham contented himself , as Lord Althorpe bad done , by availing himself o ! bis majority , aud voting that they be not laid on tbe table . Mr . Walter thereupon said he did not want a copy of the instructions for himself ; for he Oien held a copy of them in his hand 1 THEN Graham knew all about it—( much laughter )—and even twitted Mr . Walter with a breach of confidence ! Ail therefore that Mr . Cobbett ha d asserted , and supported by the facts already detailed , was thus proved to be true . Such was the nature of tbePoor Law Act ! Such was ita purpose : such its object When the working people discovered thiB ; when they saw tbat it w ;» b intended , by such means , to get at the wagts ef laboub , they rose in hundreds of thousands to protest against it They denounced it as an infamous , execrable , and anti-Christian measure ; and they demanded its obliteration from tbe statute book . Capital , however , could not give it up I It was too powerful a lever in the bands of capital to

    reduce wages ! Capital would not part with it : but capital passed a Koral Police Bill to eram it down the working people ' s throats ! I And why ? Because Capitol had the power of the law . and tbe working classes had not If tbe working people had had this power , the principle of protection wonld sever . . had been divorced from the laws of England ; and the New Poor Law Act wonld never have been passed . This be was entitled to say , from the fact , thBt from the mement Protection had been lost to the present hour , the labouring people bad incessantly sought to have that protection restored . It -was right , then , tbat they should tell Dr . Sleigh that this was not the first time they had advocated tbe principle of protection to labour . The worklDg peopie had always done so . It was true , as be bad before stated , that the contest had assumed numerous phases : but it was alwaya the bittle of labotjb against the encroachments of capital . Hitherto Labour had been nnsnecesaful . He bad told them tbe cause ; namely ,

    that capital was stronger than laboub . Capital had tbe power of the law , and laboub bad not . He would be the last to throw any impediment in tbe way of the exertions of Dr . Sleigh—( hear , hear ) . Such was not his purpose : and he sincerely trusted such would not be the effect of hia ( Mr . H . ' s ) conduct But it was right , coming as the Doctor did for tbe flrat time among them ; it was right that he should know their exact position , their exact feelings , tbefr exact wiahes ; that neither be ( Dr . S . > , nor they , should be deceived with each other . Then , what earthly chance was there that tho present movement , so happily begun tbat night , wonld be more successful than the many former movements in which they bad been engaged ? For himself he must confess he saw no chance . If he might judge from the relative position of parties in power , be must certainly come to the conclusion tbat protection for Labup B-washot a favourite doctrine with any of them .

    It was true that the present Premier , at tba commencement of his rule , bad it in his power , had be bad the moral courage to have undertaken the task , to have laid the foundation for the regeneration of England . But he had not tbe courage . He chose rather to throw himself into the armB of the free-traders ; thQBe whose embraces are deadly , and who have secured tfce onnifttlaiion of PBEL . J Had tbe Minister adopted tho other course , he would have indeed been great : but as it was , be had succumbed to a power he dare not set at defiance ; and he bad passed a large sweeping measure of free-trade , the confessed effect of which had been to augment the evils under which « 8 groaned . Could it be otfcerwiee ? Could the principles of tree-ttade , however applied , have any other efftct ? Had not all ttieii

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    experience of free-trade , from its first Introduction to the If ^ S ^ ^ ^^ ^ e xaci&In proper-« on a ^ those princfplea bad feen applied to pr ^ ice , the poverty of the people and the difficulties of alf classes had increasedL ? Such had been the effect of free-trade 7 i * JZ'L * ?!? * have : - * " > ' Never have had J . 'J 7 ' D" not the laat fifty years seen the system of protection continually frittered away ? eontinoattv dropped , piecemeal by piecemeal ; aad the system of ^ tS « * , ** « ° HtJ » oaUy and regularly introduced ? -fear , tm ) Not had It J Where is the vnTJl ? r ^ , Uii no * aU-bo ^ nperseded ? What was the condition of the labouring many sixty

    years ago , when the system p ? protection was in fall vogue ; and what is their condition how ? Do not the free-traders themselves tey ^ that the labourers are starving ; that onr merchants are on the verge of bankruptcy ; and nationai , bpw threatening us alL Not had iij Why , it was but the other day that he saw In the dnii-Bread Tax Circular , * boast thitau the fates kWKCtim exports had been done away with , bow that Government had passed the Machinery Exportation Bill ; now that Government had given up the only remaining advantage that we possessed , over toe foreign manufacturer ; and it also boarted , that these waa but one law affecting IMPOBTS to force from the Government : and

    r ^ « r u - d BaYe ful 1 ¦*»• n M * ' Not had itl We have had a terribly close approximat ion to It : and the effect of the pretty large sample has teea togive no great relish for the sack . Not had itl Why , tbat will be the excuse when we are fully and completely ruined by its means . The free-traders werejust like the vendors of Morrison ' s Pills . They prescribed them as a remedy for all the evils that flesh is hefar t » . You took a good moderate dose . It worked bodly . It scoured you out Still more was prescribed . You took more : the operation wa » more alarming . Yoh sunk beneath the cubb > poisoned right out ; and even then the quack who had administered to you , said that jou had died became you had not taken enough I The had

    people been quacked quite enough with freetrade , to let them kaow what it was like . For himself , he must say , that he had eteen enough of the effects of the doses already administered , aa to make him much disinclined to have the dose repeated or enlarged —( much laughter and cheers ) . Not had itl Why , Htiskisson , the Free Trader , had at one fell swoop , in 1813 , aweeped away hundreds of Acts of Parliament from the statute book , every one of them embodying the principle of Puotection ; aud he bad enacted in their stead a measure of Free Trade . [ Addressing the gentlemen who had cried out "we have nothadit , "Mr . Hobaon said 0 " You surely got that I you surely had it ! What has been its effect ? Go and ask the Spitalfleld ' a weaver . Ask him how he likes Hoakisson ' s Free Trade . "

    Huskisson ' s Act was a portion of tbat system , which , we are told , is to produce " cheap bread , " "high wages , " and " plenty to do . " By-tfie-bye , it had pr oduced " plenty to do . " Bat , as for tbe cheap bread and g « od wages ; if ,. free-trade had produced these good effects , bow was it that the working classes were in their present position ? How was it that the Free-Traders themselves found them so utterly destitute of all that should render life agreeable , as to " wish that Almighty God would put an end to tbeir sufferings before / morning ? Oh , yes 1 we have bad enough of Free-trade to be able to judge of Its effects I And by the bye ; talking of Mr . Huskiseon sweeping away of measures of protection , called to his mind several Acts of Protection affecting their own trade which

    bad thus been got rid of ; with how much ad-j vantage to the public they should judge when they : heard the facts . This case would completely illustrate tbe two principles— " pbotection , " and ¦ " freedom of ACTION . " He would take for that illustration an occurrence which bad recently taken place . It would bring the whole matter vividly before them . Everything , at the present day was determined by the term " cheap . " If only " cheap , " no matter how produced , or at what cost of human suffering . If it could only be Bold , that was all that was cared for . A number of Sheffield manufactures , great advocates for " freedom of trade , " found it out tbat cast iron was cheaper than steel . They accordingly made a number of cask iron knives , and they stamped them —( your tree

    trader is never very punctilious about honesty )—they stamped these cast metal knives as " shear steel "—( laughter ) . They went on in this way for a considerable time . Immense numbers of cast-metal knives , razors < 9 zc , were thrust on the foreign market , which , according to the free-traders , of all others ought to be maintained . Knowing the importance of tbe foreign market , one would have supposed they -would have been content with imposing upon the " chaw-bacons" at home ; these who did not know a "b" from a bull's foot ; and that they wonld keep the steel for the foreign trade . But " cheap" overruled every otfaer consideration ; . they sent their cast metal abroad , as well as sold it at borne . The foreigners thus found us out ; they discovered us to be a nation of rogues and cheats . They put up furnaces of their own ; set tbeir own labourers to work ; manufactured cutlery for themselves ; nay , have even sent that cutlery into our own markets , and undersold us

    tbtre . Such had been one effect of tbe principle of " freedom of trade . " Now for the value of the principle of " pbotection . " It fortunately happened for tbe interest of the trade of Sheffield , and for the character of the nation at large , that an Act of Parliament existed on the statute book , an . act Which tbe free-traders bad not yet been able to get xld of , making it highly penal to pursue such dishonest practices . The effect of these practices upon tbe trade of Sheffield had been such as to cause that town to experience more distress and privation than any other town in the kingdom , daring tbe long distress that has existed ; and at length the attention of the Master Cutler of Sheffield was irresistibly drawn to the necaaity that existed for some strong efforts being made to retrieve tbe character of the town and trade from the odium brought upon them by the " free-traders . " He therefore availed himself of this act of protection ; caused Bearches to be made in the warehouses of the

    free-traders cutlers ; eeizsu heaps of cast-iron knives , razors , scissors , and other articles of cutlery ; brought two of the manufacturers before tbe magistrates ; fined one of them more than thirteen hundred pounds , and the other four hundred : took the heaps of spurious cutlery into Paradise-square , and there publicly destroyed it There was a full illustration of the two principles : freedom of action"leading to knavery , cheatery , roguery , loss of character , and destruction of trade : " protection" interfering to save the public from tbe frauds of the cheats—( hear , hear ) . There used to be on the Statute Boob laws of a similar nature to tbat which had been brought to interfere for the protection of the trade of Sheffield , which protected the manufacture of woollen cloths . He ( Mr .

    H . ; tvfls not very old ; but be could well remember the time , when every piece of woollen cloth manufactured in that district , used to have a piece of lead at the end of it , aiBbal , setting forth the length that such piece of woollen cloth ought io measure . He could also tell when searchers used to visit the fulling mills to measure the goods . All this was protection : it was to prevent the pieces being " pulled" or " stretched"too long or too wide upon the " tenter . " Now , however , that was done away with . ( A cry of " question . "') Some one cried •* queBtion . " ir that gentleman thought be could handle the question better than bim ( Mr . H . ) , he had better try ; but he thought what be was now advancing was very much to the question . The question that night was " protection . " He was showing that they once had

    protection ; he was aho-wlng , too ; bow that protection had operated to the public advantage ; and he thought that was very much to the question—^( land crie * of " Go on ; go on" ) . Well , then , contemporaneously with the Act which prevented the undue stretching of woollen goods upon the tenter , was another passed t » prevent the manufaotnrers mixing flocks with their wool . Mind , against mixing / pcArs with wool . They knew the sort of stuff that was now mixed with wool—( loud laughter and cheers , and cries of " Aye , we do" ) . Nay , he wai / wrong ; they mixed a bit of wool with it—( continued laughter , and loud cheers ) . They now Manufactured woollen cloth out of all sorts of filth , foisted it upon the public as a good article , cheated the public most egregiouBly ; for when the goods came to be

    worn , they were found to be of no service at all—they were " nought bnt muck "—( loud laughter and cheers ) . He had bimflelf seen within a few days a pair of trousers which had been made from cloth purchased at the warehouse of one of the first , merchants in Huddersfleld ; and which , when put on , had split up in all directions . This cloth when purchased " handled" very nicely . " Shoddy" makes yottr cloth to handle softly and nice ; butis totally usfitted for wear . The trousers In question were , Ue believed , in the hands of Mr . Ferrand , M . P ., that fearless exposer of " devil ' s dust " practices , whn would most likely exhibit tbem in the House of Commons , and thUB gain for Huddersfleld manufactures a most unenviable notoriety . Would they balieve it ?—( cries of " Yes , we do , we do" ); would when

    they bslieve it , that at the time be spoke of , " protection" was interwoven in hundreds of Aets of Parliament , and before " free ; trade" had begun to be introduced , there were Acts on the Statute-book which rendered every manufacturer -who pursued such practices , and wbo manufactured such stuff , liable to searchto have the " mucky" woollens seized , and himself fined three times their value 1 There was tbe principle of protection I Who would say tbat that principle , so embodied in legislative enactments , would not be a benefit now?—( loud cries of " Hear , bear" ) Why the manufacturers of " devil ' s dust" woollens were infinitely worse than the Sheffield cast-metalcutlers . True , both were cheats : but the cbeatcry of the cutler was not so great as that of the " devil * liusf manufacture * . When a man bought a cast-iron Knife for a eteel one . he comld throw it away when he found it

    useless , and buy another to suit his purpose . He has not to expend more money upon it to enable him to enjoy ita use . Not so with woollen cloths . Before they can be tused , they must b » made up into articles of clothing . For this purpose the tailor bad to be employed ; and a good amount of money spent , even after the first purchase . When so made up , they were found to be utterly worthless , though bought for bona fide woollen fabrics—( crieB of hear , hear , hear ) . The cheating manufacturer thus cheated his customer , not only out of the price of tbe woollens themselves , but also out of the iailoi ' vxtges ! He-was therefore bo far worse than the Sheffield castmetal knife-manufacturer , who had been fined more than £ 1 , 3001 And once we bad law to protect the public against such roguery aa this . Was that of no impott&ttsa ? Would . not tbat be better , than the

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    present system of // w-trade ; free to cheat ; free to take in ; free to impose upon ? Look at the case of the man thus cheated I Ha iwas done out of both cloth and tailor's , wages . Hei could not -waar the filth . If be attempted it , it either went quick , maggotit , on his back ; or it split up in all directions—( hear , hear , and much laughter ) . ] That was one benefit that they bad obtained by free-trade . How did they like it ? —( hear ) . He ( Mr . JHobson ) was not fond of it Still tfesy had aot had itl They had had so much of it however ! Aye , jand they had bad more . They bad bad another measure of free trade , passed last sessfoabotone ; another sweeping measure ; a measure that bad aweeped away hundreds of Acts of Parliament . Indeed they had bad . more than . enough of free

    trade to enable them to judge of its effects . What had thoseeffects been ? They should sow see . ' He had then laying before him on the table , documents published by thra House of Commons itself ; which documents showed what jhad been the efecls of free trade . The table thea before him showed the extent of our f oreign trade jfor every year , for the last fifty years ; the ] amount of wages paid for the aam « period ; tbe amount of taxation borne ; the price of food ; and the extent of crime . This then was the touchstone . What ; were the lessons this table taught them ? This document showed that fifty years ago , when We had only one-fifth of the foreign trade we now have , we received nearly as much money as ice do now for the whole fioe-fifihs . that was

    one ef tbe results of free-trade . Had trade extended ? In 1798 we exported ' £ 19 , 900 , 000 efficial value . The official value is tbe measure of quantity , not the measure of price . For £ 19 , 000 , 000 ( in quantity ) we got £ 33 , 000 , 000 in price . Last year we exported £ 100 . 000 , 000 in quantity ; being more than five times tbe former amount And yet the free traders were crying for extension of trade I . Was not five-fold increase enough ? Well , this £ 108 , 600 , 000 ought to have brought in £ 165 , 0 * 0 , 000 , bad we been paid as we were fifty years ago : and why should we nob have been paid the same price ? If ! we had been , the manufacturers would only have had the same ' ate of profit , and tbe labourer a proportionate amount of wages , which would have made a material difiference in their relative

    positions . Besides the taxes at tbe period be spoke of wore £ 30 , 000 , 600 ; now they were 5 S . 00 O 000 . There was therefore every reason why they should have bad the same rate of price , to enable them to meet the double amount of taxation , i But what did we really receive fortha £ 100 , 600 , 00 « V ? Why £ 47 , 000 , 000 , instead ol £ 165 , 000 , 000 . This proved tbat they lost by tbe foreign market Was it , therefore , any wozrder tbat with extended foreign trade we should have wide Bpread ruin in the land ? But what were the revealments of other portions of this table ; and be it remembered , that It was a document issued by the House of Commons itself that he was quoting ( torn . By it , \ then , it appeared tbat tbe weaver , fer weaving twelve yards of a certain description of

    cambric , received , in 1798 , 15 a . ; for tbe same amount of wotk , in 1831 , he got only Is . 7 £ d . 11—( shame ) . Yes , extension of trade and decrease of wages had gone band in band . At the present time the weaver only received 9 i . for the { twelve ynrda . Never let that be forgotten . Thtre was an effect of free trade / But there was BHOther portion of the picture wasting , to complete the whole . They had heard a great deal of late about crime ; and about the necessity of education , to prevent men from ! becoming criminals . What was the state of this case , as far as related to crime ? Wky , that just in proportion aa foreign trade had increased , wages bad decreased , and crime bad augmented ! Was this doubted ? Here was the proof . In 1835 tbe number of committals for crime was 4 . 605 ; in 1841 they were

    27 , 760 ! I Here was another most curious fact in connection with tbe application of free trade principles to practice . Trade had increased . Of that there could be no doubt Wages had decreased . Of that there could j be do doubt . Even the free traders now admitted it . They bad borne testimony to the fact , tbat tbe wagea of workmen bad been so reduced , that they , on visiting them , found them so destitute " as to wish that Almighty God would put an end to their sufferings before morning . " Crime had increased . Of this the figures be bad just quoted were amplo proof . It was thus proved that in the exact proportion in which free-trade principles bad been applied to practice , had BUIN overtaken us . The facta he bad adduced plainly showed

    that ' we were ruined by the foreign market ; having to give five times the ! amount of produce for little more than tbe same amount of money . Dr . Sleigb bad shewn them bow this operated on tbe HOME MARKET , through OT -wages ; and thus through the operation of this accursed system ^ they-were ruined both at home and absoad . But what hope were there , that this system of things would be changed ? What hope was there that Sir Robert Peel would incorporate the principle of Protection to Labour in legislative enactments ? He ( Mr . Hobson ) muBt declare tbat of this , he had no hope . Sir Robert Peel bad given bis adhesion to tbe opposite principle , It had had been the fate of England to receive from the bands of that man , greater blows than from the hands of any other statesman . Sir Robt

    Peel had the rare merit , —such as it was , —of having passed the Currency Bill of 1819 ; the Bill which had reduced the value of all property in the kingdom , except tbe property of the tax-eater . PeeVs Bill , alctng with the free-trade measures which he hod enumerated , had operated to bring us to the verge of bankruptcfand UU 1 N v an * ¦ wtvu . t the BUI ot-r 9-v » had laCfe undone , tbe Tariff ; of 1841 was passed to perfect and complete ! The free-trade Tariff was a measure exactly j similar in nature and scope to the Currency BUI of 1819 . Both were intended to reduce tbe value of property ; and both these blows came from the band of Sir Robert Peel . What hope therefore was there that Sir Robert would give them protection for labour ? None tbat he saw of . And

    waa there any hope from the Whigs ? It was true tbat the Whigs now trumpeted forth the great distress that existed ; but they had only done so since they were turned out of office . In 1831 , at the time that thousands in that very district were shown to be living upon 2 . Jd . a-day , the Whigs contended that the country was in a state of most " unexampled prosperity " . To prove thU , the great John Marshall , of Leeds , went to London , and showed that be paid bis "hands" an average of 6 s . 11 $ 4 ± a-week r Now however the Whigs trumpet forth distress and BUIN . There was ene fact however amongst all this ruin that struck him ( Mr . Hobson ) as most curious . All the ruin was amongst the workers ! very little ot tbe ruin got amongst the masters ; or if it did they fared

    well with it They knew many instances ; As ( Mr . H . ) knew many instances of men who " had nought to begin with , " who were now rich , and living in great and splendid mansions . Let them look at their own town and neighbourhood . It was a perfect sample of what he bow alluded to . Let them look at every mansion in the neighbourhood ; ask who had formerly inhabited them ; ask where the former inhabitants had gone to ; and ask who lite in them now ? Let him particularise . What were the Starkeys ? How much had they to begin with ?—( cries of " shame , " from the Leaguers . ) What IS was it a shame fox the Starkeys to have gotten rich ? Was that the shame ? Or waa it the way in which it had bjen done ? Ought tbe

    Starkeys to be ashamed of their wealth , or their position ? If bo , why 1 There waa a large house at Qledholt . Mr . Whitaker had another ! at Woodhouse , which h ? bad been obliged to leave ; and who was now in it ? There was another large bouse too , in tbe neighbourhood of Bradley Mills . Who now lived in that 1 What bad he a faw years ago ? Thiswag a queer distribution of RUIN , Amidst all tbe ruinmlion , and distress and privation tbat existed ; and that there were but too much of that every one waa { well convinced ; but amidst it all , these wen bad their thousands , and their hundreds of thousands : though they bad , none of them , " nought to ] begin with . " Are you— -arethe labourers so ? ( " Net . " ) Certainly not ! Why not ?

    BECAUSE VOUa 1 AB 0 DB HAS NOT BEEN PHOTECTED ? ( Loud eheers . ) \ [ During this portion of Mr . Hobson ' 8 address , the free-traders on the platform , and in tbe body of tbe meeting exhibited great confusion . They could not sit in their seats . Interruptions of all sorts were offered . Cries of " shame " , " ahame " , " no personalities " , were continually uttered by them . At this point Mr . Hobaon itnrned full upon them , and with great force exclaimed : ]— " I know feese facts are galling . See how they writhe ! The cap fits- ' ! ( Tremendous cheering ) . "jLet the galled jade wince ; my witheraare uuwrung" ! j ( A cry of " blackguardly" from tbe Leaguers . ) Was it i" blackguardly" to tell them that they had men amongst them possessed of pleuty of money ? Perhaps it ! would ba " blackguardly" to ask

    ftotothey gotit : but" blackguardly '' asit would be , that would be done some day or other . Leaving this portion of the question , however , he wonld again ask , what hope was there that } the principle of Protection to Labour would be carried out by any of the political parties that now possessed political power ? The Peelmen woald not do so . The Whigs would not do so . The F ree Traders would not do so : for their main-man ; their COMiNG-man ; jtheir man of men ; tbeir topsawyer had lately shown how he would protect the labour of his workmen . Aye ! this fact was worth knowing . Thisifact shewed how Cobden ( there ! tbe name was out at last !) took care that his men enjoyed the " cheap food" that Peel ' s Tariff had given tbem . This man ; this free-trader ; this personification

    of free-trade principles , had lately been going abont the agriculturist districts , ] persuading tbe farmers there , that another dose of Morison ' s-Pllla ' -free-trade -will cure tbem ; although they are suffering from the effects of former doses ; and while he was doing that he was giving a practical exemplification of what he means by " high wages , cfieapifood , and plenty-to-do . " That man bas at present plenty of trade . Of that be has no lack . He is doing as much as ever be can turn out . He bas nearly all Paisley , End several other dis ^ lcts of Scotland , manufacturing for him mou 3 zlinde ' taims ; tot which be pays , on } an average , about 8 s . per piece .

    These he bas transmitted to hia printing works at Chorley ; where he expends about four ehiiUngs mere in labour and material . Tkec he Bells them for 28 s . or 3 « s . a piece . —( cry of " Clever fellow" ) . Aye "Clever Feliow" l \ Bj thiB means be is pocketting soaewhere about £ 1 , 000 a week I He has no want of " demand . " As tasV&s evsr he can turn them out , they are iv . request Nothing will go down with the free trade-trade drapers , but" Cobden ' s prints . '' Advocacy ot free-trade has ! secured for him a iube trade ! And now comes the way in which he , this man , undej thes *) circumstances , bad enabled his workmen to enjoy " cheap food . " He has reduced the wages of the fit inters

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    in his employ 5 d . in every \ l 7 dll !—( loud cries of " shams , shame , " math cor fusion amongst the freetraders ; and a cry of " it's a-lie . ) " That fact fiaa been thrown in Mr . Cobden ' s own teeth , sad ho dared not to deny it . —( Loud cheers , in the midsr of which a man ia the bedy of the meetisg said "I deny all this ; * some confusion ensued . ) Mr . Hobson said "I have it from the printers of Manchester fchemsslves . "— ( ffere another man got up and said fee knew this to be the case . ) They now had ( said BTr . H . ) one assertion against another , and so he would pass on ; but he had given tbem his authority . Let them go to Manchester , and they would not find the matter disputed there . ( A cry of ?' has thou any cheap books to sell ? " ) If I have , I hare sot come here to sell them : so there ' s thy answer . ( Another cry , "The cause of distress ? " ) Mr . Hobstw exclaimed : That gentleman' asks for the " cause . " Wherever baa he been ? I have been telling ? him the castf , showing bim the causer . One cause I have shown him to- be Free Trade . Another causa

    I have shown hinr to-be the Currency ; another Taxation ; another Cupidity ? another want of Protection to labour : but tbe main eanseof all is , as I have conclusively shows , the want of Power in the formation of laws by the Working Classes—( loud cheers , and a cry of " give us- tfie remedy" from a Leagaer ) . H « wauld try to accommodate that gentleman . He would now read his resolution , not doubting but tbat seme one of the genfcleaea who bad betrayed such anxiety that the " remedy" set fortb in it should not be forgotten , would haste- to eeeoad it Hia resolution then was : —

    " That while this meeting most heartily agrees with the object of ic , as expressed in the Memorial just now adopted ; and while it would gladly hail the accomplishment of &ueh object by any party at a Bew era in modern legislation , it must be true enough to itself to declare that it fowmrftope that such object ever will be accomplished until an entire change in the cha > raeter and composition of the REPRESENTATION be effected . It cannot shut its eyes to the fact that ell efforts of the working people to obtain PKOTEStion for labour , have boeaderided and set at naught , the most prominent of their advocates persecuted and imprisoned ; tbeir petitions scoffed at , despised , and ' scornfully rejected ; their wants- disregarded , and their wisbes thwarted : and all by a-Legislature chosen by , and representing , partt and class . This

    meeting bos reason to believe that had ' that Legislature been what it ought to have been , —a reflex of the national will , —Protection for Labour would never have been lost , or a course of policy adopted to eive Cupidity and Avarice unrestrained operation over Unprotected Labour ; tor the national will has ever sought to maintain Labour . in its proper position : and it would appear , either from tbe amount of gross ignorance that pervades the legislative classes , or from a total disinclination to give np fancied interest and benefit , that lasour never will be righted or secured in its true position until labour has its fair share of the repres entati ve power . It is for these reasons and these considerations that labour so consistently and so pertinaciously contends for the legislative adoption of tbe principles embodied in tbe document entitled the People ' s Charter . "

    For tbe reasons that he had adduced in the course of his general argument , that the efforts of labour to obtain protection had failed , because of having no legislative power , while Capital had ; and fer the want of hope that he had , that this protection would : never be obtained until the people hod cuch power , that he proposed this resolution . He need not dwell longer upon it If he bad not advanced reasons enough , why it should be adopted , he hardly thought it was possible for him to do so . Bui before he sat down he must refer to one thing that had fallen from T » r . Sleigh . The Doctor had put a case , that a man requiring £ 10 to make him . all right , would be foolish enough not to accept £ l , if he could get it He bagged to tell the Djctor that tbe working people had never refused to accept even £ 1 out of £ 10 . But they had- never pet found any party to ofer them the £ 11 ( "Hear , heat , " from Pr . Sleigh . ) He intended these remarks for the gentlemen Free Traders on the platform ; for

    when Dr . Sleigh was uttering this portien of his remarks , those gentlemen exhibited considerable glee ; and he ( Mr . Hobson ) thought they looked hard at him . ( One of the knot alluded to here exclaimed , "You were very silent then . " ) Aye , but if b » Were silent , he marked the saying ; and he marked their conduct too , which showed that he bad had his eyes about him . He thought he knew the cause of their glee , when the £ 1 out of £ 10 was mentioned , and the folly of refusing it when offered , pointed out Bat he told the free traders that they had not offered even the £ 1 !! They had , however , taken pounds from the working classes . If Dr . Sleigh could procure for them PROTECTION ? oa Labour , he was sure tbat tbe Doctor would find that tbe working classes would not refuse it Oa the contrary , they would be glad to receive it ; for it was what they most earnestly sought He begged to move the resolution . ( Mr . Hobaon retired amid great applause . )

    Mr , B . Robinson , a leading Free Trader , and Poor Law Guardian , came forward , and said that though he * disagreed with much that Hobson had said , yet he would sficond the resolution . Hobsori had used great personality towards him . ( "I never mentioned yon , ' * from Jflr . Hobaon ) He had not mentioned hlni ; but what did '' the place , neat to Bradley Mills" mean ? It was well known that he lived in that direction ! ana he would auk liobson to point but whenever ft * had reduced his wages ? Mr . Hobson assured Mr . Robinson that he knew of no such , case against bim . When he spoke of the reduction of wages , he had given names . As for " the place near Bradley Mills , " be meant Grove . House ; and lie asked who lived there ; and what was tbat man worth a few year ? since . Certainly he did not name Mr . Robinson : if be had done so , he would have called him Mr . Robinson . ( A laugh , and Mr . Robinson sat down , uttering a grant . )

    A dispute then ensued between two men named O'Neile and Murpfey , as to whether Mr . Cobden had reduced the wages of his men to the extent of fid . in every 17 a ., as stated by Mr . Hobson . O'Neile denied , saying Mr . Cobden had agreed to pay tbe price the trade committee fixed . Murphy said Mr . Cobden did not so agree with the men . Tbe reduction made by Mr . Cobden was 6 d . in 18 d ., and not 17 d-, as stated by Mr . Hobaon . He knew this to be fact ; for he belonged to the Block Printer ' s Union , and knew something of the trade ; much more , he believed , than O'Neile did . This statement made a powerful impression on the meeting . The Chairman put Mr . Hobson ' s motion , and it was carried with great applause . Mr . Henry Lord moved the next resolution , as follows : — - :

    . " That this meeting cannot separate without expressing their acknowledgment and thanks to Dr . Sleigh , for his having paid Huddersfield the first visit in his contemplated tour ; and their satisfaction and approbation at his spirited determination , to go throughout the country at his own expense , on hia praiseworthy undertaking , at the same time expressing their hope and confidence that tbe Doctor will receive such encouragement from the people as will ensure the success of this petition . ' * - Mr . Whitworth seconded the motion , which was carried unanimously . Dr . Sleigh returned thanks for tbe expression of their confidence in him . He moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman which was Seconded by the Rev . Mr . Oldbam , supported by Mr . Hobson , and passed with acclamation . Shortly after the meeting terminated .

    [ Thus ended one of the most important , and one of the most enthusiastic meetings ever holden in the town of Huddersfield . The re&ult was maBt annoying to the free-traders . They had gone to the meeting fully intending to upiet it They came away fully upset . Such a scathing as they got , before their fellow-townsmen , was hardly ever before administered . They literally writhed under it Tbeir rage bos sines known no bounds . At their coteries in the public houses and temperance houses , they have denounced tbeir castioaior : their native cowardice driving " them to this mode of warfare , instead of confronting him on tbe platform where bis statements were made . Other parties , however , are in high gl « e . The working men present enjoyed the treat ; and now they laugh and laugh away , as the recollection of it returns upon them . Nothing lias produced such a sensation as this meeting for uiany a long day . We wiah the free-traders joy of it

    It was important in more eenses than one . The driving of the free-trading Mr . Robinson , by Mr ^ Hobson , to second his motion , was worth a Jew ' s eye . O how the Leaguers have bitterly complained , when the Chartists have appeared at their meetings , and proposed the Charter . " Tbe Charter bad no business there . ' * " The meeting was called for a sjseetjfo object . " " Call another meeting for the consideration of the Charter . " " The Charter ia most irrelevant to the object of the meeting . " " I refuse to entertain the motion of the Chattel . " Yet this Leaguer ; this man , Who belongs to a party who have eo complained , and so acted , could go to a meeting called for an object as specific as

    Corn Law Repeal ; and , in obedience to the call of Mother Goose , whose tongue ought to have dropped from her head , when she made that call , seeing the much that she iaa had to Bay about the same course at her own meetings ; at h « r call he could go , and second m"irrelevant " resolntioaI What ajusiijicaiioa at the Chartists 2 Ol how we enjoyed it Dt . Sleigh's object was not " specific . " O , no 1 " What , is the Charter to be forgotten ?" "Are not we to have the Chatter ? " Yes , Mr . ' Robinson ; andyou , Messrs . Leaguers ; yon had the Charter ; and with it you choked yourselves t Date to complain , again , will you , of the Charter being " irrelevant" at a Corn Law Repeal meeting i -

    Another thing , too , we must notice . Dr . Sleigh and his friends did not raise the objections to the Charter , that the seconder of the resolution and bis friends have formerly done , when moved under similar circumstances . The Chairman did not refuse to " entertain" it It . Was fairly put t& the meeting , without murmur or dissent , from the promoters of the meeting . Here is another contrast to the conduct of the Corn Law RegeaTeri . 3

    Untitled Article

    Fatal Steam Boat Accident . —On Sunday eton-, ing , a waterman ' s skiff was run down in tho Thames by the Royal Tar , a Greenwich steamer . One young man named tucker was drowned ; and his companion , named Wright , had a narrow escape *

    Untitled Article

    THE NORTHERN STAR _____ y-

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 7, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1233/page/7/