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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TO THE EDITOB OP THE HOEIHEHN STAB . Warwick Comity Gaol , Oct . 23 rd ., 1842 . DeaS ME . Hill , —I am happy to hear that you aw a gain at thai port wbich is eo eaential to nj at the present time , and aa you , or f oar readers , might not luve heard of the change which has taken place in my affairs , I take the first opportunity cf forwarding the necessary information . I was informed , en the 15 th , that my case had been lemoved , by certiorari , to the Queen's Bench , on toe -application of my prosecutors ; I shall , therefore , be tried at the ensuing Assizes , and as I thought that the
« ounty magistrates might be entrusted with power to take bail , I applied to Sir Eardly Wilmot , Chairman of the Session * , to favour me with an interview , aa I Wished to make an application to the bench ; I was BcevrdtBsly brought before the comrt . which adjoins this prison , en the second day of the County Sessions , when I was informed , by the County Clerk , that my ease was removed , by writ of certiorari , to the Queen ' s Bench . I then applied to the Chairman to be admitted to bail , and was informed by him that the magistrates fcad so power in the matter , that the application would bave to be made to the Judges , I shall , therefore , have to apply to the Judges .
I hare bees scandalously treated by the Birmingham Magistrates . Upwards of twelve respectable shopkeepers and men of business , whose qualifications were beyond doubt , have been tendered as bail on my behalf , and were refused . A true bill was found against me by the Grand Jury , for the Warwick County Sessions , on Wednesday last , and two true bills were found by the Grand Jury of the Birmingham Quarter Sessions , on Saturday . I shall , therefore , have to face three indictments at the forthcoming assizes ; the eridence for which , » s you will already hare Been , are of the most abominable character , bat I hare so doubt of being able to procure sufficient eridence to prove the falsehood of their statements , as 1 have not made use of the language imputed to me by tbesa .
I am BtiU . confined in a room by myBfclf , and am well attended to by my Birmingham friends , and also by the Chartists of Leamington and Warwick , especially Mr . and Mrs . French , and Mr . Donaldson of the latter place . I have been Tisited three times last week by Mr . Charles Thorpe , who was sent here by my Birmingham friends to render every assistance deemed necessary during the sessions ; I hare , therefore , no reason to eompain of neglect , and am very thankful to all my -friends in the district for their feindntm * ; I haTe also to thxn * iir . O'Connor , who has liberally forwarded- £ 5 -to my Defence Committee- I am in good health and -spirits , and remain , Tours truly , Geobgz White .
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INCARCERATION OF MR . JOHN WEST . We give the following letter of Mr . West from the Evening Star of Saturday : — Derby , County Gaol , Oct . 14 . I write to apprise you of my arrest , on a charge of sedition . I was arrested on Monday in Leicester , and ¦ oonvej-ed in custody of the officers to Ashby-le-la-Zouch , where I was lodged in the lock-up , and in the morning brought before Sir John Cave , at the Red-lion Inn , in Appleby . The first evidence against me , was Mr . ¦ George Outram , manager of Lord Granville ' s coal works , who deposed that before the ISth of September , bis men turned out , and by persuasion , be got them back again ; that after the ISth some of them refused to eo to work again ; that there had been some Chartist meetings before at Grisley ; on cross-examination , he said he never saw me before , nor did not know that I ever attended any meetings in that neighbourhood . The next witness was — Charlton , a
special constable ; he swore , that on Sunday , the 18 th cf September , he saw me elevated above the people on & form " , that there might be 150 people present We commenced with prayer and singing , then I took a text from the first chapter of the second epistle of Peter , fourth and following verses ; that I B&id many good things , but that at last I launched into politics , and said the aristocracy are our greatest enemies , that we must unite to get rid of tad laws and class legislation ; and that we must break open the locks of the prison doors , and let oar incarcerated brethren tree . On his cross-examination , he could not remember any of the good things I had said , and in the f notation from Isaiah , respecting opening the prison doors , ( which is strictly figurative ) he would not say that the impression on his mind was , that I advised the people to acts of violence , but ignorant people might think so ; there was no cheering or disturbance , and the people dispersed qmttly—another " rpe # ioZ" confirmed what Charlton said as to taking notes .
Sir John Cave said he did not know whether I was a Chartist at not I immediately said , I was . Well , said Sir John , you have not disproved what . has been sworn , and I have no other course left but to commit you . I said I had not time to produce my witnesses , and even from the fcestameny of the witnesses against me , there was no disturbance , and the whole tenour of my discourse was anything but of a seditious character . But it was no use , to trial I must go , and I then said I hoped he would not impose a greater amount of bail than a man in my situation could procure . He fixtd it
at myself in £ 200 , and two sureties in £ 100 each , or four at £ 50 . I hope my friends will exert themselves to procure it for me , as it is a long time to lie in prison till the March assizes . The constable Cbarlten wished the magistrate to prevent me from taking out the copy of the depositions , for said he , " fie will get people to cordradid what I have sworn . " The magistrate very properly refused him , saying , I should have every facility of defending myselt I am allowed to write two days a week . In my next I will give you an account of the prison . Johs West .
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TO THE EDITOB OP THE 50 STHEBS STAB . In the Star cf October 1 st , a letter appeared with the rrnHnia w . P ., on the propriety of the working dssses joining tte Corn law Repealers , as a means of obtaining the Charter . In the discussion of this preposition , W . P . dots cot argue for the union of these classes , is hopes cf any permanent good being the effect of a Repeal of the Com Laws ; but , ' on the contrary , &ft « depicting the present condition ef the Working classes in regard to the two great factions which at present rule the destinies of this country , he &ys that a repeal « f these laws would bring immediate * ad inevitable ruin on the middle classes , ( to use his
own -words , ) cs they ( the Corn Law Bepealers ) expect ] from it to hive prosperity for ages , as they hope from ; it to get their feet upon our seeks , and as it will ( I am \ hi certain of it as fire burns ) assuredly trundle them into j the streets , let us by all means assist them to obtain it \ Here it is at once observable . We are to join the Com ] Law Bepealsrs , as it means , to ruin the middle c " asses sxd , by granting them their pet measure , we would j bring them to the Charter , This is the basis of W . P . *« j irgutnfcnt , via . Vhe middle classes wQl notjoJn the work- j ing classes till th ? y become alarmed at their own situ- > i £ on . But to give the writer ' s argument its full ! weight , what does it prove ! Juit this—that the
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middle classes wQI not go for the Charter an hour s # oner than necessity forces them to it No ; on foreign trade ia already damned —the power of competition hai forced the manufacturer to reduce hia prices to the lowest farthing , ia order to effect a sale , and in this be is uniuccssfuL Warehouses are filled with the product of our labour , and the operative is starving for want of employment Now , I contend the interest of the labourer and retail merchant are the same . If the labourer receives no wages , the retailer receives no profits ; if small wages , the retailer small profits . Thus their interests are co-extensive . I believe W . P . will agree with m » that the labouring classes were never in a- more miserable condition than they now are ; and this , according to hia own showing , necessity being the basis of this union , it was never so likely as bow . But suppose another portion of the middle classes were trundled into the streets , aa a matter of course , their works ___
would stop and a universal stagnation ( vi * the employers ) would follow . W . P . cannot be ignorant that to all stages of the social condition of this country , the poor labourer comes in for tie worst share . The employers for some t ime would procure food from the wreck of their capital ; and what , in the name of common sense , are the poor workies to do , whose eating ceases with their employment ? It would be but poor gratification to me to assist in bringing about a state of things , reducing myself « nd family to starvation , merely for the purpoze of starving my former master , even supposing we were to start this hungry race together . Bat , ssya W . P ., by that course we should obtain one of two good things , either the thing would be set at rest , or , what is mere probable , ( as in my opinion ) the repealers are not sincere , they knowing too well what would be the result , they would give up the agitation at once , terrified at their own success . This would put them to
the test Here W . P . doubts the sincerity of the League . I do know who tola Mr . O'Connor the mills would be all stopt on one day . Mr . Aeland , the avowed advocate and paid agitator of the repealers , and for what purpose ? Why to repeal the corn laws . ( But in this they reckoned without their host . ) Who refused to mix the question of the suffrage with the question of the com laws ?—the League . Yes , they are in earnest , in right good earaes :. To this fact the dungeons of England bear testimony . W . P . adds : —But let us not give up eur agitationlet us persevere with that , in order that we may form a public opinion , that we may also be ready when the day of trial conies , in order that we may be able to take advantage of every circumstance which offers iu our favour .
Now , sir , I frankly # wn that I cannot , for the life of me , see my way through this strange plan of agitating for the Charter Suffrage ; either it is my ignorance ( being an illiterate working man ) or the quotation is void of common sense ; , for if we assist in obtaining a measure which we believe to be fraught with mischief to every class , we shall certainly come up to the picture drawn of us by every Whig and Tory scribe in the land . No , no , W . P . if we are to cultivate a powerful publio opinion in our favour , in so far as we divide that opinion with onr opponents in the same proportion we weaken onrselves . Nothing is plainer than this ;
to aid in repealing tke Com Laws , is to lend ourselves into the hands of our oppressors , enabling the capitalist to cast labour prostrate at the feet of capital , and rivet the chains of middle-class despotism more firmly round the seek of the people , and then begin an agitation for the Charter . After sacrificing so much time , money , and patriotism , this is a most monstrous monstrosity . No , no ; W . P . it will not da In your second paragraph , in regard to the two great factions that rule our unhappy country , you say , ' Let them disagree about what else they may , they always agree about insulting and trampling upon that class which produces all the wealth in which they wallew . "
Now , here yon are right ; the premises are trae as existence itself , and the conflict is between a powerful public opinion and the dominant influence of gold . If this is true , your whole reasoning is false ; the success of the people depends on their singleness of purpose , the strength of public opinion , and the power of their organization . The two former we have ; the latter we want In your last paragraph , you pledge yourself to the Charter , even the very name . Hold there and keed not the factions . Convince the middle class of their interest by argument , and the day is our own . True , we suffer at present by the iron grasp of tyrant power j bnt this is no proof that we shall not succeed .
I own it is sickening to hear of something called a constitution co-existing with a desire to murder those who have been foremost in the combat of right against might ; but so it has ever been . The tyrant ' s right to rule has ever been written in the blood of ite victims . Its heraldic emblazonments should be a dagger , a sword , prison , rick , stake , and scaffold ; upon it a gold and crimson ground , with the motto , " Blood and gold . " Life without liberty is naught Let even martyrdom come while struggling for its achievznent , it will be welcomed by the patriot , for he
knows" They neverfail who die in a great cause : The block may soak their gore ; Their heads may sodden in the sun ; Their limbs be strung to city gate and casUe walls—Bnt still their spirit walks abroad . Though years Elapse , and others share as dark a doom , They but augment the deep and sweeping thougkts Which orer-towei all others , and conduct The world at last to freedom !" S . K . Glasgow , October 10 th , 1842 .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF TODMORDEN . Ml deae Feiends , —I am now at liberty again , breathing the fresh air of heaven I have been in the boarding school twelve dayB , and as a whole , I have nothing to complain of on my own account , but I do complain ot Mr . Berwick's conduct towards my companions , Doyle , Campbell , and others . I am anxious to return my sincere thanks for the very liberal manner in which you have contributed towards my Defence Fund . The committee will issue a balancesheet before long to your satisfaction . The charge that was laid at Todmordenis given up , for what reason I do not know ; but I can say this much , and I think you will bear me out in it , that I used my influence to get the people to keep the peace , as did all connected with
me ; and how far we were successful is known . Ten are all aware that there was no property destroyed , or any breach of the peace ; and I think when I say that the peace of the town may be attributed to the advice we gave , I shall not be exaggerating . I now wish to say a few wordstomy mostintimate friends the Chartists . Some of you appear to be alarmed at the present crisis . Lord Abinger's charge to the Grand Jury seems to have had an effect upon a few of yen ; bnt I am glad that it is only a few . Remember what Lord Abinger ssys is not law . If you have read the summing up of Ticdal snd Abinger , you will see a great difference . One says that it is not his business to know anything about the political opinions of the prisoner , and the other makes the opinions part of the charge . My Lord Abicger , in his address to the Grand Jury , dwells at
great length upon what he pleases to call the doctrine of the Chartists , aud in that address he make 3 use of the following : —That they , the Chartist lecturers , used language tfeat was highJy dangerous ; and they strove to make it appear that the Queen lived ont of the earnings of the labouring class , which was anything bnt th » trnth ; and in the very next breath he admits that her Majesty lives out of the taxes , and that she has a right to her salary . Now , I do not dispute the right her Majesty has to a living ; but I do dispute the right to tax individuals , unless they are recognised by the Constitution , t . e . having a voice in the making and enforcing the laws , and the distributing the funds of the state . It iB dangerous to let such a man preside npon the judgment-seat , who is too . old and too great a party-man to do justice . A man named Knowles , who was tried for breaking wood npon the Bolton Xallway , was as innocent as a child unborn of
the charge laid against him ; Dot that I Bay the jury was aware of it , but the very man that did the mischief was in the same yard that I was in , ard he has got two years' imprisonment and hard labour . He told me that Knowles , who has got transported for seven years , was not there at alL This shows what sort of evidence has been raked up . Now , are you ashamed of the principles of the Charter ? I know that there is a great number will say , No . And if the questien were asked , are you ready to risk everythirg for them , the answer would be favourable . Well then , set to work boldly and determinedly , and do y # ur duty . I do not wish you to understand from what I say , that you are to do any violence , but to make use of every favourable opportunity for the furtherance of the good cause , and above all things try to make as many friends as possible , and as few enemies ; remember that there must be many Chartists before there can be any expectation of the Charter becoming law .
; Since the commencement of the Etxmng Star , you have opened five news rooms , or rather reading rooms , for I peice ' . ve that other besides political infermation , is being attended to . This is cheering . Let but the labouring class get information , and I defy all the power of the most infernal tyranta to keep you in bondage for any length of time . I see that there are a many in prison for want of baiL The localities to which they belong ought to attend to them without delay , and not leave a stone unturned to liberate them . Mr . Mooney was brought through Todmorden on Tuesday night , on his way to Manchester . It behoves everyone to use bis influence for the support of the victims . I am confident that my tow companions , who have traversed , will do so , and I wn sure that a great number of my Tedmorden friends will ao their duty ; and I hope all will , as heretofore , attend the Lectures , and enrol their names under our banner . The tyrant ' s watchword ia divide and conquer ; let ours be union , and good feeling one towards ano-** B . B .
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Tisit op Loed Staklxt to Ibelahd . --Lord Stanley , vfho is now at Knowsley Park , is Bbortly expected in Ireland , on a visit to Ins estateB in the county of lipperary % —Preston Chronicle ,
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GREAT FESTIVAL TO T . S . DUNCOMBE , ESQ ., M . P . A Tea Festival was on Monday night given , at the National Association Hall , in High Holborn , to Thos . Slingsby Duncombe , Esq ., M . P ., by a number of the liberal electors of Finsbury end other admirers of that gentleman's political career , to testify to him their admiration and approbation of his zeal in supporting the people's cause in the Commons House of Parliament . The whole of the arrangements were excellent j the tea , coffee , and accompaniments were good and plentiful ; and to add to the amusements of the evening , an excellent instrumental band was engaged , who performed a variety of appropriate airs at the close of every sentiment , and at various periods of the evening .
About 200 ladies and gentlemen partook of tea , but many more were present at the meeting after tea . Colonel Thompson was in the chair , supported on the r ight by T . Duncombe , Esq ,, M . P ., Mr . Thomas , the barrister ; and on the left by Mr . Norman , Mr . T . O . E Thompson , Dr . Black , Dr . Epps , Mr . Hodgkin , && , to . The cloth having been removed , and the speakers adjourned from the body of the Hall to the platform , — The Chairman said tbat they were meton no ordinary occasion , and in no ordinary times ; many were looking upon them with good will , many with ill-feelings , but they wonld still persevere in their conduct , fearing nothing , intending no ill , but determined not to give up one atom of those principles wliicb they felt it to be their duty to the community to agitate for ; they were as men set upon an hill , not by themselves , but by their
opponents , and because they nobly stood by their name and principles , they were persecuted . He was not going to apologise for many acts which had been committed ; their sentences had been awarded to them , and whether justiy or not , would be settled by future times and ages . He was persecuted because he was a friend to the People ' s Charter . ( Cheers . ) No disgrace was attached to those eight members of Parliament who drew up the Charter ; they were still honoured and prosperous ; but it was only when Chartism was taken np by the poor and humble that it was disgraceful to be a Chartist . Evsry cause was sure to prosper the more for being subjected to UDjust persecutkm ; they ¦ were met that evening as good , honest citizans , to take into consideration the wretched state of their
fellow-conntrymen . Many of them were acquainted with the distress which existed ; but they had not experienced it in its direst form—in the want of bread for their families ; though doubtless they had in want of employment The Colonel then made some very appropriate remarks regarding the refusal of a licence for music and dancing to the Hall , and stated that if they were driven to think of the more serious business of life than singing and dancing , they would eventually have cause to repent it There never was any prosperity in a community Where the lower orders were intuited and oppressed . The Colonel concluded by proposing the following toast : " The people , may tbey speedily possess their political rights , in order to remedy their social wrongs . " He then sat down loudly cheered . Band— " The Marseilles Hymn . "
Dr . Epps proposed the following toast : " May the Queen temove from ber councils and the offices of state all those who restrict and misapply our country ' s resources , and call to her aid those only who will extend to the poople the full measure of their rights . " Dr . Eppa in a long address supported the toast , anu warmly advocated the cause of Complete Suffrage , which raised many voices in different parts of the room for the Chatter . He spoke favourably of some of the acts of the Government as compared with those of their Whig predecessors , but denounced in plain terms the condnct of the Government in the Chinese and Indian wars . Mr . Hodgkins briefly spok » to the toast , and also in high terms of those who by establishing similar halls to that in which they were met assisted so largely to give a sound political education to the people .
TheCHAiSMAN then stated that he bad the honour to propose the next toast ; one which was expressive of their approbation of the honoured guest whom tbey now had the pleasure of meeting—a man who bad faithfully represented them , and through them , the whole community , in the Commons House of Parliament Other constituencies often met to congratulate their representative upon acme private or local benefit . which be had conferred upon them ; but tbey were met to shew they delighted to do honour to a man because he had faithfully served the whole people—a man who bad joined them from no motive of necessity . He bad not been driven from other scenes to fly to them as a last resource ; nor yet to indulge in a natural desire for fame or popularity , There
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* " n ( f wene of greatness to whi ch be might no : f ??' , fa which , perh » . , he had not indulged . But he had WSeed all to the honest , the noble feeling , of faithfully servfaff his country . JVfheirwaB the popular cause onstwed when Thomas Buncombe was present * whew m « there a man oppressed and he did not assist bim to tt ' ieutaMSt of his pewer ? HB political judge hadvioiited toe integrity of the bench by party prejudice ., ' . where was there a man so fitted tol bring it before the eountry through the medium of Parliament as tbe man thext before them ?—a man sprung from the aristocracy ; but n , agea * countries , some few of the privileged orders had ever been found battling in the ranks of the
people . Many had been sacrificed , many hod died In thesaase . They mos t remember that goo * blood was sometimes concealed under a mnataehied iip , and the aristotracy must Mflect that many of the ornaments of human nature sprang from the ranks of the people . He concluded , by proposing the following toast , to which be called upon them to do honour : " Our invited gnest , T . S . Vancoabe , a legislator , regardless of party or faction , who having espousea just principles has henestly stood' forward in Parliament , the advocate of his oppressed and suffering countrymen ; may he continue t » pursue the same manly , prudent course , till the rights © f the millions are won , and their wrongs redressed . * This was received with loud and
enthusiastic cheering , waving of huts , handkerchiefs , ha ., amidst which Mr . Duncombe rose , which was the signal for reiterated applause . Mr . Duncombe then expressed himself in the following manner and was loudly and repeatedly applauded : — ¦ The high and distinguished compliment which yon have this eroaJng been pleased to pay to the humble Parliamentary services of the individual who has now the honour cf addressing you , calls for the utterance of grateful sentiments wbich I very much fear I am not able to express , at all events in that strength of language which your kindness demands , and » y o-wn feelings make me I 5 ng to acknewledge . ( Cheers ) . I have often heard it said that popular favour and public esteem are , after all , but transitory and capricious , and
tbat those Whom it pleaseth the people to honour today , they often turn their backs on to-morrow j I believe it will be invariably found that , whenever the people have withdrawn their confidence from a public man , such conduct baa been Justified , and the desertion has been merited by the man havine , for his own private interest , and for personal objects , betrayed the interests and canse of the people . ( Cheers . ) At all events , I can say , that since I have had the honour of a seat in Parliament , public confidenee and popular esteem have uniformly been my lot ; and I believe that so long as I do persevere in that course 'which I marked out for myself on my first entrance into public lifa , that esteem and that confidenee will not be denied me . ( Hear , hear . ) And I now confess that I am proud to stand ' here beholden to no minister for his
protectionindebted to no court for its favour —( cheers)—conscious that though I have not merited the kindaras you have extended to me this evening , at all events I have not done anything to forfeit your confidence and esteem—( cheers ) . It is impossible for any one to look at tbe present state of political feeling in this country , and of political parties in this country , without some feeling of shame and of regret I know that much of it is to be attributed to the disappointment which has been occasioned to the people by the inefficiency of the measure of reform , carried in 1832—an inefficiency which has been proved by the facility with which the present Tory administration forced itself into a power which they seem to glory iu exercising over the few remaining rights and privileges of thepeople —( hear ) . And now , gentlemen , are we not reaping the fruits of that
change of Govermcnt ? Much blame is attributable , and justly so , to the Whigs for their conduct They were told , over and over again , when in the zenith ef their power , that tbey were not then making the best of their time—that the reform which had been effected was incomplete , and that it was their duty to the people to render it at once a complete and useful measure . They heeded not the warning which was given to them , but they talked ef finality , and hung to tbe skirts 6 f the court , instead of relying on the strong arm of tbe people —( loud cheers . ) And what has been the consequence ? The danger , as we told them , was at their doors , and at the eleventh hour they brought forward measures which were good , perhaps , but which came too late . They called upon the people for aid—upon the people whom tbey had neglected ; but amidst the
universal corruption and intimidation used at the last general election , their cries were unheeded in the hour of need . They fell , lain almost compelled to say , as they deserved to fall , unpitied and despised by all—( cheers . ) Well , then , I say , we are now bitterly reaping the fruits of their mismanagement of the popular cause , ( cheers . ) I ask you te look at tbe last session of Parliament—take it with regurd to any party . There never was a session so discreditable to tbe Tories , so ia glorious to the Whigs , and I may say so unsatisfactory to the people . I was looking this morning at the return of the number of hours during which Parliament sat in the course of last sesBion , and I find that , from February to August , they sat 1 , 008 hours , and 125 of these hours were after midnight Now I would ask any rational man vf hat did we do during those hours ? They were
passed in crimination and recrimination between this agriculturist and that manufacturer—between the high church and low churchman—between my Lord Jobn This and Sir Robert That —( cheers)—tny Lord John reproaching Sir Robert , and saying , " You are not satisfied with turning ub out of our places but you absolutely take our measures . ''—( cheers . ) And what are those measures , now tbey have taken them ? ( Hear , hear . ) We have got a trumpery corn bill , a delusive tariff , and we have got uu inquisitorial income tax . ( cheers . ) Now these great measures are those which Sir Robert Peel required five months to ponder upon , before he proclaimed them to tbe world . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Bat then , what was done with regard to tbe people ? Did we not , night after night , make representations to the Government , and to that House which calls itself the
representative of the people , that the people of this country were starving—were dying by hundreds in the manufacturing districts , and that it was necessary to afford them some relief , or at all events to institute some inquiry into their condition , and the causes of that condition ? But every one of ¦ these inquiries was resisted . We told them that if they persisted in this course , they would drive the people to desperation ; that the working , loyal , and industrious people cf this country were not prepared to starve and to die in the ditches ; tbat they ought not , and would not , submit so to terminate their existence . Tbey heeded not those warnings—they prorogued the Parliament , and the moment the Queen bad closed its doors , she was obliged to go home and sign a proclamation , calling on the magistracy , calling on the military to put down the
people , because as Parliament would not help them , they threatened to help themselves—( cheers ) . These people said , " We had better die at the point of the bayonet , or on tbe scaffold , than see ourselves and our families starving in the ditches "— ( cheers ) . They said , " Thousands of us are out of employment , and those who are in employ work from sunrise to sunset ; they are over worked , but they are under paid , and they cannot get that which the working classes ore quite right to demand—a fair clay ' s wages for a fair days labour . "—( cheera ) All the outbreaks and insurrection which occurred have been attributed to various causes . Every one tries to shift the odium from bis own shoulders unto the shoulders of another . One day it is the result of Chartism ; another it is produced by the Anti-Corn Law La cue . I believe , however , that
neither was to blame . Diattess is not the offspring of Chartism or of the Anti-Corn Law League ; but Chartism is the offspring of the oppression of the poor —( loud cheers );—and the Anti-Corn League is the offspring of a base and sordid monopoly ; but as Chartism is the offspring of the oppression of the poor , tbe poor are in the right to demand that they should have that ' voice and that power in the legislature which might finable them to obtain some relief —( hear , hear ) . Well , then , what is the result ? What is the conduct of the Government with regard to this insurrection ? The police were put in motion , end the military were let loose . The magistrates ¦ whom Sir James Graham—the reregade Graham—¦ ( the cat was out of the bag)—had been so active In appointing during the past winter , were to be let loose
for tbe purpose of committing these unfortunate individuals . I do not mean to say that there weie not many of them guilty of criminal acts , but when you look at their condition—their impoverished and starving condition—some allowance ought to be made for tbe misdeeds in which , perhaps , they were uufoitunately engaged —( hear , hear . ) To be sure we have had a judge , who was sent down to try tfcese men , stating publicly from the judgment-seat that tbe distresses of the people were vastly exaggerated—( cries of ' shame . ' ) I want to know how tbey can possibly be exaggerated—( cheers . ) It shows either great ignorance or great indifference on the put of the Learned Judge to have made that assertion —( bear . ) How , I ask , could tbeir distresses fee exaggerated , when we see thousands and hundreds of thousands of human beings inhabiting
the manufacturing districts were glad to appropriate even carrion , if tbey could find it;—that many of them were glad to cull tbe nettles from the ditches and the fields , and to put them into hot water to make something like broth- Many were without furniture in their houses , fuel in their fire-plaees , or raiment on their bodies ; and yet these are the persons with reference to whom my Lord Abinger—^ hisses , and cries of •< shame" ) thought proper to say from the judgment seat , at Liverpool , that so far as he was a judge—and m pretty judge he is —( cheers)—their distresses were greatly exaggerated . ( Hear , hear . ) Men not mixing with society , or with the people , might , it is just possible , maka such a blunder ; bnt Lord Abinger appeared not only as a judge , bat he assumed the characters of a
politician and a legislator , and as a politician and a legislator , it was bis duty , and it was impossible that he could be ignorant of the saA and lamentable distresses of the poor in the manufacturing districts . ( Hear , hear , bear , and cheers . ) Not satisfied however , with thus insulting the distress of the peeple , be makes a most Indecent and unconstitntioBal charge to the grand jury . He describes those of whom he speaks as » a kind of men called . Chartists "—( cheen , biases , and cries of " He was a Jacobin '') and be says that this kind of men want the working classes of this country , not possessing any property , to nave the power of voting at the elections for Members of Parliament , and , in point of fact , that they should have a voice to legislate for those who have property . ( Cheers , and
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cries of "Most monstroui i . ~> Now , that is the charge which he makes . Fron l what I have seen of the CharUsta in England , I believe that the body is far more numerous than eithe . * Lord Abingei , or the Government , or many member . ' of tee upper classes really imagine—( hear , hear . ) I b ^ lieve that the opinion in favour of the document eallet ' the Charter is daily gaining strength In the public ruin d —( cheers ) . Every party is calling for reform in some particular branch of the law , sad as each finds tbe iroi < racticabiHty ot carrying out its views , they become com 'inced of the necessity of a enange , by the effect ot ' which the House of Commons- shall be entirely remodelled—( cheers ) . lord Abiager , however , though he may not have possessed the same personal acgtnfeii ance with the extent of tbe powers of the Chartist * wl > ich I possess , must !
haw recollected the petitions' wfa . ch have been presented to Parliament hi the coarse c ? last year , and the present year . He must have recofte . -ted the petition of last year , signed by 1 , 300 , 000 ' ptruoi 'a ; and that of the present year bearing tbe signatures * <* three and a half millions-of the industrious olasse *; ai id yet he has the assurance , and , I willsay , th » inwTeti ce , to insult the industrious classes by saying that tht 7 are " a set of men called Chartists / ' who wish t » Ml > vert the aristocracy , to divide property , and to overthrow the monarchy— ( cheers ) . I have looked at tb ¦> Charter again and again ; but I can find nothing in itwhi ch would sanction an interference with the righto of : the aristocracy —( cheers )—nor could I ' find a linewbic h indicates a desire to overthrow the monarchy —( ebeen ) . Qaite the contrary . All the people ask , if I nnden 'tana it right
is , not that they should have the exela « ve light of legislating , but an equal share be tbe legisl ition of the country—that labour—tbeir property—sboa Id be equally protected with that ot my Lord Abinger ;—( ohsera ) , —and ( hat the Government of the country should be placed , as it ought to be , upon a broad , pi ipular , and secure basis , ( Hear , hear . ) . Well , indeed , may my Lord Abinger wish that the peoplo shoulc ' . have no greater power in the House of Commons than they now possess , for I venture to say , if they had poas esBed that power which they claim , and which they ongb fc to have ,. the House as it would then have been coi astitutea , would not have sanctioned , as it did , that which fc commonly called the "Scarlett job , ' and the House ct Commons thus constituted would have no hear tation-ia . addressing the Grown for the removal from tl le
judgment seat ef any judge who so disgraced that hi gh position as Lord Abinger has done by his cbarga to the Grand Jury at Liverpool . ( Loud cheers . ) I liave no doubt that the eh&rgo delivered by him is well received ; that it is greatly admired and highly approved of by his brother renegade , Sir James Graham —( hear , hear , and cheers ); but whej ? Parliament does meet , it is totally impossible that this charge , if made—and I am , of course , presuming that the charge is correctly reported in the newspapers , and I have not heard the accuracy of the report doubted—I say it is impossible this charge , whether in the words or in the epirit in which it is reported , can pass unnoticed in the House of Commons . It is impossible that the House of Commons , such even as it is , can allow tbat charge , dangerous to the liberties of tbe people , to pass uncensured
and unnoticed —( cheers ) , —and 1 can only say , that if no other individual calls the attention of the Houee to the subject on its meeting , I feel that I should basely betray the interests of uiy constituency , and of the working classes of this couutry , if I did no ; call the attention of the House to it —( cries of ' bravo , ' and loud cheera ) Such , gentlemen , at all eventB , is the lamentable position in which public affairs now standin which that question , which is the question of questions , I mean the franchise , stands before the public . It stands before the public thus—that if a man calls himself a Chartist , he is to be condemned from the judgment-seat ;* but it still rests with tfee people how Jon £ this state of things shall continue . Much will depend now on the energy , the pruaBnce , and tbe forbearance , but , above all , the cordial union of all classes .
Let us have no more quarrelling and quibbling about trifles —( hear , hear . ) Let us meet the fob openly I say that the question of the day is the franchise , and until that is settled , it is in vain , constituted as the House of Commons is , to look for any other reform—( loud cheera . ) I know the working classes have much to bear—they have much to exasperate them , but still with union and energy , they must not despair . I am well aware that it is possible for the Government , behind the back of Parliament , to strain the law—to confer upon their polica new powers- ^ to appoint an innumerable hoBt of magistrates to commit—to hire traitors to betray , and spies to deceive tbe unwary ( crieB of "hear , hear , andgronns . ) " They may also and pliant juries to convict , and they may also retain corrupt political partisans as judges to condemn ; but
nevertheless , if the people are true to themselves—if they will but stand within the four corners of the law —Sir James Graham and the whole of his renegade crew may yet find a united people who are too strong for them —( cheers ) . It is stated that the " daxket-t hsur is nearest tbe dawn . " And ao it is ; there is that elasticity about British freedom that on all past occasions , when darkness has most prevailed , it has always emerged from it with increased splendour and renown , —( cheer ' s ) . I know that I am speaking to men . who will net surrender one iota of these privileges which belong to them , and which tbe Government seek to take away . If there is anything to which , above all other things , you ate entitled , it is the right to hold public meetings ; when that is token away be sure despotism is in the ascendant . But I know there are hundreds and thousands—I believe there are millions who—in the words of Sir B . Walpole , " would prefer to die tbe last of British
freemen , than bear to live the first of British slaves . " ( Cheers . ) I fear that , cmidst the wrongs under which this country is suffering , I have wandered too far from the compliment which you have honoured me by paying me —( cheers . ) Believe me that your kindness this evening will be remembered to the last hour of my existence ; and if any reliance can be placed on the word of man , as you have been pleased ta approve of the course which I have taken , aud as by continuing in that coarse I sha ! l meet your approbation , I bog to assure you that so long as it shall ple : ise God to giva me health and strength , I will never swerve fcom that course —( cheering ) . Honoured with your approbation , encouraged by your honest and disinterested cheers , no exertion shall be spared on my part until , in the words of the first resolution , read from the chair , " the just rights of tbe millions are won , acd tbeir manifold wrongs redressed . " Mr . Duncombe resumed his seat amidst the most deafening applause , which lasted ucod-8 iderable time .
Mr . Hetherikgxo ' n proposed the next toast , " Hay Reformers of all shades of opinion speedily i » 6 rceive the necessity for cordiality and union in favour of the People ' s Charter , a measure framed to confer equal political rights , without which there are no hopes of ever obtaining equal political justice . " Mr . Thomson , Jun . Tesponded to the toast in a biief and suitable manner . Mr . Cleave stated that the principal object of hia rising was to Bhew them the positive necessity , not of talking about union , but of making some solid efforts towards promoting it . While his friend Mr . Hethering was in such a happy mood , he had hoped that he would have concluded what he begun , and shown tbe trifling causes which prevented a cordial union between all classes of Chartists . If , instead of their acting
entirely by themselves they had consulted the other sections of the Chartists , instead of being such a limited attendance on the present occasion , the hall would have been too small to hold them . There was the National Association , the Complete Suffrage body , and beyond both tbe National Charter Association , from whom Mr . Baaccmbe hns presented a petition signed by three and a half millions of individuals . As that large bedyofnien had Sufficient confidence to entrust their petition in the hands of that gentleman this ftttival would have been common ground on wbich all could have united to express tbeir approbation and gratitude to him for his manly conduct . He « grette » l that he had not endeavoured to influence his old friends to adopt that line of conduct , but as regrets were useless , he trusted some other , occasion Wfeuld itpeedily
arise , where they could unite together , heart and band , in pursuit of their common object ; when they once were united , the oligarchy of this country would tremble in their seats ; but he was convinced , that whileeach were pursuing their separate couree , they would go down to the grave without achieving their object-It had been hia fate to sit two ^ nya under Lord Abinger , at Liverpool , duricg the recent tiials , and he was proud to hear Mr . Buncombe , with a courage and a daring almost his own , assert that he weuW do that wbich many were panting to know , but hartlly ds * e to ask him , the knowledge that he would do bo . when communicated by the press , weald gladden tha hearts of millions , and they will truly say that he was their own Dnncembe . Mr . Cleave then , ir > a style i > f forcible and natural eloquence which created a thrill of horror
in the minds of his auditors , described the fierce , the almost demoniac conduct , of Lord Abinger towards the prisoners at Liverpool , and stated that , in . his opinicn , the bench oJ justice would never be pure -vshilat he was allowed to retain his Beat en it . He himself , and other friends of the peoplo , -bad . hung their heads like bulrushes , and felt asbaraad that they Tssre men , while witnessing the manner ia which humasity waa disgraced Mr . Cleave then dilated upon the monstrous iniquities practised in our gaois and workhouses , more especially those at North Leach , Northallertan , Cirencester , &c ., and gave « correct , bat terrific pioiare of the torture in store for the woaking classes at the model prison , Copenhagen Fields , London . He was astonished at the comparative sl ^ eace of the pxesa upon that hosrible re ; restitution of tbe bastile . It appeared as though for tome inscrutable purpose an infatuation of apathj was decreed
upon that subject standing before them as an unrepresented man , lie would sever cease to raise his voice against having such bells erected for bU fellow men , and he wtald contend to tbe death for tbat Charter to which then infernal prisons and their dietary tables were monumental beacons to direct tbeir course in pursuit of representation for the whole people . If tbe Chartists were determined to effect a solid union of all sections of their body , he knew of no man who could so well serve to promote that object , to bring about a feeling of friendship s > nd zsalous co-operation among them as their friend , Mr . Duncombe . Mr . Cleave then in a feeiiog manner detailed the distress , misery , and expenditure of funds , which had been caused by the result of the special commissions , stated that a fund was opened for the defence of the victims , and the support of their fernllies ; and that the firstJiolid intentioa that couid be given towaidacreating a . union-was ' by putting their
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hands in their pockets and liberally supporting that fund . Hy concluded by stating that he had done bis duty , and sow left them to do theirs , and sat down loudly cheered . Mr . Pabrt , in a manly and eicqnent manner , proposed the following toast : — " May inquiry , ia pursuit of truth , be freed from all legal trammels—may the press be unshackled from its restrictions—may despotic Judges be deposed , and unjust magistrates bo deprived of their arbitrary power—and may every obstacle to the purifying influence of knowledge be speedily removed . " Mr . Parry , during the whole of his address , was loudly and desarvedly applauded . Mr . Thomas , in . a neat , speech , supported the toast Mr . Moore moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman , and stated that if ever a vacancy occurred in Finsbury , he trusted Colonel Thompson would be called upon to fill it .
Colonel Thompson briefly acknowledged the compliment , and was proud to connect his name with their cause . He' told them to go on as they had hitherto done , and Government would soon find that tbe kind of men called Chartists , and Charteases , too , ( for he was glad to see se many ladies present , ) wore quite as good as their neighbours . He ttuated to meet them on other occasions . The meeting separated at a late hour .
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¦ THE EXECUTIVE . TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAB , Deak Sir , —Allow me , through ths meaium of the Star , to express my thanks-tx > my Chartist brethren , in Birmingham , for the honsu * they have- done me in nominating me" to the Executive , and the reasons v / by I must decline standing . In tae first place I am not one of the General Coundt , and I believe the' constitution of Cfcartlsm requiiss tbat a candidate fosrthe Exeuuitre should be one of that Council . Secoadly , —I perfectly atjrw with the fjeirtimente expressed in the resolution of cot York hret&reson this subject . . I remain , Dear Sir , Yours respectfully , _ ¦ John W . s'S&hjs . Battersesj Get 25 , 1842 .
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< EmtiBvsaa : and Glasgow Railway . —OrrThurs-< oay afternoon , about four o ' clock , a sensation- was ¦ produced along Prinee ' a-street by the appearance of a-tramof six * , carts linked togetrier , laden wife the . immense rope manufactured by * Messrs . Hag « ie- , of Sateaide , for tho tunnel near th » Glasgow terminus sf the railway * . The rope was laid ia longitudinal soil 8 _ along tho ^ aoge of carts ; it seemed to be about two inches in- diameter , aud ef very ¦ strong tenure . 'The rope is upwards of three miles long , and weighs fifteen tons , being Sve tons heavie ^ . than any lioo erer manufactured- ' before . On the way ^ up to Leah .-walk aud Lekh-street-nine horses were required to drag tkisponderoua-load- ; bnt on reaohia « . tfao level grmmd of- Prince ' s-stitvjt ; ,. three of these w ? ro dispensed with and tho rem-iimug six proceeded at - a « brisk pace with their burden to the terminus- of- the railway . — CLledonian Mbreury .
Musdeh . —At young man named Marcus Doran was killed at Mouaiculda , in the Kisg . ' a County ( oesr Rosorea ) , on the evening of Friday , the 14 th inat ^ by a . blow of a stone which he received from a rasa named John Hsnneoy , who was lying in wait for him , iii consequence of some dispute they had about a young girl ia the neighbourhosd . Owing to the active exertions of Constable Murphy , stationed near Monafod < ia , H < mnecy was soon atttrwarda arrested . On the 19-h irtsfc . a coroner ' s inquest was held on ths body , and a verdict of 'wilful murder was returned a # aiast Hennecy , who was transmitted to Tullamoro gaol for trial at the mxlassizes . —Lcm * sler Bxpres& .-
Highway Robbery beiween Chestebfield ani > BiRinNGTON-On Friday evening , last , between six and seven o ' clock , a persou of the name of £ lret » aolork in the employment of G . H . Barrow , Esq ,, of . Stavely Ironworks , wa 3 returniBg from Chesterfield to Brizaiugion , and tfhea within a short distance of the latter place , waa attacked by throe men , one of whom placed his hands over his rnoutb , while the other picked his pockets of t . ' iree sovereigns , a . quantity of silver , a nold seal , atsilver penoil-case , ami other articles . They then proceeded to beat and abuse him in a shocking manner , and he does not know how far . they mi ^ ht have proceeded , but as thoWorksop mail happened to bo coming up , the villains made off . On Saturday . Cottcrell , the constable , succeeded in apprehending three suspicious looking characters , and on Monday they underwent a long examination before Mr . G . Croiupton aud E . G . Maynard , Esqrs ., who ful y . committed them for trial . —Derby Reporter .
How to Cuke a Sulky Wj ? b . —Take her , wrap her in a linen cioth well tied at bo&h euds ; when she sings out you may be pretty well certain that she requires air ; then take a good s ? z ; d pair of kitchen . btllowSj ana work them till the cloth is well inflated , arid the contents pretty well blown ; now cail her "Dear , " accompanying the adjective with a vyhisiJe , gradually dying into a whew , whew ; insinuate a bunch of nettles ( holly will do as well ) , with which , keep her well stirred up for tea minutes . Should she give tongue nkder the operation , immediately open the coveringj ^ and add eighteen- lively , humble bees ( apexmstuans ) for the sake of their honey , which should be quite fresh . She will now speedily simmer down to a proper consistency .. Leave . heir for three hours to come to her senses ; . go to ' your dinner ; administer three lea yes of Mrs . Fry ' s Powers of Persuasion ; when cool tako her out .. If dry , r , ffer her a glass of Hodgs pn ' s bitter ale .. —Afdryland Observer .
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From the London Gazette of Friday , Oot 21 . BANKRUPTS . William Statkjo , carpenter , Cntler-street , Hounsditeh , te surrender October 27 . at twelve , and December 2 , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Pannell , official assignee ; Ruck , Mincing-lane . Stephen Sim 8 on watchmaker , Shirley , November 2 , at four , and December 2 ; at twelve , at the Royal Hotel , Southampton . Pocock and Wilkin , Bartholomewclose , London ; Clement and Newman , Southampton . Wiliiara Eist , builder , Spalding , Lincolnshire , November 10 , and Deoembev 2 , at three , at the White Hart Inn , Spalding . C&iter and Son , Spalding ; Willis , Bower , and Willis , Tokenhouse-yard , Lothbury , London . Henry B ; vtton , jnn ., merchant , Liverpool , October 31 , and December 2 , at eleven , ot the CUirendon-ro . rns , Liverpool . CotterU ) , Throgmorton-street , London ; Fletcher and Hull , Liverpool .
Charles O'Neil , Rabtrc S . tiketd , and ; George Somerville Digby , jronfountlera , Brinder Worts , near Marg / . m . Glamorganshire , November 1 , at ore , and December 2 , at eleven , at the Court tf Bankruptcy . Gibson , official-- nisignee , Basirj ^ 'hrJl-street ; Tilson , Squance , and Tilson , Coleman-street , London . David Brandon , shoe-manufacturer , Beech-street , Batbican , October 29 , tit two , and December 2 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Johnwon , official assignee , Basinghall-street ; Hall , Moov ^ ate-fctrc .-t . John Cooper , provision-deali r , Livtrjiuol , October 31 , and Dee ^ rTibfer 2 , at tin ; , at-. thu Ciaraicon-rooms , Liverpool . . Yir . zfat and Sherwood , Teaipie , London ; Littledale and E-irdswell , Liverpool . M ; ircus Harris and Solomon Abraham Hart , merchants , Ciii ! uin- « treet , Fenchurci-street , October 29 , at one , and DcC +. siber 2 , nt twelve , at the C ' uurt cf Bankruptcy . Penfisil , official cssisuec ; Rejnoids , Adametreet , Adelpbii
Wiliiam Roworth , eonft jiioner , Wfliinjbcrough , Northamptonshire , Nowmbar 7 , and jUesuuber 2 , at eleven , at Uio Gaorgo £ Iot ( il , Northampton . Church , Bedford-row , London ; Murpoy . WelliuxbutGUgh .
PARTNEF . SHIJiS DISSOLVED . G . S . RBtherford , E . West , &nd E . Suety , Britannia metal manufacturers , Slieifiuii ) . I . O . Jciits and J . B . Wiliiam 3 , attorneys , Liverpool . W . Hay and H . C . Thompson , -wine niercfcajits , Liverpool . W . Mullin v J . Seddon , jun ., and . R . S « cdon , manufacturing chemists , Ince , liaiicaBliire . A .. Tod , J . Futie , and T . Jfcitray . merchants , Liverpool . J . Tumor asd ' O . Crumniack , Vmeailyapeis , York . 3 . Jobnson and S . Yates , gioceva , aiawjiifcster . . R . JoufcS , jun ., and J . Militr , bbip-fci : nsbB , Livorpoul . W . Sibtey and W . Tca . T , coal mtrfiir . iita , Liverpool . Jn . Dj ^ n , W . Dyson , and Js . Djsod , linendiapers , Huddortiisla , Yorkshire .
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Fr * m ih » Gazette of ' luaday ,. Oct . 25 . BANKRUPTS . James Wyaii , of Plymouth , Devonshire , upholsterer , November 4 and December 6 , at the Royal Hotel , Plymouth . Barbara and HsEghtwn , Verulam-tui ' . diugs , Gray ' u inn , London ; Batier , Bridnosth j Elwoitby , Plymouth-John Bavisoni farmer , Marton , and f . avthfnwaremaimfacturo , Middlesbrough ,. Yoikbhiie , Nvvtwber 2 and December 6 , at iwo , at the Black Lion Ion , Stoikton-upon-Tees . Garbutt and Co ., Yarm , Yorkbhire . Thomas Allen , sUk-man , November 8 and December 6 , aS one , at tha Angel Inn , Maccle « a = ln . Biuudrett and Co ., Inner Semple , London ; E . W . Thompson , GJouop . John Alexander nnd Henry Glbborjs , chenmfs , Wolverhampton ; November 9 £ . nd DeceiuKr C , at ten , nt the Swan Idb , Wolverhaaapton , Cbike and Medcalf , Lincoln ' 8-imirfields , London : Edward Bennett , Wolvertiainptoa ' .
. _ . . Henry Hedger and Jamea Hedger , watch-manufacturers . Coventry , November 4 , at baif-paht u : ue , aud December 6 , at-eleven , at the Craven Anna Ina , Coventry . Weeks , Crook ' e-cotwt , Lincoln ' £ -inn , London ; Da we * and Son , Coventry . PARTNERSHIPS PISS 0 L 7 ED . William Hill si : d Thomas Ccofc . . of Leeds , flax-spinners . John Lctming , Wiil'em BUzj leeniJct ' , Edward Leeming , Miles . Edwsrfi Litniicg . and'Jiinc& Leaning , of Manchester , worsted-spinnerB ieo far us regards John Leeming ) . Joshua Platt and Charles White , of Afc ' ntottunder-Lyne . iBRiiufacturcrs of potion joyingg .
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The foUo-wing was received from Mr . West , on Sunday , 22 nd , though dated Thursday , 18 th : — Derby County Gaol , Thursday , Oct . 18 th . Deae Sir , —I embrace this first opportunity ef letting y » u know that I am in good health , and in as good spirits as can be expected , considering my situation . You are aware that I am to find bail in ttro sureties ot £ 200 each , or four of £ 50 , or be in till the March AEsiraa . I sjn in total ignorsiice as to what my friends are doing , as I have not received a letter since I came here . In my own town , the only persons who conld
or would give bail for me belong to the anti-Com Law League ; and I would sooner rot in _ gaol than receive a favour from them that might be considered an obligation , and therefore might have & tendency to cripple my exertions against them , wbich I promise you stall be as keen &s ever when I get my liberty . I know tbey are glad that I , for one , am out of the way ; but though I am laid by the heels , I have the consolation of knowing that I helped to strip the free-trade question of its mask of delusion , and that she people now understand it so well that they will never be able to succeed in seducing them , though they should spend £ 4 , 000 weekly .
I find my situation reij lonely , locked up by myself all day Ung , b&& the cell is so Email that I cannot take that necessary exercise that would keep me warm : Bnd , as winter approaches , if I have to lie till March , I fear I will engender Eome grievously bodily ailment . My braees were taken from me , and my trousers hang so loosely about my hips that I begin to feel pains in my l ^ ack already , although the Governor was kind econgh to let me wear my belt I am allowed to take En airing—and indeed it is not wrongfuL'y named—with tie other prisoners for twenty minutes , three times a fiay ; tut it is such a solemn , slow march that it makes me colder than when I was in the celL There is no distinction made between me and the greatest felon . I am not allowed pen , ink , and paper , except two days in the week .
When I have to go into the cage in the yard , the sane &s another prisoner , I am not allowed any books bat what the chaplain gives , and that kind gentleman his but very few , and those only school books . He is very kind to me . I am completely under tie silent system , and I have nothing to at on in my cell bnt -the iron frame of my bedstead . I have plenty of good food , tfet ^ t- " to Hiy friends in Derby . There ia one thing , when I get my liberty that I will direct pnblic attention to , that is , the necessity of having an elective magistracy ; there are eo rcen so ill qualified te perform their duties as the prejert " great unpaid , " as Cobbett called them ; they know little of justice , and less of law . Their derfa seem to be their Sir Oracles , and they having an eye to f 6 es think it their duty to convict a man right or ¦ wrong ; thus , in my own caBe , when cross-examining the principal witness , and getting him to admit the peaceable tenon ? of toy -whole speech , Sir Jobn Cave interrupting me said , he could net see what good I wbs doing by that line cf conduct But I must cenclude . Hoping yen will , if possible , procure the necessary bail ,
I remain , Yours faithfully ^ John West
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ESSAY 0 N THE PRESENT SYSTEM , INTENDED AS A COMPANION TO DR . CHANNIWCr'S ESSAY , ENTITLED "THE PRESENT AOE . " « re » t Britain possesses one advantage which Greece , wrttcB Rome , in all the plenitude of their power , sighed fora vain . Great Britain is detached and defended from the continent—we are surrounded by the sea . No will , ao mountain can equal thia , onr natural moat The Alps , the Pyrenees , the Apennines were as nothing —they eonld not check the invading career of a Hanibal or a Bonaparte , nor until she had a navy , coald Britain repel the incardons of Hie Romans , the Saxons , the Danes , and the Normans , —but with a navy , a little navy , the Spanish Arm *« Ia , styled the Invincible , was defeated , and the Imperial Bonaparte kept a . 6 bay . And now what continental power will dare to cross onr moat , to scale out ciifis , to penetrat © into the bowels of out land ? s
The sense of security wbich on insular position imparts to as , as it renders life and property more valuable in England shoald make them be moro enjoyed , and indeed it is owing to this sense of security that onr national character is more domestic than tbat of foreigners—that we are more independent We have been accustomed to boast of our Government as the best —of our social institutions as the most excellent we are proud of regarding ourselves as s peculiar people . Trade , commerce , and manufactures have made us the wealthiest of nations—the sun never sets on onr equatorial empire , and England we say is the glory and admiration of the whole civilized world ! True it is that she seems set apart » favourite spot in tbe globe—temperate is her climate —fertile her soil—com , cattle , and all that is fit for
the life and happiness of man is produced here in overflowing abundance ! and , as if it were not so , the treasures of other climes , of other soils , from the four quarters of the globe , are poured in our lap as from the cornucopia of plenty itself . Should not such a country—a country bo advantageously situated by Providence—so richly endowed by nature—comparatively free from pestilential airs , earthquakes , or inundations —with a people tbe bravest the most skilful , the most indostrious—should not Great Britain , esteeming herself the wisest , the best , the most powerful , not only be happy in herself , but capable of rendering all other countries happy—should not we Britons be able to set an example to all nations , and kindreds , and tengnes I But what iB the fact ? In spite of all that God and nature have done for us—in spite of all that we
ourselves have done—in spite of the past oxperience of all ages laid as in a chart before us—the people of England are now , in the nineteenth century , the most degraded , the most miserable on the face of the earththey are more miserable and degraded now than ever they were—nothing in nature is sunk so low . The Arab , the Hottentot and Negro , may all bless God that they are not Englishmen , Scotsmen , or Irishmen . But thia is owing to the system ; let us trace that system to its cause—let us follow it through its effects . Government is in its own nature democratic ; if not of tbe people it is not trus ; but we in England exist under a mixed Government of conquest and usurpation . What in bad in our Constitution was imposed upon us by foreign fraud , fozee , or innovation ; what is good was of native growth . The Norman bastard , who
conquered our Saxon ancestors , and reigned ever them under the title of a Conqueror , strove to root ont all that was English in the soil , and to plant foreign cu ? tom 8 in its stead . His successors trod in bis steps , and deepened the footprints of conquest and usurpation on English ground . Tbey were as arbitrary as the Grand Turk , whose will is law , whose word is death ; they oppressed even the lords , but oppression made the lords ChartiBtBl The lords united , and being prepared to take their rights—their rights were granted thtm—tha king signed tbe Charter . Bnt the lords did but divide kingly power to share it among themselves ; it was not their purpose to free the people . The people , however , in course of time , freed themselves , and , under Cromwell , asserted their own sovereignty .
Bat scarcely ripe for freedom , they suffered their leader to usurp a military despotism over them , so that , after his death , a re-action took place . Legitimacy came in again , and monarchy was restored in the person of Charles II . Grown wiser by experience , our kings no longer regarded the people as mere serfs bcrn for their use , aa a kind of personal property , goods and chattels or live stock transferred with tbe estate , the heir-looms of tbe crown—they no longer strove to rule by force—fraud came into fashion—the senate was bought by the king , and the senate Bold the people . Factions arose—the parties of Whig and Tory , who did not drive , but led the people aa sheep to the shearers . Feudal slavery was abolished , but political slavery rose in its stead .
Government determining to act in defiance of the people ' s will and in spite of their wants—the aristocracy with the king at their head , resolving to enslave the men of England , ami to crush them so that they should be rendered fer ever unable to rise again and re-aesert their rights—saw that tbe first thing to be done was to disarm and disfranchise them—to deprive them of all means " of offence and defence—of their sword , shield , and suffrage- Accordingly an act was passed to maintain a standing army , which though not wanted to repel foreign invasion , was foaud very useful to keep down the people at home—and subsequently acts were passed limiting the franchise and extending tbe sittings
of that body , which sits like a night-mare on th 6 great body of the people . By these measuieB the men of property have been banded against the men of labour—tke rich make all the laws acd enforce them—what wonder that the idle enjoy all , that the industrieus suflvi all , and that those who enjsy are heedless of those that suffer . The teeth of the British lion have been extracted —his claws torn out—he is chained and muzzled and given to a girl to be led about and plundered , provoked , tasked or knocked on the head jost as the oligarchy please . Such is the origin of the system—let us look into its character . ( To be continued . J
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Untitled Article
. ^ THE NORTHERN STAB * 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 29, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1184/page/7/
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