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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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H 0 T 3 SE OP COMMONS . —Fan *? , 3 vsb 9 . 32 x , BEESii reported from -ihelSotSnghain Election jvgjmattee , *• Tbst Thomas € Ksbotne , jtnL , Esq , wag ajjy elected . " The Hon . Member moved that the -riaaice should 1 » printed . He sud the ground of hia mnSlon iras . tlttt ^ araimBiaacEs had been disclosed ^ fc * , Jed the Committee to think that a *» nisehsd vgsrpiasnefl ly de partfes for His purpose of precnrjnrfiwdence -which "was very orgecHonable . ^ QiE evidence-was ordoedto be printed . ^ petition "was presented *? lord J . Busskll from fgjtsJi electors of Xtarhsm , complaining of bribery nfl cOBBPtlon at the late election .
jls , jeehe s »» e molice that on Tuesday sext , or on gje ^ esiBesS possible day after , he should prepose a jgsojniion to the effect that the payment of a pension joan lMepenflent ioragn aoierei gjk irom ihe tsxes of ge Enitea Kingdom was a -waste rf-public aoney and jd injasSee to the people of Qua country , and that g ^ Kicre thfi pension of £ 21 , 000 a year granted to the ^ js-rf C nn fpe rt and < raght to be discontinued TrMle he jojajned Eng of Hanover . ( Gheers . ) Ithavjpg been Tnmonred that a message fcanthe ^ o-btb teaching the state of Ireland was to bedeUvered . gje -ntmost sEcety prevailed amongttlhe member * and ggjgSB preSHlt .
giR Psel appeared at the bar , and announced jjjjseJf sb the bearer o ? a message Iromtbe Queen . On . $ & the expectation was intense , ana each man held ! jjs iresUi for fear of losonga Trord . The message -was jjggeing the marriage of lie Princess Augusts . jjje disappointment of those -who expected another jjhj a ci&reni tind of message "was sufficiently ludiffga . Her Majesty ' s message , -which -was received -fSh ^ sezs , -was ordered to beiaken into consideration ^ aSoBday . In reply to questions , Lord Eliot explained the jaait . riots at Dnngannon , and aaid that a atipengayaagistrate had been sent down to investigate the jgjir . ¦ ysi Jocelts asked if Government were tsMng ^ jps So tore parfies arrested who committed ass ^ a on possess assembled to * petition ParJisment « just the Bepeal of the Union—the ease at
DonixaS Eliot , answered , that Hie Government Trodd , i ttsas&j hat they had no infbrnaSian at present on ^ ndi to do so . lard 2 riOT explained , that the movement of troops ifc 3 y sea from Dublin to "Waterfowl , and immejEsielTsSersards ordered back again to Dublin , -was £ i coEsegne = ee of Informatioa reedved by the Comjnauaer-ia-CSnef , "wKdi Xorc Eliot declined to state . 33 s House wait into committEe on She Gansda ¦ fflieatana Flour BUI , after a protest from Mr . G . 2 £ asr against it , as a measure the most mischievocs to British interests , and a notice from Colonel Sibfisorp to divide the House on it upon the third jading . SeTasl clanses were agreed to , and progress rejoted . 26 e House went into committee on the Poor Law inenament < Irelsnd } B 3 L
3 Ir . SEDI 5 GTOX moved that the bin be referred to a select committee , Irafc 'Withdrew it , after a disfp ^ jpnr ^ - Causes one , two , and -Qiree , were , after one division , ^ reea to , and progress reported . ° 33 ie Hoase afijonmed at a qnarter past twelve .
MOSDAT , JVXZ 12 . ^ nrsBsnt to an order of the House , a « opy of Ore nidence taken "before the Nottingham Election ComsiUsa was presented at de bar and laid on the taBa . Hr . Gisbobse presented a peSfion from certain fieetora of ivottLujrham , in which they took notice of fte proceedings of the late election for NotUnEham . Iber stated , thai after the election certain pers-ns Vnowere named in the petition had ccenpled themjelresfoT a long period < rf timftin sending round their snissaries 2 nd distribnting money for the purpose of jeSiEg np Enbomed eviSence against the return z they ^ ited fliat sach eorrnpt pracfices wera calculated , m > Tea exposed and punisbecl , to bring ± he proceedinss
lefcre elecgon « ommitSees into contempt , and in thek ^ imon were a gross breach of the privileges of tMs Bsmss . 3 Sey prayed ibe House to insfitote sn earnest sod strict inquiry into the allegations made by them , z&d they stated that they were in a situation to procure tnfienee to snbstandate them in the fullest manner ; iiey prayed that a committee might be appointed to ingnire into the isets alleged in the petition , before -iftdeh feey were wflang to jive evidence on oath relsfire ta all the proceedings in which they were engaged 4 ning the late election ; and farther , they prayed for » eh mSef , it He moved that the petition be printed » ith the votes , as it was hu intention to call the at < teation of the House to it on s future day . Ordered .
33 ib Hon . Slenber then moved ttat the proceefihg 3 before the late Nottingham Election Committee ie printed . IheEsrl cf lascois *—May I ask the Hon . Member ¦ Etetherit is his intenSon to bring the petition under &s eensider&tKJB of the House ? aSr- ^ jiSBracEE—IJndonbtealy , I have given a notice to thtitffect . ITin the KoHe Lord allow me to ask a gnsilon of him in" letnrn ? Had the Koble Lord any BBa&don with the proceedings before the committee iMch lately inanired Into ths allegaticns made ^ vt >« $ -Qie return ias Nottingham on t ^*** late occanm ?
IheEarJ of LIXC 0 L 5—Sir , I am aware that I should ie fnDy justiSad , and should , perhaps , better fulfil my tty as a Member of this House , if I declined to be a&Bdnsed by the Hon . Member —( cheers }—and declined toMirsrer a question that must be considered extraerffinajyana nnnsnal —( cketrsj . Sir , I am not only not x&amed , but I am fully prepared to defend the part 'Jpfijdni iava taken in any election , not only at 2 t&tfighaim but in any one in which I have been concerned 3 MheI » n . GsaUenianis indised tsgo tkrongh a series tffBesCDiis , and will -concede to me the same privilege —fbesr , hear]—and will promise me that he win give llsir jmd impartial ssstrer to every question I pro-Tocni to him , as far as I am concerned , I am -pei
wy prepared to go through fhe ordeal—Houd feet 5 i . Ths Hon . Crsntleman has given notice of his 3 &s £ ihi to move Tor a committee ; if that is granted lam , sad 2 bb fh ^^ fc ^ X have ta ^ yp any steps in any ^ ecSm which were incompatible with my duty as a fimbet of this House , or the condnct of a gentleman , hewlllhne an opportunity of raHrng ~ a& , and I proniS 9 Mm fiaZ I will give as full answers to every ^ psSon put to me as I did before the committee » 0 T £ d farby ths Hon . Member fcr Bati ( Mr . Boebact ) —H&aEH . ) Sr , I am fully sensible ihat my duty iasld lead me to leave the question as it stands , k 4 as my refusal to answer the Son . Oentletoamighi leave an enoneona impresEion on the Bje 2 j of Hon . Members , I trust the House wiD excuse
aefor 4 eparBng from what I ftfil is my du ^ , and Sfcnrme to answer tht ; qnestion which has been put fe as—( Hear , heat ) Sir , I will state at once that the fesenative electors of 2 fottingham did call upon me fe advice after the termination of the last election . ^* b lace 1 entered upon public life , they have dona ** the honour to place great re lance upon my opinion , * i iave frequeBtly been guided by my advice . After ^» 3 s& election they solicited my advice , and having 18 P * E * eated to me that the election had feeen obtained ^ m ^ awful mesns , I did advise them to present a XStkn against ihe Hon . Gsnflemani return , and to ^¦ ttBte it before lie House—^ and farther , it was upon ^ aflvice that the leial EEsistauce was retained . Qnibe question being again put from the chair ,
* t Gisbokse sai 4 that the 2 foble Lord jthe I ^ rl rf liocGhu had misunderstood the motive with which |* had pet the question to him . It was gensrally ''^ wd . Tjy a krge body of ths electors of Kotlingham ** the Sable Lord was connected with the patty HUBEi which corrupt jw ^ Hw" iad been-chained . ; bnt * fe dx . Gisborne ) had iefore lecdtediach an answer •* " 9 at now given by thB Uohle Lordi , he wonld have " ^^ fitlEctors of Ifottingham , wilh -sKhomhewas Baaeeied , te dirmicR from thtir jninds any notion that ** 2 Tdbls Lord was in any way a party to the practices 'ssjSzined of ; and he ipped the Soble Lord would ** Sank fiat le had departed from Parliamentary * 8 | Bin having pat the -Question . Earl of
^ s Lisrors repeated , that ie had advised " |* pasties who had consulted him to petition against ** Ben . Member ' s return ; but with any corrupt prac ^ ^« , S any such ever existed , he need hardly « ay he ~^ no connsxion . Indeed , from all he learaed , he ^^ ay the corrupt practices existed on the oaer t ** s and it was in that conviction he had advised * the ^•^ "K iK ) « mEnlted fti ™ to petition against the late «* m . 5 a moSiHi was then agreed to . - ^ i S . Chawjokd said , he bad "been inlmsted with JsSfion sgnefl bj 2 , 000 inhabitants of the borough * JteSajhsm . Ihey compleihed of cormpt practices *** Jate as wdl asst fsrmer elections by lix . Waiter , ^* j 2 iia , and oifcers , and the petitioners prayed the i * j * wjo iEstitute a stdct inqxiiiy into the whole of ^ ffKiapt practices . Js ^ Petition ( as we nuderstood } was ordered to be
, ^? 2 arl Liscoijs said , that he had to present s ^® fenn 3 aesEra . < Jiarke , Fysmore , and Pladgate , . ^^* % fte ageEts for the petitioners against the late ] 2 ? st * ar Nottingham . lieytomplaiEed of a conspi' igviy uiea&s -of "which -the ends of justice had been ^^ iia the lats proceedings before a committee of ^*^~ ttR , and also the petidon withdrawn ; and they ^^ wfeer an irooiry inio the wiola of these proceed-^^^ h the v . aw of having justice done to the parties ^^^ dj xn ^ alsoofiunishtiis the rarties -enssxed in Ihe also
^ f ^ swsions . petitioners complained , that j sr ^« SBd privileges oi that Hfensehad beenviolated by |!^~ j * IJTHjg felse ctiGence before one of its committees , jjg ^ Capering with other wircesses in onler to jj Sj ** fcsa to give falbe evidence . The petitioners 3 ^ . - ^ Soble Ies ) Dide Tazsy * th £ T sllegstaons ( j ^^ -syisaid ttey wjje reidy to prove , and they jgjfji ^ d by again playing ttat the wiple of tae matters 5 ^^^ in the petiiitn " mlgbi be duly inqnired into ^ ftf * * ^^ cldEItfl i ° fe printed . j ^ r ^^ Trrsvanor-ce , thit en the next sfegeof tbe 2 g ^ " T * ' ? B ^ l , is -FOTiid move the apjx > ii- ineEt o ' ^^ « S 5 to insaire irLe ^ er t ^ s long dwatioB oi
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S ^^ SSaS S 5 ? SS 5 SSS 1 SSriMtou * "Bi wMch > iS . ' '" ? «"" notics &at t othecomi mateeof the Arms { Ireland ) BiH he would move aclausa Sff ^ 000501 ^ t 0 *«»» > ose arms should be branded for any loss they might sustain by that
THE PBIXCSSS AVGVSTi . Of CAMBEJDGE . ^ ^ PEEL ^ SBtA ^ t ttie mea ? age from Her Majesty on Friday last be read . + v « Sl-. ' esty ^ » sss 3 ge was then read by the cleik at the table , as follows .- — " ViCTOKiA Begik A—Her Majesty thinks it right to acqnaini the House of Commons that she has given her consent tea marriage between h «* Roya \ Highness the Princess Augusta Caroline , eldest daughter of his Boyal aighness tfee Duke of Cambridge , and his Boyal High , ness . Frederick , Hereditary Grand Dake of Heckle * burgh Strelitz . : "The many proofs which the House of Commons has afforded of thrir affectionate attachment to Her Ma ^ Jrfitys person ana family leavs her Majesty no doubt o » their readiness to enable her Majesty to mike a suitable provision for her Boyal Highness on this occasaon .
Sir R . ? eei then rose and said—Before I move that the House resolve itself into i Committee of the whole Hon « e , to take into consideration her Majesty ' s most gracious message , it will be right to move a formal address , thanking her Majesty for the communication which shB has been graciously pleased to make to the House . Of course to that formal reply to her Majesty ' s message I cannot anticipate the slightest objection . I am sure that the Hous 6 feels obliged to her Majesty for her gracious communication , and will be glad to hear that a princess , of that illustrious house of which her yajesty is tfce head , is about to ally herself in mar . ziage with a princa whose high character and amiable personal conduct have endeared him to every one who has had fhe honour of being acquainted with him . He is" already connected by more than cne tie with the
throne of this country , and , so far as circumstances caa form any guarantee for the happiness of an union of this xnSure , there is ev * ry guarantee for the happiness of thiB ; aad I cannot forbear to express every wish that eveiy happiness may atieDd tbe ilJuairious prin ^ cess aad her consort in the union they are about to contract—{ cheeis > . I move tbatahnmble address be presented to her Majesty , offering tbe thanks of this House to her Majesty ' s mostgracious infonnatien of the intended marriage between her Boyal Highness the Princess Augusta Caroline and bis Bcyal Hij ± nesS Frederick , Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenbureh Streli * z , and assuring her Majesty that this House will immediately take into consideration her Majesty * most gracious message . The question having been put ,
Mr . Hithe said , that no one could wish happiness to the illustrious Princess more . than he did , but at the same time le must say that the Bight Hon . Baronet seemed to have omitted what was very important He did not object to one word that was in the proposed address , he only wished to add two or three lines with referecee to what it was the duty of the House on some occasions to attend ta He thonghtthe Bight Hon . Bxrenet ctmld not expect that the House should ro into Committee before he had pven notice of bis motion to that effect . He presumed that the Right Bon . Baronet ought to state on this occasion that on a future day he would name the precise sum which ie should ask the house to vote by way of income for the Princess . On the Sd af May , 1797 , a message came
down from the Crown announcing tbe intended marriage of xho Princess Boyal , when the House only voted the Address , and did not go into committee . He believed there were other precedents to the same effect ; bnt , whether there were precedents or not , tbe House was in a condition to make precedents for themselves , and they ought not to go into Committee immediately . He objected to a part of what had been stated by her Slsjesty . iA laugh . ) He wished to add to the words of the address two lines , which he thought it was the duty cf tfce House to insert , and to which he presumed the "Right Hon . B » ronet could not hare any objection . His amendment went to pledge the House to consider Her Majesty ' s message with refers ence to a due consideration of the condition of th $ nuances" and the diminished receipt from the ordinary sources of revenue , and to the state of many of Her Majasty ^ s subjects , and the depression of trade , and sspeciaDy to that suffering and destitution - "Men had so
long prevailed , which her Majesty ' s gracious speech from the thione delivered by the Commissioners on the 2 nd of February had so deeply deplored . He wished her Msje > ty to take these subjects into her consideration ; he wished it because he believed that her Majesty \ fimld not wish that any step should be taken in " this mstier without due consideration of the circum : stances which bad "been stated from tbe throne in February last—ihear , hear ) . He wished , therefore , to propose these words in addition to the address , tnd he could not conceive that the Bight Hon . Baronet could have objection ta them—( cries of hear , hear ) . He could sot conceive it . He could not think that the Sight Hon . Birenet would consider it proper to take any steps in tbe matter without taking into consideration fee state of the finances , which tbe Bight Hon . Baronet hiiBself had stated were in a very nnsatitfao tory condition . All he wished was to add to the ad ? dress th-it to which he could not eoBceivs there could
be any objection—Icrics of hear , hear ) . When that motion was disposed of . he should propose that the Bight Hon . Baronet should state in the House , and "before going into committee , what sum be meant to propose . Mr . Wiiiuss was not surprised at the manifestation of feeling on tbe other side of the House . He did not doubt th- readiness of Hon . Gentlemen opposite to tote away the public money without , as he believed ; any knowledge of the state of tSe country , or the ability of the people to pay The taxes . ( Hear , bear jj He rose , therefore , to second the motion of the Hon .
Member for Moutrose , and if Hon . Members would listen he wonld give them some information to which , Jhey ought to attecd . Within nine ye * rs they had . added by their votes £ 42 , 800 , 000 sterling to the permanent dtbt of the eonntry . Within three years they had added by their votes £ S 000 , 000 sterling to tlie taxation of tbe country . He would like to know ¦ whither they were going to drive the country ? If they fandfcd-Lhfcy would not have some day or other to answer for this they were miKaken . Upon the question and amendment ,
Sir R . JPeel said , —1 hope the two Hon . Gentlemen will allow the House to go into committee to enable me to state what is the proposal I have to make . I have acted not only in conformity with strict precedent , but in correspondence wilh those rules which are dictated by common sense and reason , without reference to precedent ( Hear , hear . ) The proposal I hpve now to make commits no one to approve of what I may state in committee . ( Hear , hear . ) The proposal is only at assurance to her Majesty that we tbank her for her most cradons communication , and consent to th ~
consideration of the message—nothing more—it is not the soeption of the message f Hear , hear . ) If ow , snrely , in Gummirtee of the whole House there will be a much belter opportunity of my explaining to the house what is the nature of my proposal ; and though I cannot accede to the Hon . Gentleman's -wish that I should state it now , yet I cannot help conSdently hoping that the proposal 1 have to make will be one that will show that the Government have not disregarded the various considerations that , in the present state of the country , euzht to be duly considered .
Mr . Agxiosbi felt much in favour of the proposition of his Hon . Friend the Member for Montrose , and at a fitting period he should support il ; but he would suggest that that was not the proper time for it—( hear , bezx ) . The best time would Ve in the next stage of the question . Mr . BtntE—I cannot do that . Mr . a « i . ioisbt—If that were sOj then he should vote with his Hod . Friend , though he felt unwilling to d"so now . Sir . T . Dcxcombe asked whether the B ght H « n . Barcnet intended to take the vote that evening ?
SirB- Peel—I hope the proposal 1 have to make will meet with general acquiescence , because , it must be remembered that there must be a bill to carry the vote into effect ; it is founded on the assumption that there wSl be a marriage^—( hear , hear . ) Loid * HOWiCK pressed on Sir Robert Peal the propriety of not "fcin * : tfce House to agree to a grant of money withont giving time for consideration , thereby following the precedent adopted in ths case of Prince Albert . Sir B . Peel was noi disposed to resist postponement , if it were the general feeling of the House ; but still thought thatiis statement , if suffered to be made , would prove satisfactory . Lord J . BrssEU . considered that it would be more respectful to the Crown to go into eemmittee , in order to hear the proposal of ihe Government
Mr . Httme said he should not withdraw his amendment . He wished her Majesty to know the truth , as far , at any rate , as he was concerned . The House then
divided—For ths motion S 7 S For Mr . Hume's amendment .- 52 Majority 224 - Mr . HrMS called on Sir Robert Peel to make his statement before going into committee ; but after a few words from Sir Robert Peel , he withdrew his opposition . - TJie House then went into committee , and Si ? B . Peel rose and said , he would now state to the committee the precise nature of the proposal he was authorised te submit to them . In the first place , he might state that he did not mean to call on the comthat would effect
mitt&E to affirm any proposition an imnjfcdiate addition to the burdens of the people . In nropoEiag a provision for her Boyal HighneBsthe Princess Ancusta he did not intend to call for an immeiiate vote of money—( hear . ) The general rale wife regard io fee provision for princesses , whether the dsuciters of tha rekning Sovereign or ef members of the Byjal house , he kund to have been , that the parents of Etch priocesses bad undertaken the piov .-£ 0- la ihem during tfceir lifetime , ether out of thi civD 11-+ in tie cas czSB ' or ° " -t of tae P 10 " ^ 011 T&ied irom tfce consolidated fund bj Parliament in the
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other . To that piinciple he proposed strictly to adhere on the present occasion , and he therefore did not mean to propose any absolute vote of annuity , but one contangent on the death of " his Boyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge . In fact bis proposal amounted to the ¦ evoting of a portion of the annuity , now received by his Royal Hiphness to tfce use of the princess in toe event of bis Royal HigneEs ' sdeath— ( cbefirs ! . He was not going to enter into all the . cases in which provisions of this kind had been votedJar princesses of the blood Royal —it would be sufficient for ! him to refer to one or two instances , in order to guide ; the Houss in coming to ft decision in the present case . The principle to which he had referred whs adopted in tbe year 1778 , when his Majesty George III . -waa enabled to allot £ 30 , 000
-year , as provision for five princesses ; and it was acain recognised in the case of her Boyal Highness the Princess Sophia of Gl&cester , on whose behalf a provision was made , which was to take effect on the death of her father . It was in iBtrict accordance with the practice adopted on the latter occasion , and with the principle thai regulated the other case he had referred to , that he should now propose the vote for h « r Royal Highness the Princess Augusta ; and , notwithstanding the course whieti the Hon . Member for Montrose and those who acted with him had , from a sense of their public duty , taken , he ( Sir R Peel ) confidently felt that they did cordiaLy participate with him in wishing every possible happiness to 5 iex Royai Highntss and the DaJce of Meckienburgh Streliiz . The amount he proposed for her Royal Highness -was one which he hoped wonld satisfy the House that every consideration that
oucht to be borne in mind in making arrangements of this kind had been attended to . He proposed that , in tee event of the proposed marriage taking ple . ee < a c- ' ause necessary as a matter of form ) , the sum of £ 3 , 000 per annnni should be settled on her Boyal HUhness . to be paid in the event of the death of his Boyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge —( hear , hear ) . He did not desire to draw rany contrast between this proposal and that which had been made on a fonrer occasion ; but at the same time he might observe that it would be found to be less . He hoped the House would bear in mind that no . money waa immediately to be voted , that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge would still provide for the princess during his life , and that it was only in the event of bis death that the public woald become chargeable with the proposed annuity of £ 3 , 000 —( bear ) . Ihe motion having been put ,
Mr . M-ACKi-NJiOJi proposed an amendment , that the annuity should be reduced to £ 2 , 000 , to be granted from the day of the marriage . He entered into some calculations to p-ove the superiority of Ms proposition to that of the Government , but he was greatly interrupted by the impatience of the Jlouse . Sit Robert Peel said that the amendment , though ostensibly a reduction , was really a proposition for an increased grunt , inasmuch as it was to take effect from the day of the marriaga He , therefore , submitted that thb Committee could not entertain the proposition . After Eome discussion on the point of form , Mr . Mackinnon withdrew his amendment .
Mr . Williams wiBhed that the Right Hon . Baronet , instead of referring to precedents established in this country , bad followed tie practice adopted in the case of those numerous German princes and princesses Who had from time to time formed alliances with the Boyal Family . He wonld have found Very little difficulty in discovering that no member of tbe Royal Family in this country had ever , in forming alliances with those German princes or princesses , received ene farthing of fortune . He shonld like to know what pretence there
was in the present state of tbe country for adopting a different rule in favour of German princes or princesses saeking alliances with the Royal Family from that which was pursued towards the Reyal Family itself ? Tbe Duke of Cambridge had ample allowances of the public money io enable hiss to provide for his own children . His Royal Highness was now in the receipt of £ 27 , 000 of tbe public money per annum . He was colonel of two regiments , each having two battalions , and be had recently been created head ranger of two of the parks .
Sir B . Peel—His Boyal Highness derives no emolument from that situation—( bear , hear ) . Mr . Williams—That was perfectly marvellous—fa laugh ) . He ? u uncommonly delighted to hear that his Boyal Highness had undertaken a duty without emolument In that Tespect he had shown a noble example , worthy ef being followed ; but hewaB afraid his followers would be " few an 3 far between" —( a laugh , and a cry of " The Dnke of Sussex held the same office" ) . He thought it must be admitted , looking to the immense amount of pnblic money which his Boyal Highness the Dnke of Cambridge had received , that tbe exercise of proper prudence and care would have enabled him to make ample provision for his children . His Boyal Highness had peculiar opportunities of doing so , having
for a considerable number of years been Viceroy of Hanover , when the emoluments of tbe office must have been stfficient to meet his expenditure ; and , if common report spoke truly , his Royal Highness had , inconsequence of the numerous appointments and emoluments he held , been enabled to amass a very laTge fortune . On what grotmd then could they justify any allowance out of the public weney to the children of persona in his axalted station , who bad ample means of providing for them ; wh ^ n in the New Poor Law , thty haa laid down tbe principle that these poor wretched beings v / ho received 7 s . 8 s . or 10 b . a week , were in duty bound , nay , were forced , to provide for -their families , however numerous they might be ? That law made the property of a father , nay , of a grandfather , liable to provide for
children and grandchildren unable to provide for themselves , if they became chargeable on the public . Why not apply the same same just rule in cases like tbat now before tbe House ? There was one very remarkable circumhtance . connected with the present case , —a Bake « r Prince of MecfcJenburgh , as he was called , some relation of the Prince whowasabont to marry Pricess Augusta of Cambridge —he presumed either his father or grandfather , had been in the receipt of £ 2 > 000 a year out of the pnblic money of this country ever since 1798 . That family , therefore , had already received eums which , "with iEterest , amounted to £ 300 . i 000 out of tbe hard-earned monies of this country . Was it not enough , then , that the father ehonld be a pensioner , without placing the
son on the pension list too ? The amount ef public money now allowed to German princes and princesses , who had formed alliances with the royal family , was £ 200 , 000 a year . Surely , in all conEcirnce , that was enough , without the addition n * w called for . On what pretence was this new demand made ? The Right Hon . Baronet haa offered no txplanation , and he could only conjecture the reason to be the relationship subsisting between Princess Augusta of Cambridge and her Majesty . If that were the -ground , and ho could imagine no other , they must , in . consfsteccy , provide for all relations of equal nearness to biT Mnjesty . They
would then have a long list of them . There were some even nearer in blood to her Majesty , and was the principle to be laid down that all these Ehould bo provided fur ? There would then be no end to the taxation of the country for the maintenance of those German princes and princesses who found it bo very profitable a thing to form alliances with the royal family . Looking to tbe state of the country , thu buffering Bud distress which so extensively prevail ; d , the grievous complaints tl : ey had heard of : oppressive taxation , and looking especially to the state of tbe revenue , he must on public grounds—en principle , and without any disrespect to tbe Duke of Cambridge , oppose the motion .
Sir H . Docglas contended that after the grandfather of her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta bad surrendered tbe hereditary revenues of the Crown , the immense patrimony which thei Kings of England formerly held , a great moral and political obligation rested upon the House to make tbe provision now required . The Hon . Meniber for Coventry was mistaken in supposing that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge derived emeluments from two regiments ; his Royal Highness derived none whatever from tbe 60 th . Mr . HtSE pressed on Sir R . Peel the propriety of postponing the consideration of the subject . Sir R . Peel could not now think of doing so , seeing that discussion had been raised . Xord BoWiCK thought he ought to do so , in conformity with former precedent
Lord John Russell , en vhe contrary , was of opinion that as discussion had begun , it ought to go on . Sir R Peel , however , yielded , on condition of the committee being resumed the ntxt day , provided Loid John Russell would give way with his motion on the Com Laws , which stands for Tuesday . Lord John Russell was reluctant to lose his only opportunity of discussing so important a subject After some further- conversation it was settled that the diBcussion should be adjourned uutil Wednesday . Col . Rcshbrooke then moved the issue of a new writ for the borough of Sudbury .
Mr . Tvfnkll moved as an amendment , that leave be given to bring in a bill for an effectual inquiry into bribery and corrupt practices alleged to exist in the borongh of Sudbuiy . He contended that the inquiry before the House of Lords , on the bill which had Deen rigected , was totally inadequate , and argued that the House of Commons could not now agree to the issue of the writ , after having - unaniaiousij- agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough . He proposed , by this bill , to empower two commissioners of inquiry to go down to Sudbuiy , in order thoroughly to investigate into the nature of the inveterate corruption of the borough ; and affirmed that the motive which actuated him w < & solely a desire to- uphold tbe character and dignity of the House , affected as it was by such practices as had been bo amply pio ? ed to exist in Sndbury .
' : Mr . Wins commented on the failure of the case { before the House of Lords , -winch would seem to jub-• tify a suspicion of collusion on the part of those who had its management Tbe House would scarcely do its duty , without appointing : a committee , in order to inquire into the causes of tbat failure , which led to iha j * jestion of the Sudbuiy iJisfranchieement BilL . ' Mr . f uffx £ LL withdrew his amendmsut in order to . enable Mr . Wynn to propose an amendment fur a comniittee tf inquiry . Coloual Bcshbhooke , not considering that the evidence tifscUjd too entire constituency of Sudbury , declared fcis inttniion of dividing oa his me ' -ion .
Sir R . Peel feit , that af ^ rth * unanimous csjrt < jnv at of tbe Hvn&s of C micoDS on thb Budburs DiELauchi ^ anni Bill , sume i&loriii&uon was neiied as
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to too cause why such impsrfect evidence h : id been adduced to the Housa * of Lords . This information might justify the necessity of the Bill proposed by Mr . Tuffp ell , and the inquiry might , therefore , suitably precedo its introduction . Lord John Russell concurred , bnt was sure that in dealing with corrupt boroughs they coul ( i not go on in the old system of ( sending up Bills to the Lords , and failing there through some cause or other . A more satisfactory system should be adopted . Mr . Thesigeb advised Colonel Rttsbbrooke to withdraw his motion , jwhich was done , and Mr . Wynns motion for a cdmmittee was agreed to . Mr . Tufnell then moved that the issue of the writ for Sudbury be suspended for a month , which was also agreed to .
? 1 T motloa ft ? « ° * n 8 into a committee of Ways and Means , In order to grant the annual sugar duties , Lord Howick ( after the presentation tef some petitions on tha subject ) moved , as afl amendment , for a committee ef the whole House , on so much of the act 5 and 6 Vic . c 47 } as relates to the imposition of a duty on the exportation of coals . He avowed that his object was to obtain the repeal of the duty imposed last year as a portion of the financial measures of the Government . Passing over the arguments as to the necessity for husbanding our Btores of coal , seeing that competent authority had estimated that the Northumberland coal field jwould last for seventeen bundled for two
years , and that of W ^ les thonsaud , he addressed himself to the considerations which had been adduced by Sir Robert Peel as vindicating the imposition of the duty . The anticipations of the Prime Minister had . not been realised ; [ the tax bad already operated disastrously on thej trade , in proof of which he adduced documentary evidence , showing that our exports had fallea off one-half with France , while the Dutch trade was nearly lost altogether , and that in the short space of [ nine or ten months . We w « r «
only beginning to feel the results of this pernicious duty . In Spain , Germany , France , Belgium , and other continental eountriea , capital was now investing in the expensive operations necessary for the production of coal , and when once fairly Invested it could not and would not be withdrawn , and thus a cljiss of competitors was raising jup against us , depriving us of a trade which it was vaia to expect tbat we coulu regain by retracing our steps . The example of the sulphur trade was a sigiml warning . The Neapolitan Government fancied—as did all tho world—that it had a
complete monopoly of the sulphur trade , and it imposed a heavy duty on the exportation of sulphur to this country . Bnt the ingenuity of our chemists had discovered tbe means of manufacturing , sulphur in this country , which maintained its ground against the Sicilian sulphur , though the Neapolitan Government had retraced its steps . Tbe effect of the coal duty was apparent , not only in tbe stagnation of the trade , but in the condition of the working population ^ deprived as they were of employment ; the shipping interest was also suffering , for freights were now lower than they bad ever been ; wherever the trade was retained , the tax was paid , not by the foreigner , but by the British shipowner . It operated disastrously on British industry in other ways ; tbe Transatlantic Steam Company , which used to bave a depot of British
coal at New Yoflt , was compelled , aince the imposition of the duty , to let [ the Great Western steam-ship perform out with American coaL Sir R . Peel defended the tax ob revenue grounds alone , and be had calculated on receiving from it £ 140 . 000 annually . But the actual produce had been only £ 100 , 000 , and as the old duties had produced £ 12 , 000 , the amount received was only £ 88 , 000 , which had still further to be diminished by the expense of collection , as well as the indirect diminution of revenue caused by the tax itself . In fact , were a balance struck , it would be found that the Treasury was rather a loser than a gainer by tbe tax . Tbe budget of Sir Robert Peel bad proved a more signal failure than any ; the least ef its evil remits had been its disastrous operation on various departments of British industry .
Mr . GLADSTONE did not see the necessity for an elaborate working out ot auoh dicta , as tbat it was much more difficult'to regain a lost trade than to create it The tax had unquestionably not been proposed with the assent of the coal trade j its repeal ought not to depend on its dissent Tho state of the revenue was an all-important consideration ; he did not defend tho tax as abstractly good ; but he was sure that if they listened to the claims of tbe coal trade for the repeal of the duty ; they would be bound , in reason and equity , to entertain the claims , of other interests for smilar concessions . Nine months was not sufficient to enable , them to judge of the effects of the imposition of the tax . He did not deny that it was an impost on tbe trade , but he denied tbat the
depression of tbe trade ) was to be attributed to it . Lord Howick's estimate : of the produce of the tax was drawn from imperfect data ; the actual annual amount would be about £ 112 , 000 or £ 114 000 . This was Dot a large sum , when considered witb reference to the fact , that in this country we have to raise from forty-eight t « fifty , millions of revenue . But there were certain states of the public Treasury , when such An apparently small sum could not be conveniently parted with . Returns showed that there was an actual small increase In the amount of exportation—an increase which would have' been larger , bat for the unnatural stimulus of two years ago , which was followed by a corresponding lnngoiir during last year . The testimony of the English Consul at Brest was against the allegation of the diminution of our txports into France in consequence of the duty ; and , though there might
possibly be a dimumtion of the exports to Holland—a fact still in uncertainty—even that dimunition , if it did exist , could be traced to other causes , such as the general depression ! of trade . The picture , drawn by Lord Howick of the effects of tbe duty on our boaie trade was mnch exonerated ; the duty had fallen mninly on a class of middle-men , intermediate between the coal-owner and the foreigner ; end though he was far from wishing that tha profits of these middle-men ahculd he diminished , still their cose was very different from tbat of a general state of distress in the coal trade . Nor was the pressure on the shipping interest to be attributed to this tax , inasmuch as the general depression of trade was a main cause of it . Oa tbe whole he did not think tbat a case bad been made out for the interposition of the House , 01 that a sufficient time had elapsed for the purpose of enabling them to judge of the effects of the tax . "
Mr . Hodgson Hinde was glad tbat Mr . Gladstone had abandoned the high ground on which the tax had been originally defended . The depression in the coal trade was unquestionably not to be traced to tbe duty ; but it could not be denied that it had produced much mischief . In fact , no answer had been given to tbe case made out by Lord Howick against the tax . Lord H . Vane said that in France there were no less than sixty-ouo coal mines open , though not worked . The effectiof the tax would be , that English capitalists would go over to work them . It was uot wise policy in this country to maintain Anything whose tendency was to check native industry , and stimulate foreign rivalry . Mr . Bell did not consider the motion of Lord Hovrick to be well timed , but as it has been brought forward he would support it .
Sir George Clebk pointed out , that . in the four months which elapsed between the time when Sir Robert Peel made his financial statement , on tho 11 th of March , of last year , and the final passing of the Custom Acts , there had been an exraordinary activity in the coal trade , Which accounted for the depression which followed . But the trade was reviving , as was Fhown by returns , though the trade of Surjderland was affected by local causes , notj connected with ehe imposition of the duty . ; Mr . Labocchere felt himself perfectly justified in supporting Lord Howick ' s motion , after the evidence they had of the utter failure of Sir Robert Peel ' s anticipations , whether it were the distress caused by the coal duty , or the moral mischief produced by the spirit duty in Ireland . He recapitulated some of the facts adduced against tbe coal doty , the operation of ¦ which he ccntencied "waB pernicious , and not worth maintaining for tbe sake of the small revenue which it produced .
Sir Robert Peel reminded the House of the financial condition of the country , which was still in a state of deficiency , In spite of the income Tax . Our diminished exports to tho United States were adduced as an evidence of tbe effect of the duty . But tbe United States imposed a duty of 8 a . on the importation nf British coal , which must be taken into account . Looking to financial considerations , he boperi the House would support the Government in resisting the powerful combination which ' sought to repral tho duty , and thereby to inflict a bkiw on public credit . Every other itrteiest , as tlie advocates of the repeal of the duty on wool , would be rer-dy to mg « arguments similar to tho £ 8 by which the repeal of the coal duty was solicited . Mr . Liddell , though feeling that Lord Howick'a motion was ill-timed ' , wou'd nevertheless- give it his supjjort . On a division there appeared—For Lor 4 Howick's motion ... 124 Against it ... ... ... 187 Majority 63
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. « j > THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS PRACTICABILITY , ITS FGtMJATION , ITS PRINCIPLE , "' TBE BIGHTS OF MAN . "
TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brotufrs in Hope , —Acsain , the political horison shyweth sipns of apj-ToachiDg day ; the bright rays of th > . > sun of liberty illuminating the borders of onr dormant scene , proclaims " tbe ni ^ ht is far spent , the day ia at hand . ' T&e new cr ^ s is gradually tbvngh . cer > Uv . nl . v approaching ; th * i ! e ; e § at > 3 0 / North an . i South I . arcJshire bAVti issued their macifsstoes ; Wales is answering the- cail . These tigus , i « ke ifc «> tints of early dp . 'wn , note surely that the bright ! refulgence of noon will come . ' We shull awake with rr ' e ^ ec ! v ^ four to the labour of love and hope , with the increased strength that a day of rest is wrmt to give t » the mind and body , with tbe increased confidence in each other that years of companionship in toils snd troubles is wont to bring ; with the undying energy that years of active zeal in a righteous cause is wont to ( ff ct - and ' neath the influence of these holy feelingg . oy our united moral atreng' . h , ¦ who can Bay but we shall be invirmihle ?
Tho Congress of the Rational Society hive addressed us . tbTOBgh last wefVB Star ; allow mu to draw your attention to that address . Let me induce- you to r ^ ad it again and again ; it is full of Rood truth respecting tha present state of things , and contains good ndvice upon the remedy of the evils under which we la > our , and howerer so-much some of you iaay differ wi ' . L the doctrines of Socialism , I trust we shall cons of us be so foolishly stubborn as to reject good artvice , and truths , come from whatever quarter they may , tb > ugh it were from an " infernal den , " as some of their halls havd beeu named by the professedly pious . I particularly wish to draw thfi attention of the South ard North
Lancashire delegates , at their next meeting , to that aclrires ^ especially the two last paragraphs , with a view to their devising some plan whereby we couW start a society , ia -c .-. naeetiou with our Charter association , for the purpose of relieving , to some degree , the poverty of our feilo' / rs , and drawing from the -labour-market some of tho surplus hands , giving beneficial einp' . o } mnat to that surplus ; In a word , se z : ng the wealth tkat ia within cur united exertions , by bringing together the idle labour and stagnant ruuturiais fcr the benefit of all .
Tbe prnctibility of such a society is the first purpose of my present letter . An outline of a plan snitahfe td such a oociety hath already been drawn up by delegates of the people , that is , the plan of the National Charter Association . That plan only requires a few alterations to render it perfect . It was not to be expected that any plan could be sent forth from any body of men perfect . It may be based upon a true principle ; but it would reqnire to be fcri ? d in ordtr to prove whether it bad faults or not . On the discovery of those faults , they should immediately be remedied . One fault in our present plan appears to be , that the people have net sufficient knowledge of the candidates for the executive offices . To obviate this , I propose that every candidate shall have testimonials from the locality in
which be resides or has teen a member , stating how long he has been a member , what offices he has filled , and his general qualifications for < ffice , puMishert in the Star , wi'h his nomination . Auotber fault in the localities is , , that the members do not pay sufficient attention to the manner in which their officers perform the duties assigned them , not to their general behaviour te tbe members , and consequently are ill served ; this the members ni 8 y immediately xema < Vy , as it ia in themselves . Again , they are often very bacfeward in using their common 'tiscernraent in elecWns ; their local officers . These thi-. ^ s they must remedy before all will go on well ; in this they do not do their duty . The members are tbe best judges of
the fitness of any of their brother mtmbera for office , and roust use that judgment in common juptfre to the association . Tbe plan of conducting a nation * ' association by a general council and executive committee with its numerous ' secretaries , treasurers , &c is a < 4 O 0 i conception , it forms a cord to bind all therotrabtre and officers together ; and has an influence on eveiy member , \ tiior . or Jess ) whereby he feels himself part cf a great winJe , and as the plan continues it will begi-t a sLonger U , flu £ i ' . ce , ¦ w hetfc'oy the individual vrill feel be has-thousands of brother members who have a claim upon his actions ; that tb . ene expect he will do his duty . That the plan requires many additions and alterations I feel co ^ fiJeut , but the ground'soik of the plan I would not hive altered .
In commencing otir new campaign , I would recommend thai a dblt-jiatd meeting be convened from all the ! ooalitie 3 that can make it convenient to send , whose business it shall be to revise and amend t ) ie present plc-ins of organisation , consider tbe plan or p ! an 3 for 8 urttional b-outfit society , and adopt , or < ivaw up one suitable to the present depressed and varied circumstances of the people , having for its objects the relieving of their present wants , either by giving them employment for . the society , or a weekly « tipcud in accordance with their subscriptions ; the ultimate locating them ou the land , or in the societies , worksbaps , and warehouses ; the defence cf ali members who sbail be arrt , sl < id far peiforming any strviioa that the society exacts , or has deputed them to , aud to engraft th <* buihb into the National Charter organisation as part and parcel thereof .
Let me iatiuco you , by the poverty that surround * U 9 , in which we shall surely be all overwhelmed , unless by such a society we provide against its future Tapid fearful strides , the present and future prospects of desolation . Lut me beg of you to turn yi-ur attention to this subject . I am assured tbat Mr . Hill is prepared in a shoj t time to submit a plan to yon or your delegates tbat will embrace all the desired objects . In the mban time , brothers , bestir yourselves ; consider and discuss this i . t all your meetings , until you bave deckled upon giving your delegates instructions ta act thereon , and to the best of their abilities frame such a plan that will meet our numerous wants . We possess in our body all tee requisites to such a society . We hive plenty of tried , honest , energetic , talented , businesslike men in our localities ; we have , bb the Socialist ' s address seta forth , that power which calls wealth ints existence in abundance , viz ., labour and knowledge . There
is an abundance of raw material waiting for the labourers magic arm to' cuiii it into Wualth . Let us unite out penc ; to put chase it—let us no longer stay like gaping idiots or paraliz ^ d mortals , gazing on this unholy , uDjust , unnatural divorce of labour and land , or its springing , ripening , and ripe comforts . If we possess already associated such abundant Hiean 3 to acquires sufficiency of food and rainifrut , wherefore should we louder remain in this slough of poverty ; if w « possess in our association , the requisites for such a benefit society that I have named , wherefore should we suffer it any longtr to lay dormant ; aud if such 11 society is so much needed Jn our present distressed condition , what will the ' world think of us if we do not attempt to establish it ? Other countries will say of us , v ) u , even the upper classes of our own will excuse tteif want of feeling with the stinging accusation of " th&y might ha * e bettered their c ndition , but wontd not "
Come , b ' rothers , 1 st us prevent their having even the shadow of a pretext for such a taunt ; let us by forming such a happy combination of Ull our powers , aveii oursalves of all the advantages 'within the reach of such a union , and thereby maintain our character for intelligence , industry , aud ingenuity . In conclusion , brothers , Jer me asfe of you to read my letters on the subject of this National Benefit Society through once more , and calmly consider whsther I have not osUb istied the necessity for such a society , and its practicability : and if you think I ha vo done this , the rest is for you te do , by instructing your delegates to t&e next National Delegate Meeting to frame tar plan , and then work like men to carry it out . I have herein shown how it should be carried forward on the democratic principle .
I should have proceeded further with that argument in continuation of my last two letters ; but thought , — Beeing you ate so weflded to the above principle , —that that subject may stand over awhile , and that the question of practicability was to yon of more Immediate coustq .= ii ac- : ' seei ( r . ton , that it is more than probable tiiat a . N uiimai Doleg vte Meeting will shortly be convened by common coiaent , when I hope tb : 3 subject will occuvy their attention , and that they will produce un efficient plan embracing all our want * . I remain , Yours in Truth , Gracchus .
_ ^^^ J ^ Fgiibpmaj ' ^Parliament. ^_
_ ^^^ j ^ fgiiBpmaJ ' ^ parliament . ^_
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From thirty to five aud thirty thousand workmen are now employed ia the re-building of the citj of Hamburgh . A Fugitive slave undergoing an examination at Northampton , Connecticut , when asked ifhia master was a Christian , replied , " No , Sar , he ' s a member of Congress . "
Prevention better than Cure . — It is a fact beyond dispute that most of the diseases with which the human race are afflicted are the result of a disordered state of the blood . To remedy this , the occasional us © of Parr ' s Life Pills should be had recourse to , and sickness prevented as well as cured . A Foou—A drunken shoemaker at Saerton made a firm resolution on Monday night last to drown himself ; and in the pre ^ nca of a number of spectators plunged into the nver Lune , but , not being out of his depth , he suddenly bethought himself that his temporal affairs were no- piv . jxrly arranged , aud deliberately walked . ou ' , of ih .. watery fjravt ; ; o heqa ; athi hia old coat to a broiker olbler , when fus trrnds dragged hia home , to t > . e no small amuiviaeat oi ' . he spectators . —Lancaster Guz . tte .
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HARMONY HA'LL . LETTER XlVi TO TBE EDITOR OF THB KOKTHERN STAR . Sir , —Before proceeding to the subject of my letter for this -weefe , I must make one or two coimfnts oa thafc of Gracchus , which appears in ! this day ' s SUv-Your correspondent appears to ) attach more importance than I do to who may be the persons to first lead such a movement as I desire to seelin action . I rely on tbe principles I have laid down ; on the ease with which their practicability may be I demonstrated whenever unity is obtained ^ jrad on the universal happiness to be gained by thji ^ pobption ; as the weapons that shall overpower aU opposition andjlead men forward to undertake and accomplish tbe taskithat I propose .
With rogard to Mr O'Onnell or any other leader giving an explanation of his conduct , I believe that whenever or wherever this can be done , it is highly serviceable ; but my remark only went to shew tbe objection to compelling a leader to ] debate , discnos , and txplain at a period when prompt action may bo absolutely necessary . J Respecting tae excitement produced by the Chartist agitation in 1839 . I am well aware ] of the fact , but I hope a similar txcittuieiit will uevtr again be rrq'iired to be produced . If the objects to ] be gained had been shewn to be beneficial to all ; the ] means of obtaining them made clear and distinct ; and the movement carried forward in entire unity , under sound practical
leaders , these objects could have been readily obtained , and a much higher position might ere this haxe been gained for the general body of the peeple . To stick a thorn in the side of any Government or of any individual of my fellow men is no wish or purpose of mine . It is true , that whilst wo are so irrational and so ignorant of what contri ' uii ' . es t" our own happiness ; whilst we are surrounded byjeircmnstances which compel us to seek our cwa individual interests at the expoiice of others ; or are obliged to associate with those whose minds cannot be expanded to anything resembling universal principles ; ] we must both RV » e paiu to others , and be ourselves pained by their conduct towards us . But I seek another and a far different
destiny for every child of man ; my purpose is to show that the means for human happiness abundantly exist around us , and tbat all may be provided for as readily as true desires can be created without an injury being committed to any . j Gracchus snys that numbers bszarded their liberties and may-be tkeir lives in the struggle , and have been sacrificed as scapegoa's ; and he claims this as an evidence of a proud position in the political world . It is frontAisueh a position that I desire to remove every human being , to whatever c ! ass , j sect , sex , party , or country he may belong . I hope we shall never be afraid of the loss of liberty , life , or anything else , however dearly prized , except truth aad justice ; but I do also hope that the minds of all 'w | ill become so far enlightened , tbat they will see an easier and a better mode ef accomplishing what all must [ of necessity desire , than by making sacrifices of any kind longer necessary .
With regard to the theory laid down by Robespiere as being in accordance with the democratic principle , namely , that tho rights of every man are bound by we lights of others , and . if we pass our ownbounflaTy we invade the rights of others ; it is quite inapplicable to the universal and eternal truth ' s on which alune I propose tbat we should form this association . The rights , the interests , the dutlea ofj man , are all universal , and it is only in proportion as we can embrace this idea tbat we shall be enabled to progress ) to that higher and better destiny , which I believe is now ready fot us , as soon as we can be sufficiently united to receive it ]
I have , in my former letters , given an outline of a new society which I propose should be formed for removing the present distress , Which every where exists , and introducing such changes as shall secure to all ranks and classes a higher and better state of existence than they have hitherto obtained . I have stated the prineiples on which such a society should be based , and some of the chief objects to which ] it should devote its Attention . I have spoken of tbe election of the Central President and his Council , and of the kind of manifesto
or Charter they should put forth . I bave , at some length , explained my reasons for desiring a unity of proceeding , and the views I entertain of tbe most practical mode by which this unity can be I secured , and 1 have also at some length given the details of an organization simple of construction , and easy to be worked , which if it be established bj- men of comprehensive minds , will , I tbink , be sufficiently powerful for the great object required , namely to procure an enlightened public opinion that shall combine and direct all the energies we possess to promote the universal happiness
of man . I stated , at the conclusion of my last letter , that I should iii this , point out further { practical steps tLat will require to be taken , which after this lengthy digression I will now proceed to do . j In my letter No . 8 , 1 stated tbat tbe Central President and bfs Council should , if pessibto , bo isnmediate'iy located on tho land , and call to their assistance the best minds that they can procure to carry on the agricultural ami gardening operations | n the most superior manner tbat the present knowledge acquired in these sciences will admitand that they should employ on the
, land the greatest quantity of manual labour that the means afforded them would allow , j These remarks form part of a ; suDject whtch now very much engnges the public mind , namely , that of thy occupation of tbe land ; and , as it is one on which I have had some practical experience , and one to which the Society I bave been spe / sking | of will have to pay great attention , I shall place it as the next practical step on which I am to speak . j
In the occupation of land , as in every other proceeding , entered into by a society based ; on the three great truths which I have placed before your readers in former letters , entire unity of purpose and action should be observed . However large or j small the business may be which the society undertakes , it must be one and entire , and under the chief supointendaice of on <* directing mind . This principle dpes not prevent , or interfere with , a variety of modes [ of occupation ; but . on the contrary , will allow of these being suited or adapted to all existing circumstances .
My opinion , as before stated , is , that in the first place every effort should be made to locate on the bod tho Central President and his Council , assisted by the best minds with which he can be associated ; and that all the parties so placed should eveiy day do something towards the procuring of their own food . After these are provided fcr in such a { manner ; ia to give them ease and calmness of mind , and a due appreciation of the great butineas they will have to perform , and tbe necessary expecces attendant on' the missionary and other exertions connected wilh the diffusion of
tinprinciples and orjects of the society are liquidated , I should propose that ali tbe money raised by the ecutiibutions of the members , both centrally and through out the branches and classes , should be appropriated in tbe next place to the purchase of freehold lands , in tbe names of the tiustees of tbe society . These lands should be selected in tho best localities , and with the greatest natural advantages that cap be secured . They Should , as far as possible , be contiguous to each other , and the better the soil is at present , the more advantageously may they bo brought into immediate Liijb cultivation and profit Much has been Baid about waste and inferior lands , but it Jwill be found that under sound arrangements and wise direction , it will be most economical in tbe tlrst instance te select the best lands that can be obtained , J and to cultivate , however small the quantity , to the highest point of perfection .
With regard to the mode of opcupation—I would always distinctly keep in view Mr . Owen ' s largest combined arrangements , as laid down in a work published by the Home Colonization Society ; entitled " A D velopement of the Principles and Plans on which to form self-supporting Home Colonies , " aud as rapidly as tbe mirids of those who associate could be brought to see or comprehend the advantages of such a combination , I would endeavour to cairy them put to their fullest extent But in the meantime I slnll not neglect tbe simplest form of occupation , namely ! the Allotment System . I would ( proceed from this to other and higher orders of occupation and association , in
proportion as the nipmbers of tbe J society , or other fitting pars > ns , offered themselves on terms advantageous to tbe society , but I would not force prematurely together minds sot trained to affjrjfl pleasurable company to each other . I kt ow it tnay j be urged tbat the superior minds tfiH naturally attracjt and draw up the inferior , and to some extent thifiia eprrect ; but I have seen and knovtrn by the strongest personal experience that the warmest and moat devoted feelings and actions for the benefit of othera , are often , abd even generally , misconstrued in such conduct ; and rendered dangerous to the individuals who possess them , and such persons suffer to an extent not to be calculated on by those who are differently organised .
I shall have again « nore than once to revert to tha subject of the Land , and to speak mbre in detail , but 1 would here again urge more especially , as it involves the whole of existence to all who associate ; whatever may be tbe extsst of the combination let no parties ever think of commencing except on a tjasis of unity , with the strongest power placed In the hands of the governor , and that governor in some manner selected by themselves . All external interference with the internal regulations , whe'ber by an individual , a society , a monied proprietory , or any other body of persons , who are not equally advanced in associated arrangements , is false in principle , and cannot fail to lead to disastrous results tn practice . j The highest combination , or association , under the name of united interests ever yet firmed , is that of the establishment from which tbis tatter ia written , and
nothing could more powerfully demonstrate tbe truth of the principles of the formation of character , than the practical experience daily gained hbre . In proportion as these have been understood and . acted upon , the most satisfactory and harmonious results have been obtained , and those who hive betu enabled truly to comprehend them , bave had a foretaste of an order of existence , highir aad more i . obio tiiau uioa can geuerally anticipate . j There ha ? 3 , however , been errorsj nude here aa in all othir new undertakings , uaA in soaio vt my future letters I may hav « to allude to bouie ] oi ilv-se ; bus iu the meantime I irust revert at Luigai to tume points
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of the Preliminary Ch .-tri _ r . as- ! m .- w " . : r rr ' -. tive importance -when compT'e- * ^ ith o ' -hev objects of agitation , which now eng . iire the public mind . I am . Sir , Y ur obecHect servant , ^' ILLIAM GALPTN . Harmony Hall , Hunts , JunelO , 1 SJ 3 .
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At a . Match which to « k place on the Thames oa Thur . v . iay , between five yachts , three of which were iron , tvas shewn the superiority of iron vessels over wooden ones for speed . The thTee iron boats made tkfi dis anoe in shorter time than ever was kuown before , aud beat all their wooden competitors . No Accounting fob Taste . —A morning paper assure * us ihai everybody , high and low , at Kew , loves and admires the King of Hanover . The Berw \ n range of hills , in Mouteomerygnjre , were on Wednesday morning last , fch& 7 i ; fa oi June , enveloped in snow . Last wv . ek , two vessels sailed from G ? eenock to Quobi-c aad Montreal , taking with them no less than 5 9 " piasnn ^ ers , princ ipally agriculturists , and very resitctable in their appearance .
The Act for the aWtition of slavery in India passtd itu Supr-nae Council oa thvjta 0 ; April , aad became ! a , iv . Henceforth , there is no sliTtry in Iuda , suv . ; . that which is perfectly voluntary . i ' T Pb . TF-a 3 BuRGH , V . ay 16 .-Yesterday was oar LoDtfchamps , bat all ice and snow . All vegetation id dod--1 , aud tho tharcioiricier ou tho fretz ug point even at , l . oon . Tho ukt ^ iftha , V > vant 3 do not . Ter . i ; -mber a-. sinn :-r .-j 3---i ; aud m < re a-u * ui . shiri £ 6 MU , si-. iiitir a .- i . a . t s uu . < w from T . ftv ; , ue Nap « s of oui empire .
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— _ TJB E _ N OJR T H -E R N STAR . j 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1217/page/7/
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