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TEE KOUTHERN STAfi SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1843.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TO THK ^ E ARTISTS OF SOUTH ULNCiSHlRE . |? Deab Bsothkes , —Ton are a-srare that previous to the issuing of the present lecturers' P-an . a notice appeared in the " Northern Star" to the effect that each locality forward to the District Secretary iafonnstionas to "whether they intend to remain on the " Plan , or otherwise ; the same or names of parties in their locality -who trere -willing and competent to be placed cponGie Plan as lecturers for this district ; and -whether any of those already on tlie Plan -wished to have ifceir names erased . Bnt , notwithstanding this notice , and a delay of fonr weeks , to give tame for them to forward the information required l > efore the bringing out of the present plan , very few of the localities thought proper to answer the uotacB , or forward to the Secretary the inforaatksn he desired . He , therefore , took their silence as an admission that they intended to remain on the Plan as usual ; but no sooner jb the Plan
published , and the lecturers commence their labours according to its provisions , than first one place and then another state that they did not intend to be on the Plan for the present . And , in the Bame manner , several of the lecturers have withdrawn tbeir name * . ! Ehese procaefiings have thrown the district into confnsion , anfi rendered the present plan entirely useless . It is , therefore , indispensably necessary to get a correct Plan out as speedily as possible . And it 1 b hoped that the localities will not neglect their duty on this occasion , but forward the information required by sending delegates to the meeting to be held on Sunday , Jan . 22 ad ; or fey forwardisg , by letter , their dst- ^ mination , before the above date , to ffm Dixon , Ko 11 , Kelsonstreet , Bank Top , Manchester . By attending to this yoa will oblige , Tours in the tause , Wk . Dlxos , District Secretary . aianchPHter , Jan . 11 . 18 * 3 .
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TO ALL GOOD CHABTIST 3 . Leicester , Jan , 9 , 1843 . BJtETHBES , —William ElliB ' a widow and her innotsent children are in need of an asylum . It is proposed to set her up in some small business—as a news-agent or something of that Mad . John Cleave is the treasurer for a fund to be raised wita that intent . We commenced it at the Conference , 1 took a cap round to every member , and the sum collected was ^ 3 6 s ., in addition to 2 * 6 d- from Mr . O'Higgins , the' cnairman , snd 2 s . fid . civen Wm for this benevolent purpose by scxub Complete Suffrage gentleman . I most urgently catxeat / ouio 'use every effort towards raising this fond to a decent sum—a sum sufficient te start the poor ¦ widow comfortably .
Perm ! , me , also , to throw ont another nint Cannot some of yon point ont a snitable locality for Mrs . Ellis ? Some friends proposed th 3 t she should go to Buralem , looX she sheds tears immediately when Bnrslem is mentioned—die dreads going there . Poor Eilis , too , in cae of the letters I have received towards comp ili ng the memoir ( wbicn I « h » n have ready very shortly ) expresses a sense of horror at the thought of his wife and children going to reside at Buzslcm . Do you know the factions say , " they will exterminate the whole brood of fheEHisesr
I » ow , -ander such drcamstancea , 1 say poor Mrs . Ellis shall not go to Burslem , and your hearts will impel you to say so too . Find a place for her , then ; some good hearty Chartist locality , -where she ¦ and her children will be respited , and made as comfortable as their deep-seated sorrow -will permit . Thomas Cooper .
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TO THE CHAETIST 3 OF GREAT BBITA 1 N . Bead the speech of the American President , John Tyler , delivered the 6 th December , 1842 , and compare it with other speeches , speeches delivered to slaves , ¦ who are not worthy of knowing how thB business of the nation they support and uphold is carried on . A humbug is issued , and called a most gradeus speech , addressed to two classes of men , the greatest portion of whom ars the enemies of mnn ^ pnfi-How much better would it be even -Jot me to address you as fellow rSftwnw , rn > rt- « yi of slaves , as you are and "Will be , until yon are as Jealous of your liberty as yon are of your wives and sweethearts .
The President , John Tyler , in the second paragraph of bis speech , says , " Fellow Cidaana . " Me tells them in the course of his speech , that America would not consent to the light of search , that America could manage her own affairs without the interference of other nations . Pray inquire into this , and understand it thoroughly . Ask yourselves why the ArafTicaTiB ¦ would not allow the vessels of other nations to detain and search their ships , imder the pretest of looking for slaves ? The answer is simple . They are jealous of their liberty . They nave it , and they know b . ow to keep it . Pray inquire again—1 * there another nation in the world who dare refuse the right of search ? The answer ib no , and the question again is why not ? I say they dare not be free . Tie despots would say , if you "willnst 4 o as we wish , we will , not protect you against your people , and you will not long be a king without our aid .
look at the American press and jatige for yourselves you see in that no bringing to royalty , &o support feu arbitrary judges or magistrates , no humbug -of Church and state , no bleated filthy Bishop legislators , so centralisation . How different from the vile press of England , with the exception of your own , -which yon must support and augment if you will bs citfzma . There is us-despotic Times in America , there is a certain wic&ed man there , a Hz . Lynch , who is a great enemy to despotism , although a great despothimseif . which plainly shows that despotism Is the only thing to destroy despots , fox when despotism and despots fight , they , like the Irishman ' s cats , destroy each other . 1 wish , to impress -upon your sands the true sense and value of the word citizen , and tht great necessity of your being such as soon as possible .
JtJow mark , particularly , who says " ffellow-citJzans , ana te whom these sacred words are addressed . Ask yourselves the meaning , and you will gnd that John Tyler , 'being a citizen , has been chosen by his ftllowgrtfof * to preside over them for a time , at the end of whichr lie will be John Tyler , and a fellow-citizen , with the difference of having been chosen by a free people , to fnHil the highest situation in the world . John Tyler , is , in America , as a Sang in any other country , with the following exceptions—a king is hated by the people , he cannot leave his palace bnt in . secresy , snd even , then , thousands ol eoI&kxb and paliee are necessasy -to protect him from the people's vengeance , say from bis loyal subjects . The press call them bis loyal subjects . John Tyler can walk iha streets respected by every ons be meets . Merit slose can make a man a President , but as idiot , a murderer , or a blind man , may be a Bong . A Pouticax Masts b ..
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THE BIRMINGHAM CONFERENCE . j L 3 TXEB H . I TO IHB XDITOfc 0 ? THE MOBTHESS SXaK . j Sxa— -In my last I pointed out the position which | the Complete Suffrage party took in the late Conference , and after comparing their conduct with tbeir avowe 1 i principles , showed the inconsistency , and the relation ; in which they really stood to the Conference after they : had seceded . i I will now enter into some of Hie principal arguments , which have been used by them to justify their own conduct , and in doing this I must necessarily take j individuals , for bodies tto not reason in a mass , though ¦ fey adopting the arguments of an individual , and pureu-. ing the course of conduct advised , they become respon * I oWe Jo ? . such arguments and conduct 1
Ml B chsrG Gardener said , that" It shouldr be first j of all distinctly understood t&at in no one principle had \ they differed , ii mas simply a gucsiion of discipline and j orders and the majority having compelled the secession j of the council and the minority , by obstructang the ! regular business cf the Conference , in violation of the i ordinary rules of every assembly , they were now met j to proceed with the consolidation of these matters . " This is certainly a angular argument to advance for taking so important a step—important because . it was i impossible to famish the enemies of the people with a j more powerful weapon than the inconsistency of the ] professed adrocates of freedom , who by this means seek j to attach disgrace to the whole , and throw ridicule and ' odium upon the Diinaples , for which consequence those <
-who have furnished ihe means mnst be held responsible . : How , then , can " a simple qutstion 6 ? discipline and j order" Justify them in laying the cause' 89 open to i attack ; ioi the more simple the cause from ichich they , adedj Vie morefactivas and cu ? pszb ! e is their conduct ; but : he says the majority compelled thtmi to secede . What 7 j Beeausethedissipfise asd order was to be regulated by ' t ™* ^?* J V " » J ^ e » compelled to secede ; i truly tnis is strange democraty . But he afttrwardB f endeavours to catch prejudice by saying that thei majority - had obstructed the regular business of the- Conference . " Kow whtt part of the business of the : Confsrenoe did the majority obstruct ? The circular i sonyeningthe ConfereEeaexprfcEslyaays the "Confer- ' . ewrmet to prepare a bin , * there is not a single word '
about a hill prepared by the council , and which the ^ Coalerenee was to receive as the basis of diBCussion , on pain ef their high displtSiure and looting tkeir valueable aervices , and saoreovcr being placed by Messrs Gardener , MialL , Kitchie , BrewEter , and Co ., under the ban of excomnsunicaHan from the Conference ; and it is not onhj expressed in the Circular that we met to " prerpsre a hlfl , * ' hut resolution seventeen of the forma Conference , and to carry out which the last last Conference assembled , is— "That this Conference having adopted such just principles of representa tion , as are necessary for giving to all classes
their equal share of political power ; resolve at some future period to call another Conference ( in whteh the whole people may be fully represented ) for Ihe purpose of considering Airy documents which embody the necessary details for working eut the above prjndplBs , " - —and again , their cwn programme says , "At the fiat meeting of the Executive Committee to . be held immediately after the dose of this session , ALL documents which are supposed to embody the p&towuny details for working out the principles of Complete Suffrage , must be placed in tbeir hands , " This either does or doss not msan what it says ; if it does imply what it este , tiitn , according to their own
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order of laying « io-wn business , the Conference was not assembled nnder asy obligation to receive a bill prepared by the OudciI ; but the Executive Committee was to be the first formed , and ALL documents , supposed to embody the necessary details , were to be submitted to them . Then how was it , that instead of pursuing this course , which was laid down by themselves , they were so resoluie in pressing their invidious " priority" ? and then after refusing to carry out the resolution passed at the former Conference , and for which purpose
we were assembled—after breaking faith with the invitation by which we were convened—for some reason or another , setting aside their own programme , and after submitting the question to a vote , retiring from the Conference , thus violating an important principle , acd furnishing the enemies of the people with a weapon against them ; they endeavour to throw all the odium upon the Chartist delegates , and , despite the evidence of their own documents , have the assurance to accuse them of " obstructing the regular business of the Conference . "
The Rev . E . Miall said , " they must bear in mind that the Council who had convened that body , was , after ill , the germ of whatever life the Conference had ; that it was the creaiure of the Council , for the purposes stated to be their main objecv *—< heaT , bear ) . Sach language as this , jb so repulsive to the principles of democracy , and the sense of dignity with which those principles should inspire us , and so contrary to the nature of our invitation , as to require no further refutation than to be placed in juxtaposition with the address by which we were convened , and the resolution , which for the purpose of carrying out , we were assembled .
Let the Rev . E . Mioll point out the paragraph in any public document , whieh convened us as the creatures of the CoimciL We assembled as the delegates of the people , honestly and to the best of our ability to " prepare a bill to be submitted to Parliament , for securing the just representation of the whols people , " and " to determine the best legal and constitutional means for energetically and peaceably carrying out the above ebjects . " I inaignantly repel the assertion that we went there as the creatures of the Council , In another letter , I intend alluding to the great stumbling block , " physical force , " and show who have been , and who are its abettors .
I remain . Sir , Yours tm ! y , R . T . Moksison . Nottingham , January 9 th , 1842 . ? Both Mr . Gardiner ' s and the Rev . E . Mall ' s speeches are taken from the report of the Nonconformist
Tee Kouthern Stafi Saturday, January 14, 1843.
TEE KOUTHERN STAfi SATURDAY , JANUARY 14 , 1843 .
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THE LAND ! THE ONLY MEAXS OF SALVATION FOR THB STABVING "WOHKEBS . The progress of pnblio opinion in respect to thb land , as a means of salvation , is indeed m 03 t rapid and most satisfactory . Even the Free-trading portion ol the community , those vrho have enunciated that " it would be a blessiDg if England was encrnsted with lava , to prevent the growth of a single
blade of grass , " are at last compelled to admit that improved modes of culture are the means by which our agricultural brethren are to meet £ he altered circumstances of the times ; while in every direction you meet -with distinct proposals to unite the untilled soil and the unemployed labour and the nnemployed capital of the country , for the purpose of producbg national wealth . The question is forcing its way into every circle , and is attaching to itself adherents of every persuasion .
Right glad are we that this is the case . Long have we held the opinion , and often ; have we expressed it , that unta we return to $ h& soil from which we have been unnaturally divorced , and employ a due amount of our energy , skill , and capital to the fostering , enooaraging , and advancing of the science of Agriculture , England can never enjoy internal peace or security , or her labourers have well-filled pantries and well-clothed back 3 .
Where are we to find employment for the machinery-displaced labourer , but upon the land ? The lond ci y of distress that rings through our manufacturing towns arises mainly from the fact , that in the processes of manufacture , male adult labour has been almost entirely superseded , either by the cheaper labour of adult females , infantile " hands , " or inanimate machinery . Of work there is enough ! The mills and other manufacturing establis' ments turn out plenty of manufactured goods But those goods are mostly machine-made . Adult labour is not now in request in their production .
Vast numbers of able-bodied labourers are withont employment , even when our manufactories are running extra hours ; and these in their endeavour to procura the means of existence at all , necessarily pull down the wages of those of their brethren who are fortunate enough to procure employment , by offering their services at a less and still Ies 3 rate of remuneration- And this process is constantly going on 1 More machinery is constantly being set up ; and machines still further simplifying the manufacturing processes , and still further dispensing with animate attendance , are daily
being introduced . Look , for example , at the machine-making business itself ! The march of a improvement" in this walk of industry has been so rapid of late , that now an establishment fitted-up with new and improved tools ; with the self-acting pianing-macbines ; the self-acting lathes ; the screwing-machines ; the drilling-machines ; the cuttingengines ; the slotting-engines : an establishment fitted up with these and similar * toblB , " will turn oat more work" witb twenty "hands , " than only some . three years ago , coald have been turned out ^ with one hundred " hands . " Yes , the machinemakeis have been latterly busily engaged in the production of machines to supersede themselves 1
And this is bnt a sample of the working of the whole . Let any one now go into a machine-making establishment ; and let him ascertain the number of adults employed , and the number of minors ; and then let him compare their relative proportion now with a period only ten years ago ; and he will see the working of the whole system strikingly exemplified . Adult labour is being driven out of the manufacturing labour-market . For a while the superseded ones live on the earnings of their wives or their " little ones ; " then the parish ii appealed to ; the man becomes broken-spirited and pauperized ; Bqualid misery , abject wretchedness , and utter destitution is the consequence ! and enough of this meets the eye at every torn .
Again we ask , what earthly chance ia there of finding remunerative employment for those thus displaced , bnt by bringing them upon the untilled soil , supplying them . with the necessary capital to make a start , and thus enable them to produce the food they eat—to . earn their bread by the sweat of their brow ! We may be told that" Extension ^ of Trade" will open the doors of the mills again , and call into play the unemployed labour . We answer that
FOEXEB EXTEN 3 IOKS OF TRASS HATS KOT DONE this ! We answer that our trade for the last fifty years has been constantly and continually " extending" ; that in that short period it has " extended" SIX TIMES OVER ; that the labourer has full employment and coos wages ¦ when trade was only one-sixth the amount it now is ; and that whea trade is si * times as " extensive " as it then was , one portion of the labourers is
utterly destitute for want of employment , and the other portion starving upon insufficient wages ! No ! No ! " Extensions of Trade" have not yet enhanced the comfort and weal of the mass of the workers engaged in manufacturing pursuits j and , unless the nature of thiiigs change ; unless the Eke causes cease to produce the like effects , it is not to be predicated that another Extension of Trade" will produce that which all former u extensions" have failed to produce .
Besides , it is contrary to the principles of " political economy" that the mUl doors can be again opened to the adult labonrer I This would be a " return back ™ to the ** old , barbaroua , and expensive modes of prodnefcion " ! Who but a " goth" would dream of such a thing ! K In a world of progress to talk of going back again , is to insult common sense " 1 Can it be believed that the possessor of capital will lay aside the cheaper prooes 3 es of production , and
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take to the dearer ones ? Can this be expected 1 Is this in accordance with every man ' s experience , throughout the whole of the world ' s duration ? No , no ; to go back is impossible ! " Improvement " is the order of the day . New inventions to enable us to produce cheaper , and thus to meet the "keen foreign competition' * to whieh we are subjeot , are as necessary to our existence as a manufacturing nation , as it is impossible to lay aside the machines of the present day ' s use for the rude and bungling tools of a century ago ! Bring adult labour again into play 1—how \ Would you have us to spin
upon the jenny of thirty spindles ? Or must we take to the one of fifty ! Would you have us to lay aside the power-loom ? Or do you mean to have the power-loom attended by a great , big , hulking fellow of a man , when his infantile daughter is quite equal to the task of dancing attendance upon two ? Would you have us to discard the Lewis cutting machine , and the Perpetual , and take to the old , obsolete , utterly discarded Shears ! Would you have us to break up our planing-maohines , and our self-acting turninglathes , to return to the old and inefficient modes of
working iron by the hand-file and cMsel ? Would you have us do these things ! If you would , we tell you it cannot be done ! If you would not , pray tell us how you intend an " Extension of Trade" to employ the unemployed adult labourer ? View the question in whatever light we may : turn it over as often as ever we choose ; to this conclusion we must come at last : that the only means of salvation for the starving workers , is to get them upon the lasb where they will be able to produce more than they can consume , and be thus placed in an independent and enviable position .
Holding this view , and entertaining this feeling , we have hailed with delight every endeavour to turn public attention to the occupation and employment of the land as a means of removing the direful poverty brought upon the sons of toil , by the joint operation of our grinding-taxation and mis-direoted application of machinery . Whoever has advocated the allocation of the poor upon the land , for the purpose of growing their own food , has found in us a hearty welcomer . Oil this question we have not
asked whether the advocate of it was a Whig , a Tory , or a Chartist . Whatever has tended to form a public opinion in its favour ; whatever has seeded likely to turn public attention , to the consideration of the question , has been hailed by us with satisfaction . We have done some little ourselveB to aid it onwards ; and we have alaoratirsly given the productions of others , when our doing bo could , in even a remote degree , serve the cause we deem of such essential moment .
We were peculiarly gratified when we first learned that Mr . James Garth Marshall , of Leeds , had determined to try some experiments on the small allotment system , from a conviction that it was necessary to bring the soil into play again with manufactures , to enable the producers of wealth to occupy anything like an independent or comfortable position . We readily gove insertion to his written views upon the subjeot ; and have now great pleasure in calling public attention to what he has done in this matter sinoe the publication of those written
views . Let not either the reader or Mr . Marshall misunderstand us . We do not mean it to be inferred , when thus speaking generally , that we think the mode that Mr . Marbhall has adopted in bringing some of the unemployed labour of this district in contact with the land , to be the befit , or even a commendable one , except in so far as it serves to direct public attention , and form public opinion , npon the general question . We advocate , and look or , a quite different occupancy of the soil , from that
which obtains under Mr . Marshall ' s auspices ; but this does not prevent us from giving him his due praise for being so far in advance of Mb class in this district , as to take the initiative in the application of the land as a remedy for pauperism and poverty . Viewing the matter generally , we hail it with all our heart : viewing it particularly , we must regret that Mr . Marshall has not taken a deeper and wider view of the question , and sought to give an example to his class which would have been worthy of all imitation .
The small allotment system is bat an ekeing-out of the slender meaas of the under-paid operative . It is because he cannot earn living wages in return for his daily toil , that the small allotment is made him ; in which he can spend the time which he ought to have for recreation , and for the instruction of his family , in adding a few comforts to bis otherwise scanty board . The small allotment is not sufficient to keep him fully employed ; or to return him sufficient for his own and his family ' s sustenance .
It is , at best , but an ekeing out . It betters his condition , we grant . It is a good as far as it goes < we readily admit . But it does not place the man or the family , in an independent position \ He is not as an Englishman ought to be ! He cannot snap his finger at his fellow-man , should that fellow-man try to over-reach him , or oppress him . He cannot feel the true dignity of a freeman ; forthe is not free . He is not free to act upon his own judgment . He is , in fine , fully and truly dependent .
The position we should wish man to occupy on the land , is one of independence ! To be there his own master : ! To have sufficient of surface in his occupation to occupy his labour hours , and to return him an adequate living , To so occupy , that every improvement he made should be mainly his own , so that he might have every inducement to make improvements . In fine , we wish , in having the people allocated on the land , to form a natural market for labour , which , in its operation , shall so affect the artificial market , as to cause the producer in the latter to have sufficient wherewith to feed , clothe , shelter , and well-educate himself . It is clear that this never can be done by the smaii-allotment system : although it may be done by the small-faiim system , with a proper tenure , and a right principle of rents .
Still , maugre all these mighty and insurmountable objections to the small allotments , we hail their introduction amongst the Leeds operatives by Mr . Matcshai . t . as a great good . They will lead to A BETTER APPLICATION OP THE LAND . Tho allotment system is but a forerunner of that more perfect system which will drag U 3 out of the quagmires and sloughs which an exeessire taxation and an insane application of mechanical and scientific power have plunged us into . The following appeared in the Leeds papers of Saturday last . It is with much gratification that we give it greater currency : —
EXPERIMENTAL ALLOTMENTS . " It is with pecnliar pleasure that we lay before our readers the following particulars , illustrating the success of Mr . James G . Marshall b benevolent experiment to relieve the poor by letting to them small portions of land to be cultivated on the system of spade husbandry . . The account will be read wifh great interest , and we cannot but think that many of our townsmen will feel a desire , after this auspicious commencement , to have the allotment system established on a more extensive scale ,- and perhaps by some publio association : — " At Headingley there are 22 t nants , occupying from SO to 40 rods each , at sevenpence per rod per annum , or at the rate of £ 4 13 a . 4 d . per acre .
" At Holbeck there are eighty tenants on the land recently appropriated , occupying from ten to twenty rods each , at the yearly rent of from 6 d . to 9 d . per rod , or at the rate of £ i to £ 6 per acre . " There are farther at Holbeck S 3 tenants , who have been before occupiers of allotments ; making 135 tenants in the whole , and 11 a . 2 b , 29 r . occupied . " The whole of the tenants have now paid their first quarter ' s rent without a single instance of default or arrears , sitting down afterwards to a cheerful rent-day dinner at Headingley on the 26 th ult , and at Holbeck on the Sod inst , where upwards of 100 were assembled in Messrs . Marshall and Sons' new school-room .
•« We sutjoia the rules on whieh the allotments are conducted . The rent is calculated to cover tha amount previously paid for the land by the farmer , together with the rates and taxes and expenses of fencing au-d draining paid by the landlord . "Thearrangements hava been conducted under the management of Mr . Bolls , an experienced agriculturist , who has had the management of similar allotments in the south of England .
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" The allotments both at Haadingley and Holbeck are occupied by familes taken principally , but not exclusively , from tbe class who are in destitute circumstances from want of regular employment , and not habitual pensioners on the peor-rates . It has been thought advisable to include some in better cfrcum-Bta-ooes , both to prove to the poorer occupiers the value of the allotments , which axe sought after as a boon by those who have sufficient other resources , and also for tbe advantage of example to be hoped for from those who have superior means of cultivating their land .
" A useful little work by Paxton on ' Cottage Gardening , ' was distributed on the occasion ef both of the meetings ; and after the Holbtck meeting , Mr . James 6 . MaiBball made a few remarks and suggestions , on the advantages and best mode of conducting the allotment system ; and Mr . Parker , the schoolmaster , having jast returned from spending his Christmas vacation at Nottingham , was able to give some interesting particulars of the successful progress of tbe allotment system in that locality , where it has been long practised , and now amounts to 8000 , cottage gardens . Mr . Bolls gave some useful suggestions to the tenants ou the advantage of subscriptions amongst themselves for procuring seed , &c , jointly at a cheap rate , and in other practical matters .
RULES . " 1 . The rent to be paid quarterly on the 24 th of Dec . 31 st March , 30 th June , and the' 30 th September . If not regularly paid , the landlord shall be entitled to re-enter and take possession of the land immediately upon such default of payment . " 2 . The landlord shall pay all rates , taxes , and tithe . " 3 . The tenant shall keep in good repair the fences adjoining his allotment ; and shall cultivate and manage his allotment In such manner as the landlord or his agent may approve of . " 4 . No tenant shall fee allowed to underlet ; nor to cultivate except by spade husbandry .
" 5 . If either party wish to put an end to the agreement , one quarter ' s notice sha ' . l bo given , and a valuation shall be put upon the crops , to be paid by the on coming tenant . I" 6 . Any disputes which may arise between tenants respecting their allotments shall be referred to the landlord ; his decision to be binding . " 7 . If any tenant shall be convicted of felony or other offence against the laws of his country , he shall forfeit the crops in the ground , and the landlord shall be entitled to seize the crop and re-enter on the land without giving notice . " Again we beg that we may not be mistaken . In thus spreading abroad the above statement , we do not mean to praise the system it describes , other than in general terms .
We do not , nor can wo , commend it to general practice . As a beginning ^ we hail it ! As an end , it is condemnable ! The tenure even of the small piece allotted to the labourer is a bad one ; or is rather almost no tenure at all , We admit that in a case which is avowedly " an experiment , " all can not be as might be desired . We do not wish to raise a single objection that might operate as a stumbling-block in Mr . Marshall ' s way : but ia dealing with a question generally , and in praising his efforts to better the condition of his Faotory " hands , " we must in justice to ourselves , and in justice to him too ,
point out the grounds on which we accord that praise . We have before done this , in saying that we are satisfied and even pleased with the exertions of any and ever ] one who points attention , as he has done , and is doing , to the land as a means of salvation . We look upon his conduct , in this particular , with peculiar satisfaction . His family are the largest millowners in Leeds , or in the West-Riding of Yorkshire . They are reported to have made the most money by the operation of the mill-By stem of any family in England . We have quarrelled , and shall always quarrel , with the system , which while it has given them their millions , has also made it necessary for the worker in those mills to have allotted to him some twenty rods of land
to enable him to eke out his mill-wages to a living-point . But we do not quarrel with Mr . Marshall for expending a portion of his money so obtained , to the procuring of those twenty rods for the eustentation of the man whd has made him what he is . On the contrary , we hold it to be , generally , a rightful and praiseworthy application ; and one which does credit to the heart of the gentleman who in this , as in many other things , has proved himself to be in advance of his class . However we may disagree with the meanB which have enabled the Mabsiialls to become possessed of their millions , we certainly do not disagree with the expending of a portion of them so as to procure additional comfort to the working man vrho has earned them .
We have said that the tenure indicatedtin the statement of Mr . Marshall ' s allotment doings is bad . We do not purpose to go further into the question at present ; but merely beg to oall his attention , and the attention of the reader generally , to the following extract from the Morning Chronicle of Wednesday last . The question of tenure is there put in a strong light ; and we adduce this as proof that tbe views and opinions which we are well
known to entertain on this branch of the subjeot are making their way into proper quarters . When we have the people occupying tbe soil , under puupeb tenure , and on a right principle of rents—then , but not till then , may we hope for better days and bettor doings amongst us . That proper tenure must be fixity of tenure . The advantages of it , and the disadvantages arising from want of it , are well set forth in the following extract : —
At a publio dinner in Drogheda , on Wednesday last , Nicholas Boy Ian , Esq , of Hiltown House , in returning thanks for his health having been drunk , made the following remarks on the subject of fixity of tunure . — - " I have taken a lively Interest in the Agricultural Society , and have been the treasurer of that body , but I regret much that no one of our societies has taken a proper view of the best means of improving the culture of fc tlie soil , by placing tbe relations of landlord and tenant on a proper basis-Hhear , hear , and cheers . ) I will mention an anecdote which proves the necessity for some protection to the tenant , and I trust it will go abroad ' on tbe wings of the press . It has happened that
a gentleman of large pioperty had some land to let to a tenant at the fair rent ol 2 i > s . per acre ; this year the land produced , in consequence of good management , an excellent crop of twenty barrels of oats per acre . The landlord became aware ol that fact by bis tenant taking a premium , and v / is present when the tenant sold the produce at ft fair price ; when the landlord turned round oa him and said , 'Yon got tbe highest price for your produce , and I tind you have my land too cheap ; I must get from you £ 4 an acre , the real value of it , hereafter ;' thus making the tenant pay an enormous rent because be was skilful and industrious , and taking to himseif
the profits of the tenant ' s labour . ( Ones of ' shame , shame . ' ) Who would venture to improve land under a system in which such an act coald be committed ? ( Hear , hear . ) I regret that some of the landlords will thus turn tbe improvements entirely to their own advantage . I regret this as a member of the parent Agricultural Society ; and the gentleman who acted as I describe is a member of one of the branches . ( Hear , hear , and shame . ) I would resign 10 J office of treasurer , if it waa not that I wish to ascertain whether the landlords will take the opportunity of doing that which alone can insure the improvement of the soil ; that is , to give fixity of tenure . ( Loud cheering . ) I
give : my opinion ou this subject as a practical man . Gentlemen sign tbeir names as presidents and vice-presidents , and secretaries of agricultural societies , and claim credit as persons anxious to improve agriculture : I would much rather see them sign their names to good leases ; but this they have not done—( load and continued cheers ) . I took the liberty of mentioning , a few days Bince , at Navan , that , as it was impracticable to compel the landlords to give leases , it would be well if there was an act passed tc enable the tenant to register his drains as permanent improvements for the landlord , as he registers his trees ; and when be is obliged to leave
bis land be might be able to call npon his landlord for the value of bis improvements . I defy Mr . Smith , of Dernston , ot Mr . Purcell , to improve without thorough draining ; give , then , to the tenant the power to register these drains , and the land will be improved—( lond cheers ) . I do not require that the landlord should giva up any portion of his property . Register the drains , and these will feecccne h \ a property on his allowing the out-going tenant their value . This would be a practical good in thecasoof thoue landlords who sow give only seventeen or eighteen yeara" leases . I wish that every parish in Iceland would prepare petitions for such a law . "
We haye now exhausted all the space it is possible to devote to this question at the present . Next wef > kvve bhall return to it , and show what other parties are doing oh the land , who hold with us that the land U the onl&i mtians of salvation . —^^^
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horns . His speech was a good one for the purpose . It laid the " Sucking Pigs" on their tail ends en . tirely . It took from them every pretext for perse vering in their disuniting system ; and its result was just what we anticipated . Mr . Lovbit did not ask the Council to withdraw their Bill . He did not offer any objections to the spirit , or even" the form , of the resohtions . He merely asked that the very fair and reasonable position might be given to tbe Conference of having , as the basis of their discussion and consultation , a Bill with whioh they were all familiar , which waa
simple in its terms , and brief m its provisions , and which had the confidence of almost the whole working people , in preference to the one now introduced , which , though , avowedly maintaining the same principles , was , in detail and phraseology , a perfect stranger to all but the Sturgemen themselves ; asd , indeed , to all of thnm except a chorea clique—the Council . They were at full liberty to " pit" their Bill against the Charter ; to compare and contest its several clauses one by one *
They were at full liberty to demonstrate the superiority of their Bill , clause by clause ; and , a » fast as they could do so to the satisfaction of the Conference , to reject the Charter and to substitute it by the Bill they had prepared . This would have been a fair position . Ereryman in the Conference had a rieht to bring there a Bill of his own preparing if he thought proper to do so , and to submit it to a like ordeal of approval or rejection . This right was recognised ia the circular by which the Conference was called . Tae Conference was called not to
agree to THE bill to be then and there presented ; but " to prepare A . Bill , " &o . This was . all Lovett asked . He said "Let the Charter be read : we all know all about that ; and then if you have anything better to suggest to us , we are ready to consider , and , if we approve , to adopt it . " This was the true spirit of fair play ; the true spirit of " Conference "; the only thing whioh could make the Conference other than a farce . Bat the " Sacking Pig ? " said " NO " . We have called you here , not to confer but to consent . You have " fiobson's choice" before
you . You shall have , as the basis of your discussion , " THE Bill—our Bill—the Five Hour ' s Monster , which you have never seen , and of which you don't know a single word—or you shall have no disoussion at all . Never , surely , werejmen seeking Union so conciliatory as " the Suoking Pigs" !
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^^™——¦ THE TWO IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS . In accordance with our promise of last week , we give in this week ' s Star two most important documents . The one , the Indictment , will need no comment from us here . The time to comment oa it will be in March next . Then we fancy that both we aud many others may have much to say upon and respecting it .
The other document , the Minutes of the Conference , is well deserving of the attention of the people There they have the business of the Conference before them at a glance . There they will find the division which sent the " Sucking Piga" to seek their Mother ; for that division let them know , for the first time , that they " were out " ! Let the people look well at the recorded votes : they will learn from them an instructive lesson !
The suggested alterations and emendations of the Charter will also there be found . The people will have learned before this , that no alteration has been absolutely made ; tbe amendments agreed to by the Conference being agreed t on the distinct understanding , come to by an unani mous vote , that they should be considered and determined upon by the people themselves , in their several localities . We beg to call publio attention to them .
We understand that it is the intention of Mr . Hobsqn ,. our publisher , in accordance with an intimation made to , and sanctioned by , the Conference , to publish tbe Minutes , including the People ' s Charter , in a neat pamphlet form . It will thus be ready of access on future occasions ; and will be of value to the people in their consideration of the several suggested amendments in the Charter , inasmuch as they will have the whole before them at once . The pamphlet , we understand , will be ready next week ; it will consist of sixteen pages of royal octavo : aad will be sold for 2 d .
From an advertisement in another portion of this sheet it will also be seen that Mr . Cleats intends to print the Chabteb , with its suggested amendments , in his Chartist Circular , for Id . Thus the Chartist body will have that document in two shapes : in a neat pamphlet form , together with all the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Conference , for 2 d . ; and in the Chartist Cireular , minus the Minutes , for Id .
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Thk " Three Leeds Delegates . "—Mr . William Brooke ^ of Leeds , has sent a letter here , denying that he voted with the ** artful dodgers" in the matter of the committee referred to in last Star , and affirming that he voted for the motion made by Mr . Hilt and seconded by Mr . Hobson . All I have to say upon the subject is * that Mr * Brooke did not vote for the motion made &j / me , and seconded by Mr . Hobson . He voted for the amendment moved by Mr . Thompson , and seconded by Mr . Mitchell , the Complete Suffrage men . I saw him vote . —Wm , Hill . "A Constant Reader . "—We do not know what Mr . Carpenter is now doing . Jamks Hall . —Never mind the scrawler .
William Mattinson desires us to say , thai , of the sum of £ 2 18 s ., published sometime ago , for tht Victim Fund , from Preston , 8 s . 4 $ d . was from Bambour-bridge . CaoYBON Chartists . — We have not room for their address to Mr . Duncombe . T . B . Simnitt , Newark , would be glad to know if the Mr . Boothby , to whose pen the Slurge document is attributed , be the same Mr . Boothby who figured at the last election as the agent of Sir T . Wilde , M . P . 1 Mtsticos Secoetus . —We received his letter while sitting in Conference at Birmingham , and da not know what has become of it . Will some kind friend send B . Butterly . Back
Albionstreet , Halifax :, a Northern . Star of May Ut 1839 ? General Cooncj . llqrs . —We have over and over again stated that lists of Council vfhieh arrive after Wednesday morning cannot appear ia the current week ' s Star . Will the South Wales Delegate unite to the indi vidual vjho pave him his address on the breaking up of t he Birmingham Conference , at an early date f Charles Maunder . —His letter is reserved . " Sound Advice . " —A political martyr thus writes /» the . Chartists of Great Britain : — " The following may , and ought , to sorve as an example
f x > sll true Ckartista : — " T ae Portuguese gained a moral revolution in 1820 . From a s&vere despotism they became a demoora ^ f without even a bloody nase or an angry word . They were calkd the sovereign people . They we * told , b > sincere frienda , to be sure to manage that own affaire ; but they thought they had gamed tne Constitutional Charter , and all would be right , a set of lawyers forced themselves upon the peopw as their leaders ; said they were democrats ; p ^" suadedthe people they wanted their » d * tee ! J | r cured themselves in . power , and sold tbeir e » - ployers . One of these said lawyers is now one « the Queen ' s Ministers , at Lisbon . . " The French people fought in 1830 , and galnea , r > l blood , a glorious revolution . They drove a tyr »» from hia throne ; but , then , they could not mansgB their own affidrs , or they Would not What »« the result ? They allowed a man to take U » I « w who accepted the title of Citf » 9 nKingr and he dm
done , with impunity , that which the' ^ P ™ king only talked of doing , and the French »» still slaves . i «» a " In the following year the Belgians gained as compiew a rictory over despotism as any to be w ? na corded in history . The whole was done by ¦ " » working people ; but when the middle classes »» them maaterj , they rame forward as leaders , -in o people pu * their affairs into their hands , » a they sold them . The Belgians ate now «»« again , with the difference , that under the Dnw » yoke they supported half a loyal family ; j ^ JrZ they have a whole one to maintain , and tna * " *** to be a large one . " You see by these recorded examples , that it to-of" ? use to agitate for , and gain by any means an < W *» i except you are determined to manage ft- 'JJJ-J ' jL , hate got it . Let merit alone be a inalifi ^™ for candidates who wish to 8 eiTeyo& > —aud ^ w of humbug !"
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THE "SUCKLNG PIGS " AND THE "WHOLE | HOGS . " In accordance- with our promise of last week , we return to the consideration ef the efforts of the Sturgemen at the Conference to cajole the Chartists ; and to get the semblance of anything which could be called national concurrence in their schemes . We come , then , to the four resolutions moved by Mr . Beggs : — " 1 . That thjs Conference convened in conformity with a resolution passed at the first Complete Suffrage Conference , held at Birmingham , April 4 th—8 th , 1842 , and ] having for its paramount objest the consideration of the necessary details of a bill embodying the principles then agreed upon , namely : —
The extension of the Suffrage to all male adults , not deprived of the rii ; ht of citizenship by a verdibt of a jury of their ] countrymen—vote by ballot—equal electoral districts—abolition of a property qualification for members of Parliament—payment of members for their services—and annual Parliaments ; —do now declare the adoption of these principles ; pledges itself to employ such means only for obtaining the legislative recognition of them ad are of a strictly just , peaceful , legal , aud constitutional character ; and will forthwith proceed to fulfil the mission with which it has been entrusted , resolved to support its ohairmaQ in preventing the introduction of any proposition not ia accordance therewith .
2 . —That as this Conference will resist the introduction of any topic not obviously relevant to its main design , so it also disclaims all interference with existing organisations , recogaising as its paramount duty , the arriving , if possible , at a cordial agreement in reference to the object towards which peaceful agitation may be directed . " 3 . —That this Conference , agreeable to resolution 17 , passed at the first Conference , is prepared to receive aud to consider all documents whioh may be laid before it , and whioh may bo supposed to contain an embodymentjof the necessary details for working out the principled already recognised .
" 4 . —That the documents so to be presented to this Conference , be taken into consideration at the opening of oar next Session , by a Committee consisting of the whole body of the delegates ; aud that the Committee be instructed to observe the following rules : —1 . That ] the bill to be presented by the Council of the' National Complete Suffrage Union , ' be taken as the basis of discussion . 2 . That each clause as it is read shall be considered part passu , with tne correlative claase of the other documents . 3 . That all amendmentts be haaded up to the Chairman in writing . ''
After every possible " dodge" to get a Conference after their own kind had been resorted to and failed , it became necessary to try what could be done with such materials as they had : and we certainly give them credit for having done- this with sufficient artfulness . Had the Conference , as a body , been gullible , the specious manners and the sly manosuvrefe of the STURSE-men ; might have promised them success . Of this we have an instance in the moving of their four resolutions all at once . The SruRGE-men knew better than to submit them separately to the discussion of the ! Conference . The first three
resolutions were long , plausible , and seemed to require but little observation , and to admit of not much objection . They were the bait therefore upon which to bang the fourth , which , under their cover , it was hoped would pass unnoticed-There is much evidence in these resolutions of deep , anxious , and well laid , design . The resolutions were prepared and printed , so that the Sturgemea could be well acquainted with them , and know all their purpose and their bearings ; but not a single copy was in the Conference , among the Chartist Delegates ; they were to take them on trust from hearing them
once mumbled o \ er amid the murmuring conversation constantly going on in a large meeting , and at a distance many of the Delegates oould not hear them read at all . It was seen clearly that in this way , if any debate should occur , the attention of the Conference would be fixed upon some one point of some one of the four , while the bulk and body of the resolutions would be lost sight of ; and that thus , if the delegates could be " jockied" upon the single limb , the whole carcase might be dragged through . It was a deep fetch , but it would nob carry . The delegates were too astute . The right limb was laid hold of , and . the monster was dismembered .
To show that there is more in these resolutions than was intended to meet tho eye , we shall bestow some little attention on them ; and it is strange if we do not find in them evidence that the Sfcurgemen had , throughout , and from beginning to end , made up their minds that the " union" whioh they have always so pathetically urged , was just the very thing they were determined not to have . We point especially to the second of these resolutions , which pledges the Conference against any interference with " existing organizations . " This resolution directly contravenes the object of the Conference , ' as stated by themselves . In their own circular it is stated that the Conference was . to meet , : —
" For the purpose of preparing a Bui to be submitted to Parliament for securing the just Representation of the jwhole People ; and for determining ON SUCH PEACEFUL , LEGAL , AND CONSTITUTIONAL MEANS AS MAY CAUSE IT TO BECOME THE LAW OF THESE BEALMS . " It was eloar , then , that the " paramount duty" of the Conference was not , as stated in this resolution , restrioted to the mere consideration of " the object " towards which peaceful agitation might be directed . It embraced also j the " means" for its attainment . And what right had the Complete Suffrage Council
to debar the Conference from the consideration of any and all" peaceful , ] legal , and constitutional means" foX the accomplishment of its own purposes ! Had this resolution been proposed separately and in its own place , after the " preparation of a bill " , it would have become a serious asd important matter for consideration , whether the most efficient of all " means " for the causing of { that bill to become law might not be found in such "interference with existing organizations "—such judicious amendments and alterations in the organization of the Complete Suffrage Union , or of the National Charter Association , or of
both , as might have formed the two into one workable harmonious body , in which all the energy and influence and power of all the advocates of that bill might have been brought into one focus and phalanx . This would have looked like earnest sincerity . This would have gained them the confidence of all . It would have gained them even our confidence , who have never yet had faith in them . But this would have led to " UNION "; this would have destroyed party bickerings and disputes about leadership ; it would have brought all the avowed advocates of Universal Suffrage into one camp—concentrated
theirefforts in one systematic plan of action—and have thus secured that " unity" wherein lies the M strength" of all popular movements . This was the very thing the STUBGB-men never wanted —the very thing they always dreaded ; hence the constant doctrine of Friend ;' No , " that he did not wish the Chartists to join him—he wished to see them go on with their own Association ; hence the " parallel line" doctrine of Mr . Spencer ; and henea , the resolution , second of Mr . Beggs' batyh , disclaiming all Union of the frieR ^ of the proposed Bill , j as to the mesons of its
enactment ! Thfere needs no o ' , her argument than this one alone to satisfy the mind 3 of any unprejudiced man , who is n'jt a fool , that the object of the Sturgemea has al ways been to perpetuate divisions when they fr / und them among the Universal Suffrage ranks ; < vhile many other portions of their conduct show equally their determined purposejand the deep , di / ty schemes reBOrted to , for the creation of divisions when they found union in those ranks , indeed we have found thiB so universally the case , that , we begin now to suspect , the moment we hear 1 a man bawlinc about " union , "
that his purpose , is to canse " a split" somewhere . We have always found that men who rea-ly wish for ujuon j manifest their anxiety rather by taking care to do nothing to create disunion than by maki ng a great noise about it . If Mr . Lovbtt had not moved his amendment just wheiif he did , an amendment would have been moved " that the re solutions now proposed be considered separately ; iud that , as they iare printed , every delegate be furnished with a copy of them , and of the Bill referred to by them . " Mrl Lovett , however , rendered this unnecessary , by t-akiog " the Bill" at o nce" by the
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Salford . —It is proposed to apply , in the next session of parliament , for a charter of incorporation , and to make the municipal borough of the same extent as the parliamentary borough of Salford .
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR . * " ¦ ' i i | ... . . . , ., , .. _ . _ , W-. ¦ . . .. ¦ ... , — _ , , .,,. — .. , » . — , . . _ ¦¦ — o— . -.. ~^> - , . _ __
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 14, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1195/page/4/
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