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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MR . R . J . RICHARDSON . Theraid-daypost of Thursday vrcek , broHghtus the following letter , ( cut from the Dundee Chronicle , of January 20 th , ) accompanied by a note from Mr . Slotfc , most earnestly requesting ite inBertion . Being received at that late period of the week , it was impossible then to attend to it . List week it was displaced by other matter . We now give it : — TO THB EHITOH 0 ? THE 50 ECBKRS STAB . ¦ R espxctzd Sir , —Nothing has a greater tendency to retard the progress of democracy than quarrels amongst those whom the people look upon as their leaders j and ii is truly grievious to every lover of oar principles to observe that of late these quarrels have been exceedingly rife , and carried on with a TruDerate spirit unbecoming msn in the common pursuit of a great and glorious object _ You , Sir are well aware that since the unjust imvr ^ amQ ' Vi oi our Chartist brethren this feeling has been exhibited ia too many instances ; and it is e * sy for us to discern * cau 5 e - WheD men are cast im ° dungeons ior imaginary crimes , they are bewildered bv -the nllanjes practised upon them ; and of ce or
bein ^ be-efj advi consolation , coupled with T » I"aW feelings , engendered by solitary reflection ia iaeir duteous , on the sjste or tneir comparaiiveiv neglected wives andfaaiiiics , business and conno-crtns " ^ it t ° be wondered ai if they ae ; ine *> nsst-enijy ' wkh the principles they are suiFerini ? for ? 3 make these remarks because it has been held up as & crime for men to plead guuty where guilt has no existence ; and men who have advised such pleadii > £ = have been denounced as trailers . But is should not be forgotten thai in many bases there was as liiile justice to be found as there was guilt , and tha * pleading has , to our country ' s shame be i : spoken , long since become mere matter of form . Xcvesober 20 ' 1841 letter
In your paper of ' , , was a , signed '' A Radical of the Old School , " in which letter imputations wtre cast upon the _ character of H J . Richards-en , in a series cf questions , to which were ' appended a note by yourself , written in a tot uncharitable style . The queries were as ful-I ft vcz * c " Is it true fast Mr . Richardson went to Liverpool io gi ^ e eridenca against his brother Chartist , Christopher Dean ! _ " 2 . Is it true tass xie waited there five or six days fur that purpose , and received £ 6 . 6-., for his experces from the prosecuting attorney for his attendance ? " 3 . Is ir true that he told the Manchester friend ? ,
in excuse for the postponement of flis lectures , then advertised fordelivery , that he had to go to J ) ubjin . and that he represented hiwself as being off for that ci ' . y , at the time he was wailing in Liverpool to give evidence against Dean * " 4 , Is it true that the constable who apprehended Dean to 3 d him thas Richardson bad been paid a sovereign for pointing out the house where he ( Dean ) was to be found !' Having put these queries , or , as the wricter in the latter part of his le : tc-r calls tliem , " charges , " he ^; Vs whether they are true or false , and concludes by an anaihemanpon- the man who could be guilty of such c-O'jcuc :, - —a cour-e utterly a-t variance with justice , ard to ordmary readers conveys the idea of a ** foregone conclusion , " or as the lawyers say , malice prz-pense . iir . Richardsos was applied to by his friencs to reply to the above charges , but he refused to do so , saving lie should treat them with
contempt ; Eiar . ug also ihst u was an ungrateful attempt to destroy his name v . ifa the pubiic , to serve particular purposes which he did net chuse to name , but which io the world were evident . His friends , not satisfied with his silence , seeing that the above couduct towards him was likely to deprive the public of Ii 3 future services to the cause of democracy , and feeling anxious that he should not be forced into retirement , ai once resolved to meet the charges , and sift ihem to the bottom . The whole affair having been investigated , I have been instructed to answer tout correspondent's allegations with candour and truth ,
To the first query we answer , it is not true ; ana the facts relative to the charge are these . When Dean was at Kirkdale he wrote to Richardson for his advice , and requested him to see Mr . Hereford , the prosecuting attorney , about his case ; this Mr . Bicbardson did , and received such information from him that induced ilr . Kicliardson to write to Liverpeol , where Mr . Dean was awaiting his trial , and afterwards , at the request of the attorney , went to Liverpool , and commiinicated with 2 * lr . Dean such information and instruction as was necessary to carry him through his approaching trial .
The second query has been paitly answered in the above paragraph . A 3 to his having received £ 5 6 s . for five or six days' services , we have made every inquiry , bus hive noi been able to trace any surj money to Mr . Richardson ' s hands . The probabilities are that he has not received sach sum , as we Sud Mr- Richardson , on his return from Dublin to Liverpool , borrowing money from a friend at Liverpool , to enable him to stay in Liverpool after Dean tad pleaded guiliy , to procure bail for Dean . Mr . Stuart , bookseller , of Liverpool , was one to whom Mr . Richardson applied to give bail for him , which Mr . Smart coule testify . Indeed , had Mr . Richardson been there as a witness , it is well known that he could not have obtained one guinea a day—a gum only allowed ; o professional men , the ^ faculty , and to merchants .
To the third query . . We have ascertained that Mr Richardson aid not give up his lectures in Manchester because he had to give evidence against Dean , but in order that he could serve Dean in his dificnlties , and at the sarcS time , whilst in Liver-Sol , he went to Dublin on his lawful business , aring his slay st Liverpool he called upon Dean , and remained with him fs-r some days , tendering his assistance in every way , for which Dean was , and is io this day truly grateful . The fourth query insinuates , that ihe constable who apprehended }> 1 t . Dean , told him that Mr . Richardson had been paid a sovereign for showing where Mr . Dean lived . This charge i 3 answered by Mr . Dean hirns ^ lf , who positifely denies the assertion ; and further , we went to the Chief Commis-Eoaer of Police—the highest and best authority in Ha . nehrstiT—under whose direction Mr . Dean was
apprehended , and :: e ¦ unequivocally affirmed ' , t to be a lie ; intimating that policemen w .-re not , generally speaking , so patriotic as to give sovereigns for such EerT : ees ; and that the arrest of Mr- Dean took place id constquence of a Bench warrant , issued at the time Mr . Richsrdson was indicted , and which he considered it to be his duty to serve , hearing that Mr . Dsin wl . s iu town . He stated also , ttat when &r . 3 Jesn tt ^ s arrested , llr . Buuerworth 2 nd Mr . Richardson came and offered bail for him , but being ttenselves under bail , and the assize ? taking place ia a few day ? , be recommended them , Messrs . Butterworin and Ricaardsos , to let Mr . Dean go to Liverpool . We have impartially investigated the whole matter , and it is our firm belief that the whole of ihe
Muses sre false , and have had tneir origin in i envious "hear-savs" and " savs-sos" of malignant ; tognes . In conciurlc-n , we & : % to request you to j fc £ = rt this letter in jas :: ce to Sir . Richardson , and _ i to eonnteraet the pernicions tendency of the letter of j fts " Radical of the Old School , " who , we feel i bonnd to say , ought to have given his name when he ' , prefers charges of such a serious na : ure against an , eaiaeat icdividuaL _ j Mr . Biehardison has been a grievous sufferer in j fee cause of Chaitism—sufferings which none can i fccow so w- Ii as his particular friends—sufferings
s ^ cst unparalleled amongst Cinr . ists . Imprison- meet acd pecunisry embarassments , brought on j through hh zeal and activity in the cause of demo- } er ^ cy , have reduced him from affluence to poverty , ' and -ive feel justified in declaring , that at this mo- ( fflat R . J . Richardson is more worthy of the sup- ' port of ejery real lover of liberty than of public 4 opprobrium and censure . His usefulness cannot be j lufcstioned , and his services to the cause cannot be i overrated . Why , then , should we sacrifice his arilh y and his services ? ^ Let us be just , at all events , [ a we ca¬ be generous , I
I remain , yours in the cause of freedem , BiNJAiux Stoit , Mauchesttr . Copy of . Mr . Dean's letter to Mr . Richardson : — Elrkdale , 2 oth March , 1841 . Sib , —I am advised by parties here to employ Ccnnsel on ciy trial . I have rot the iss-ans to do ^ 1 wish your advice , and the advice oi my friencs ^ this subket , whether you think it ncce ? sary to feieiurrhir sups in my case . Write byxeturnoi P ° * t , andlfct me have-all information possible ; and *^?; if yojj iare 5 eea the prosecuting as atiorney , ^ dwhat he thinks of the matter . Yours , respectfully , Chbistopher Deas .
On this we have one or two words to say . The Titer chooses to make it appear that the " charges " * o ainst Mr . Richardson we : e originally preferred by tie " Radical of the old School . ' "' whereas he most have known that they vrere preferred by a number of Chartists in Manchester , who placed their names at the bottom of them ; and that , afcer they had been wicontradicted for along period , the " Radical " laerely wrote to ask ii they were true or false ; avering that if they were true , Mr . Richardson was politically damned . We meniion this , to prevent the possibility of its being thought possible that we should have given currency ; o charges eo black on anonynions amhority '• for this is the inference to be drawn from Mr . Stoifs letter , as he has put it . It ^ with person s vrho gave their names that Mr . Richardson , or his kn : gt ; t , Mr . Slot :, has to do ; and Dot with the ' ¦ Radical . "
Who this Mr . S . ou Is , or who are bis friends , that thus volunteer a defence for Mr . Richardson , when he deems one useless or iron-. ceisary himself , ws know not . At all events , wc think Mr . Richardson has cause to be tbatkiul to them ; for they certainly have , is ihis matter , showii a much greater regard m . 5 * ^ ^ l ^ ' ^ ^• fc ^ iuc ^ d himself . ¦ Tfl e public , however , have , at last , some sort of an fewer to the cbarge 3 that were preferred against * r . R . some six momns ago , by pkx . ies Manches-
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ter , well known , and who gave their names . Mr . Stott says " the whole matter has been impartially investigated ; " but he does not inform us whether Messrs . Joseph Linney , James Wood , Paul Fairclough , Samuel Chamberlain , Henry Nuttall , James Wheeler . James Harrison , James Leech , Thomas Davies , George Mitchell , and Robert Gray were parties to this investigation or not ; or whether they even knew of its being entered upon ; and we opine that they ought to have known oflt the investigation , " and been parlies to it too , for they preferred the charges , under their own hands , in the Northern Siar , of the Uth of August last . " We fancy taes 3 parties should have been informed of the intention of Mr . Stott
and his friends to institute this "investigation j" or they ought "to have been waited on , and asked on what authority they preferred the u charges , " and what evidence they had to offer in support of them . It does not appear from Mr . Stott' 3 letter that this has been done . The " investigators" seem rather more disposed to fix the preferment of the " charges " upon the "Radical of the Old School , " and to fisht with him , than with these persons , who live at Mr . Stott ' s own door . What the gentlemen above-named will say to Mr . Stott we know not ; but , unless they have been ps-r'ies to this "investigation , " wo suppose they will have something to say , either in unison or in rectificuion .
Uae word niur * . Mr . Stott say ? , that the note we appended to the letter of the " Kadicai" was writ : en in an "uncharitable H \! e . " It it it wc-ve ' uncharitable" to cali upon Mr . Richardson to reee ; charges so strongly put , and &o o ^ ealy made , wo were "uncharitable . " But r at all events , we were uo more so thau Mr . Stott We saw the n ces .-Uy of these charges being answered and rebutted , could they be rebutted ; and we said so . Mr . Stott saw tue same , and not only said as we did , but generously attempted the task which Mr . Richardson should have performed for himself long ago]—Ed-
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. «» TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . F-ELLOFF-CorMRTJiEN , —In my letter of the 5 th ins :., you will remember that I proposed a question for your cor . sidrraticiD , namely , " are we ju :-t < tie < i in points of law and ' religion in opposing our present rulers ?" Yoa have therein seen my opinions on the justness of such a course . ar . d we wi'I now , if you phase , consider the latter , but perhaps not Ies 3 formidable part cf the qtiest on , find examins "whether religion binds us to ots-y those "who injure uf . Before ve proceed , it may not be improper to Tern rfc . that nature endowed a'l beings with instinctive povrers for tne powers of self-defence , and tins , man , amonrst the rest , possesses the principles of selfjpreservation . He is , therefore , so far : s nature is coccerne 1 , justified in opposing all measures which are at Tar 5 gnc 3 with Ms interests or h . ivvir , ess .
The principles of self-preservation is , however not equal in rll ; for whilst many ptTsnuB possess scarcely sp ; iit sufficient to carry them through the ordinary difficulties of life , and who tremble at the shadow of opposition , by far the greater number possess it in the txtretne ; it is this superfluity of principle which creates the bad p ;; s > ion 3 of the heart ; and thus man becomes sn ag ^ . essive animal . We find the superfluity of this pilnciple eTiEciug itse-f in the conduct of the firstbom of th 9 human race—his bad passions are excit 3 d against bis brother , and are only extinguished in h's blood . Man has , therefore , from the commencement distingrisfeed himself for acts of cruelty to his race , and has borne , and very justly , the character of an aggressive r-nnual .
When the great First Ctu 3 e brought man into existence , he foresaw that such would b * the consequence , and wisely ' imposed injunctions upon him that he should obey his commands , and testified bis displeasure at the condnct of Cain for murdering bis brother , fur the Scriptures say— " His bteod cried to Heaven for vengeance , "" aed that the "Xord seta msrk upon him . " It would be folly to attempt within the small cwmpass of a letter to state all the facts "which bear upon this point ¦ r that tend to prove that Heaven from the commencement disapproved of violence and oppression ; suffice to say , that religion was founded'by the " Redeemer" for the purpose of restraining the violence of men ' s passions Mid to unite them in bonds of fraternal charity . How far this object has been attiined , I leave
to the sanctified hypocrite of a State Caurch to determine , but how far tha present system of Ccurch Establishment in these countries accords with the intention of the Divine Founder of religion , remains to be shown . We shall now take s rspid glance of the leadiDg features of the two systems ; and I sincerely hope the contrast ¦ will ] e-d you to perceive that you are justified in point of relijion in opposing your present rulers . All parties professing Christianity , do matter -what their sect , agree that chsri ' . y is t ~ ie basis of true religion ; and this is further pioTei-i "by the life and dtctk of the Redeemer , who offered himself as a sacrifice for the benefit of man . Here , then , we inay ask , vhat 13 the charily evinced r > y tfee apostles of oar State Church , or what " Mother Csurch" herself can show to prove that htr principles
are based upon Christian charity ? Answer me , thou bloated hyp ^ ritical old woman . Have yoa one solitary feeling of sympathy in your adamantine bosom for the sorrows , the miseries , the wretchedness , and almost hopeless condition « , f th 9 suffering poor ? Shew me . if you can , that your principles are based upon Christian charity , whilst you live in optn hostility with the class "whota the R-jdeeraei Tec . oTntnende'A to your especial care , ond with whom he resided upon eaTih . Had your Divine Master a palace , servants , Eor .= es , coaches , and all the paraphanalia of elegance and luxury to wait upon him ? or * dost thoa nerei reflect , that although yoa elc-cp beneath a gilded canopy , ¦ with coverings of purple and § old , that He , in whose footsteps you profess to tr £ a <' , " ha-i not a place to lay his hea ' . i . " Tell me ,
Lharitaoie Oid La ;? y . ' -what you think of the Son of ( re *} satisfying bis hunger by " plucking ears of corn on the sabbath . "_ and of the starving and famishing millions of his creatures who surround yonr palace whilst your tables are groaning beneath a load of luxuries procured from their blood and garnished by their tears ? Answer me , Old Lady , was the Conrch of Christ a political chnrch or did your Divine Master employ bayonets ar . d halters , or did he use fire and sword to er . f ^ rc ,. ' his doctrine , cr compel those who differ with him to contnt-afe to his suppoit ? Did he raise the widow ' s son , or , like yon , &ta : n h * r threshold with the blood of her orphan children ? Oh , no ! he shed no biood save hi * own ; Bor ' tm he ihown you , either by precept or example , that religion should be established by force ar Ev . ppc-rtert by the Ufe-bleod cf innocence .
Of wLst benefit to religion o ~ to society is the connection cf the Church with the State ? or does it maie men more holy or exemplary by being compelled to pay for prayers which are offered contrary to their notion ^ of worship ? Is it just-that nine-tenths of the piopk of Great Brilsin should be compelled to support a pampered hierarchy , whilst millions of thu people are siarving ana aj ing for want of the common nects-. iri'is of life ? What ! shall a euui little short of tec miiliors sterling be annnally given to those Iocust 3 . whilst thousands of the families of tic poor cave to live upon II jd . pt-r her . 'i pi * week , and whilst famine snd miser } are ravaging the land , and the voice of the oppressed ; md the poor arc crying to heaven for vengeance ? Trtmble , you mighty bypi £ iite , vengeance "will assuredly come , for He who wi ! I * nct let a spjrrow fall to the ground will ere long itretch out his haad and avenge the wrones of the poor .
We ere 4 old that the people of these countries possess liberty of conscience * bnS can it be so whtn they are compelled to « npport a c ? crgy whom they do not recognise , and raise churches which they ccrer enter ? If "we are to have liberty of conscience , let us have it as we ongLt to have it—let every Church support it ? own ministers ; and I cannot see why the saints of a State Church cannot live as the ministers of other Cbnrchas do , a :: d wali to church on a Sammy , as many a more zealous advocate cf Christianity t ! ces , instead of riding in a gilded coach at the expence of the people , Kor can I see "why , if they are "truly the disciples of their sanctified Master , they should not , like him , be content to follow bis exj . wiple .
He had no coach to ride in ; &nd yet he travelled to' the mountain , and not only preached , but fed the multitude who followed him . Do the bishops of our " State Church" do bo ? Are they to be . found in the "highways ' acd "byways " inviting tha people to the mamage feast ; or do we find them blessing the loaves and fiebus , and distributin , them amongst their famishing flocks ? 0 , no ! It would be quite unfashionable to do so—the Redeemer was a little-minded being when compared to his modern i disciples tf a Stste Church—they ficd it mere comfoit- i able , more genteel , to lounge in " a chapel i , f ease , " and dose awsy the time cf seivice in a criiuson cushioned j pew , to the edification of their wealth ? and faihioDabk j neighbours . And as to loaves and fishes , they are ail j to Is found in my lord " s pantry . They are almost out ; t-f fashion with the multitude ; for it is now three j hundred years Hcee the state church begun to angle for j herself , and so expert has she been that she has scarcely \
left a sprat for the poor . Only let a score or two of tie miserable victims of hnDger and oppression present j themselves at the door of a Right Reverend Father in ] Gou's palsce , " and you will have an opportunity of wic- j nts ^ ing the unbounded Christian charity he possesses j for his suff-ding fellow creatures ; his heart will be : filled not with compassion , but pride . And it is not j improbable tbat , instead of Bending hiB servants "with j food to nourish their fainting bodies , he "will hand them over to tae tender mercies of the " police , " and have i them dragged to prison for intruding themselves into his presence , or daring to put their unhallowed feet j upon bis consecrated door step . O , no J The loaves j and fishes of the poor have too long found their way to ; the table of-the bishop ; and " when they cry out that j they are starving they are told in a spirit of Christian j charity to " go to the Union . " Yes , poor souls . they i are driven from the door of one shait into the jaws <» f j another . And which ever way they turn there is some j monster ready to prey upon them . Yes ! this state chnrch is , of all other churches which we are blessed
with , the viuj one which scorns to follow the txarnp ' e ; of the meek and humble Saviour . She alone must have j honours and dignities . She alone requires millions of 1 the pe ^ pie ' s money to prop up her Christian charity , j although the people themselves have not bread to eat . Uo , the -KOTiTiiie Parses have been , and are , the j victims of the L ^ aiiciona graspiags of the mest hypo-1 eri ' . ical system' of Christian charity which ever cursed j a nation . My fell -countrymen , have n « t you been ;
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also visited by the locusts ? Have you not suffered at their hands , the most unheard-of persecutions for your religious opinions , and been compslled to contribute your support to your persecutors . Yes ! you have seen a State Church rearing its head in districts where the parson , bis clerk , and one or two families comprised the congregation , and you have also , although you never entered it , had to pay your tithe for its support . And that , too , when perhaps your children and your wives were f amishiag with want and misery . . I ask you , Irishmen , Catholics and Dissenters—nay , I ask the honest Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland , is it justice , or is it consi&tent with Christian charity , that sach an unholy alliance should exist between Church and the Stste ? The Church of Christ was not a political church—nor were the Apostles " lords" and " law makers . " No , but the Apostles of the State Chnrch are both , and whilst they enjoy their dignity at the expense of the poor , they assist in making lawB to grind and coerce khem .
This , my fellow-countrymen , ia one of the evils which the Charter will remove ; and if it does 110 other good than to purge the nation of this monstrous incumj brance , it would be worth struggling for .. You have I seen , that justice is denied you , and that you are the J victims of a . host of tyrants , whose interest it is to : enslave you ; they know that tha moment you obtain i political , power , you will get rid of them , and there-1 fore they oppose you with all their might ; they have ; ever made it their study to keep you beneath their feet , S and for that purpose the saints of a State Church have j ~ kept the people in ignorance ; for they well know that 1 were they educated , they woul ! become politically wise , ! and that having knowledge they would Boon obtain ! power , and that the exerriso of that poweT would ; quickly produce tho political prostration of the State ¦ Church ; they know this , and it is to prevent such
results that they thus labour against you—but their effittts are vain , the people willno longer beimposed on . Their tyrants bave ruled them long enough —the naughty Tory has trampled on your liberty , and crashed yoa beneath the iron , hoof of despotism , until yonr spirit cannot bear it longer with submission . The treacherous and contemptible Whigs have sacrificed you to their ambiti&n , and laughed at your credulity , until Uw Chartists , your friends , have swept them with indignation from the tbeatro of their villanies . The Chnrch—aye , that overgrawn nurse of bigotry and hypocrisy—h : vs too long revelledia luxuries at your expence , and fattened on the miseries of the people . But the people are awakening to a sense of their political degradation , and are determined never to cer . se to assert their power and dignity until they obtain that liberty anil happiness to which the laws of nature and of man entitle them .
Irishmen ! you ara a great portion of the people ; you have bften plundered of your birthright , and the damning irfluence of class legislation has prostmted your country and yourselves tj tne brink of ruin . Arise ! no longer crouch beneath the footstool of your tyrants , but in your moral strength unite with your friends , tie Chartists , in raising yourselves to your proper position in society . Remember , all power originated from the people , and that as there can be no Government without a people , so should they also be the source of all power . Snake off your fetters ; be free as your fathers , and cease not lf > agitate until you obtain that political rower which wil ) enable you to legislate for yourselves . Get rid of your Stat 3 Church , and present system of " Christian charity , " and establish in reality civil and religious libeity . I have the honour to be , Fellow Countrymen , Your most obedient servant , W . H . Cliftox
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TO HAMER STAKSFELD , ESQ . " Taxes are Ji-red monetary pajinents and do noi lower with the / 'ill 0 / prices of produce . "—James Penny . " All classes -will prey upon all other classes just 03 much as they can and dare . "—Hamer Stansfeld . Sir , —It ia a favourite maxim -with the politicians of your school th . it , if the Corn L-iws were repealedif we had a complete " free trade in com , " it would increase our commerce in an unlimited degree , and give us , according to your own st . ite ) iiei ; t , " prosperity for ages . " Let us devote a few moments to tho patient consideration of this question , and endeavour to come to just conclusions as to the bearings of the measure upon our commerce .
Before I proceed , it may , perhaps , be necessary shortly to inquire in what eoiumerce coiiaut ' . What , then , is commerce ? What are its elements ? It is simply the " bartering" of the surplus produce of an individual , or a collection of individuals , for the surplus produce of another individual , or collection of individuals . Mystify the thing : i 3 we m : iy , " to this complexion it will come at last" And , when no third party steps in to disturb the balance of " reciprocity , " it is one of the most simple operations in the world . Now then . Sir , let us take things as they are at present ; and that I may not be accused of misrepresentation , 1 will take the description of our state given by men of yocr own party . Lord John Russell said , " Our
merchants and manufacturers were in the gulf of bankruptcy , and that onr labourers had eaten their beds " And Mr . Holdfnrth stated , m last week's Times , that he had personally visited a . part of Leeds , and he found " many of the families not having a morsel of anything eatable in the house . Amongst the whole number , one fimlly alone bad a loaf of bread , one twenty potatoes , and . another five . One family had EXISTED for two or three days so ' eJy on fosled , on rotten potatoes , found on Ihe whurf , near a vessel from which potatoes were unloading '' J . ' 1 will quote no further . This fetate of things is too horrible to be borre , and must—yea , must—be charged either by one means or another .
Well , then , hero we are in the state above described : ami , in order to carry out the theories of your class of politicians , let us suppose , in genuine quack phrase , that the " universal medicine , " the repeal of -the Corn Laws , wkich is to cure us of all the ills tbat flesh is heir to , is applied to-morrow . Let us suppose this ; how is that measure to cause you , or any one else , to manufacture one single yard uf cloth more than they do at present ? Don't be in too much hast' ? in answerng ; take time to deliberate befo e you make up your mind .
Again , Sir , I ask , how is it to cause one single yard of cloth more to be nfanufactured than is at present ? You will reply , after taking time to think , that if we could take the corn of the Pohuder , he would take onr niamifv-ituTes , give our labourers " cheap bread , " and cause us to have " prosperity for ages " ! Let us try that— let us take you into the market where wilave been so often before , and see how your scheme wi 1 tend to increase the quantity of our manufactures . Suppose thti ) , Sir , you take your nine yaras of cloth into L ? 6 vls matkfct to " batter" for nine loans of wheat ; and by wuy of increasing our commerce you bai ter it with the Polander instead of the Englishman . Kow , S > r , you 2 ; ave ' bartered" with the Polauder ; you have increased ( ur foreitn commerce ; but how have you increased ., the gross amount of our ms'iiufactures ? If the Polandtr bus got your nine yards of cloth has not the English farmer to go without ?
But , you will eay , if the Corn Laws had been repealed the Polander world have given me eighteen loads o' wheat for my nine yards of cloth ; and then we should have heard no more of " families living solely on frost * d or rotten potatoes . " Yes , it does appear , at the present , as if you could get a grer . ter number of lo-ids of wheat of the Polunder for your nine yarns of cluth than you can of the Englisman ; but , if the Corn Laws-were repealed , prices would at once be equalised . and therefore yi'U could get no more of the Polander thin you couhi of the Englishman .
But , you are here ready to exclaim in triumph , am I cot bettertd , then ? do you not yourself acknowledge that I i-hould get eighteen loads of wheat for my nii » e yards of cloth , instead of the nine loads which I noi | l get ? And -would tfeia be no advaivtige to thoisevrtio are living on " rotten potatoes ? ' Do not chuckle too soon , Sir- I do not intend to accuse you of the grosa ignorance , the monstrous folly af those who say that wag- 's would not fall in consequi nee of the fall , or iqualisation of piices . You know better . You know that the farmer could not continue to pay the same rents , nor the same prices to his collar maker and his blacksmith , nor the same wages to his labourer , with corn at tfce nominal value of ten shillings per load , that he cocJd when he g < -t twenty shillings per load . The thin £ is too gross to ta entertained for a moment by any one
but a " . Political Economist" ! And you know also that corn , beiug the great standard of actual value , all other tMngs ultimately find their relative proportion in price ; and tbat consequently wool -would find its relative value . That is , a load of wheat ¦ would be worth as many pounds of wool or yards of cloth , after the repeal of the Corn Laws , as it is at the present In shoit , you know , that if the load of wheat which is now worth twenty shillings , were to come to be worth only ten shillings as a regular thing , the yard of cloth which is now worth twenty shillings would come to be worth only ten shillings likewise . Do not think that I have forgot " the fixed monetary payments " . Bat I had a fancy to argue the thing with you just as if Ibere had been no such thing in existence .
Now then , Sit , ¦ with your cloth reaticed in its nominal alue in proportion to the price of wheat , take yourself gain into the market with yonr nine yards of cloth to sxbange or " barter" for wheat and then you will find tiafc the Polander can give you no more than the Inglishman , and that neither of them will give you any lore than nine loads of wheat for your cloth . You saw le high relative value of the Englishman ' s wheat , as smpared with the foreigner ' s ; and your mouth 'atered at the ideaj of getting eighteen loads of low ominal valued wheat , for your nine yards of high omiiial valued cloth ; forgetting that the same causes 'inch had made the farmer's wheat of a high nominal due , had also caused your cloth to be of high nominal xiue . too .
Now , then , Sir , let us go back to the place from ¦ hence we started , and ask yon how a Repeal of the orn Laws is to caufe one single yard of cloth more to e manufactured ? Ltt us suppose , tfeen , that the corn iquisite for the consumption of England takes the : oduce of five millions of acres , and that there is emloyed upon thes millions of acres one million of
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labourers , who * of course , are consuming manufactured artiole 3 in proportion to their ability . Now , then , suppose the Corn Laws repealed , and ; to make the case complete , suppose tb * t we purchase the -whols of our wheat of the Pol&nder , instead of the Englishman , how would that increase the consumption of cloth to you as a manufacturer ? It ia true you would have increased your foreign trade , but would not the home trade have diminished in exact proportion ? Then , how do you increase your trade ? To put the thicg in another shape—to make it clearer , if possible—let us suppose that it took . twenty millions of yards of cloth to " barter ' for the whole of
the corn consumed in England ; and let us suppose that you have been ! in the habit of bartering with the English farmer for tfje amount wanted- and let us suppose that the Corn Laws are repealed , and , further , suppose tbat you take a faney , by way of " increasmsr your foreign trade , " to " barter" your twenty millions of yards of doth with the Pole , how will you have increased your manufactures ? True , you will haya increased . your , " foreifiri trade ; " true , you will have beoefitted the Pole to the amount of the cloth he has received , but wil ! not the Englishman be injure : ! in exact-ratio : ? Will not the Englishman have ceased to consume iu the same ratio that the Pole baa begun to consume ?
But , even allowing that it will increase onr foreign trade ; arid even th : itit ycould : increase it in proportion to the whole of our consumption of wheat-, suppose this monstrosity ; how would it increase the general trade or employment of the country ? Would there not be the whole of the farmors who are thrown out of employment by oui-purchasing wheat of the ' foreiguer ready to enter into the manufacturing of cloth to make up for the extra demand ? Then , how , even in thia case , do you in the least increase the quantity of labour , or benefit the labourer ?
I know that M / Cu ' lloch has told us that oar purchasing our articles of the foreigner makes no -manner of difference in the long run ; " that it ouly chawjes the species without diminishing the quantity . " Tho man must have been grossly ignorant , or have possessed most astonishing powers of face , before he could bring himself to make such a statement as this f But , however , taking it as a truth ; allowing that it would not " diminish the quantity although it changed the species ; " stili , wise M'Cullochdoes not pretemi thai , ik would increase the quantity . And without it increase the capacity of either the foreigner or the Englishman to purchase , how could ii increase our manufactures ?
Then , Sir , how -will the repeiil of the English Corn Laws have increased the power of the foreigner to purchase our manufactured articles ? What would he have to give in exchange then . which he has noi now . Come , tell us , what more he would have to exchange ? The repeal of our Corn Law 8 could not have increased his ' meaua of exchange . He would still have only hia corn , i > nd why should we go to Poland to purchase it if wecouldgetit as cheap at home ? Arid , as the repeal would equalise prices , we undoubtedly could purchiisa { as " chfap " at hom < . Then why purchase of the foreigner ? And if our purchasing of the foreigner enables him % > consume our manufactures , does riot our not . purchasing of the English farmer disable him fvom purchasing in exact ratio ? Besides , should we not have the home farmers thrown idle by our ceasing to purchase of the : n , competing with us us manufacturers . . ? Ah oir , things are not quite so smooth a 3 you seem to dream ?
In considering the question in this light I have purposely kept out of sight , " the fixed monetary payments . " I have argued as if the public engiiscni ^ ius of both Polander and Englishman , we e eqiud : You know they are not ! And you also know the injustice that the monstrous inequality existing between them would inflict upoa' the Bsittsh farmer , under your " Free Trade plan . " But I will return to this subject again . James Penny . Mill Bridge , February 2 , 1842 .
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THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FROM THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , AND NELSON ' S " MONUMENT , LONDON , AND THE W 00 LWJCH D 0 CKYAflD , ; To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and I refund . " Through the existing system of ' unequal exchanges ' the working classes are plundered on all sides . They form , like their parent earth , a common pasture-ground , by the'impoverishment'of which ' all crawling and creeeping things feed and fatten . " Brethren , —Changes have taken place in our position since we last addressed you , calculated to cheer us on in the good fight" in which , wo are now engaged . The vitality of the " league" recently instituted in Cornwall to " starve our members into pnbmission , " has already departed . With one exception'a virtue has been nVado of necessity , Grissell anil Poto ' s oriiera abandoned , and near thirty of our members have resumed their usual employment
At Woolwich , a complete mutiny has taken place . Grissell and Peto finding that even a . t . the . pittance unt « which they had reduced those who have attempted to fill the places of our members , they Were by frr'top .-unprofitable a bargain , or ,, as we have before stated , to get rid of lhein , on Saturday last had all their jobs valued , with a view to the general introduction of piece work . A rebellion was the immediate consequence ; " routs , riots , and tumultuous meetings , disturbing the peace of their taskmaster , '' followed in quick succession , and , so far as our knowledge now extends , resulted in above nfty of them making their exit , loudly denouueing the treachery and inhunianity . " ef Grissell and Peto towards them ; and amidst tho execrations of u duped popnlace , with whom it appears they had somewhat extensively contracted debts .
At the Houses of Parliament they have been several nights seen engaged taking down work which the architect had condemned . Littie or no progress is perceivable in the building ; and wo hesitate not to ' -predict , that proceedings , simiiar to those which have transpired at Woolwich , will immediately follow at these works , preliminary to the entire disbanding of the incongruous maes of rubbish they have taken so much pains to collect . On the evening of Tuesday the 25 th ult . a "feed" in commemoration of the " Royal fnrce , " which came off at Windsor that day , was given ti > those employed at the Heuses of Parliament ; Grissell attended ; aitd harangued them at considerable length" , during which he
. stated , thwt " Often had he and his partner coiigratuluted themselves on the efficient , steady , and industrious set of masonB they had in their employ ; that they were a jewel to any employers -, that he regretted their withdrawal from his employment , and sympathised much for them , knowing that they must have endured many privations ; he gave them credit -for- the determined manner in which th « y had opposed him : they had not left a stone unturned likely to affect Ms interest or facilitate in their favour the termination of the strike . He was , however , sure that it bad all been the work of a few disaffected and designing men , whoiii , he thought , would soon gtt into other employment , and then the rest would return and work comfortably \ yith them . "
In jnxta position with Gnsseu's statement relatiyet-j the turnout being the work of a few , we place the conduct of the whole for the very long period of twenty weeks ; the great number-that turned out , and the few that have turned traitors , notwithstanding its taking place and continuing through that season of tho year in ¦ which they were least likely to be supported . The Times newspaper of Wednesday lait > iu a feeler as to our intentious , declared the period was " very remote" at which G . and P . would dismiss Allen , We can assure the Times , Q . and P ., and Alion . too , that the time is indeed " remote "' , when we shall be found working comfortably" with his imbecile sycophantic slavea .
At the Monument it would n « ed more perception than modern philosophy icttn supply , to discover what upwards of fifty masons (?) have been doing for the great length of time which has transpired since our members left ; and , thanks to the men of . Devonshire and Cornwall , they are not likely presently to do any
more . At Dartmoor and Plymouth the turnouts are going on bravtly ; The bribe of drink Las been-attempted by the Granite Company ' s minions , with an intention of making them arunk , and then inducing them to agree to resume their work . It has been indignantly re-, jected , and will be as often- - as it may be offered . As an evidence of the incapability of those they Lava got in their places , and which avefarmer ' s u \« n , navigators , &c , two of these have '' cut , " afterworking a fortnight , one earning ninepence , and the other , who was considered their best man nine shillings . The work , it must be understood , is by the piece—they are not paid for what they spoil . Sleeting with but little success , Q . and P . have discontinued advertising for . Granite Alasons , && , about Aberdeen . : 1
The entire number now on the funds are about three hundred , and as circumstances are now daily tending to our advantage , if the son 8 and daughters—aye , and daughters of honest labour-r-aiding the patriotic , of their sex now struggling with adversity , rather thau Buffer the partners ' of their life to submit to insult and contumely , will come fairly to the battle , the powers of the enemy shall be subdued and annihilated—the great moral fight in which we are engaged terminate in spotless victory—and , we hope , prora the harbinger of that unity , that mutual and reciprocal good : feeling among the -working classes , essential to the attaining—and then maintaining that position in the great family of mankind , which the Author of their existence intended they should occupy . . ... ., . . of attention to
We again take the liberty calling your the lines with which we have headed our address . The truths they must convey to every thinking mind are palpable and complete . The neighbourhood of London has , for the last ten days , furnished ocular demonstration that the working classes are " the common pastureground on which all crawling and creeping things feed and fatten . " Honest poverty hasbeenmocked by'pampered Royalty , / Aristocracy , and ill-got capital . The few have been occupied in " riots , routs , " and Royal farce foolery , while the many that " through the existing system of unequal exchanges' have provided the means , have been starving—literally perishing from want . This , however , is only an effect What is the cause ? Existing inequality of labour , which has produced inequality of wealth * and given possession to inequality of power , is the cause of this ; and reason tells us , that tiitre is no cure for an effect while the
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cause remains untouched . If the working classes would impiovetheircondition- —if they would alter the system that makes one man so undeservedly lich , arid another ao nnmeritedly poor ^ -they must no longer waste their means in desultory and unequal conflicts yeith effects , hut decMyely grapple with and destroy the cause from which they arise . The vast amount of wealth they create , compared with the small amount they enjoy , should stimulate them to thi 3--a kno vrfedge that the smallest alleviation to their uiimerited poverty and distress is denied them , except in
connection with hardship and degradation , Society , as at present constituted , offers neither welcome or shelter to the wife or children , of decayed workmep whose strength has ibeen exhausted in unremitting toil in its survice , they must wander—poor arid penniless mendicants , or , like criminals , be confined in pauper bastiles , where the mother ia parted from her children—the children from each other—the chords which should bind their infantine hearts in brotherlyjovc snapped asunder — -where all are disregarded and ill treated , because the parties which inflict these cruelties have had the pqwei to make them poor .
To change a system productive of so much evil to the producing and most useful portion of society , more thau the isolated endeavours of . a mere friction , is indisr pensable . Ali ' are ' affected by its existence ; it generates vice , hatred , and uncharitableness , through all iferrawiiflcatjons . Its subversion and the establishment of a better and more rational system must therefore be undertaken by ALL . Their efforts and means must be concentrated—an unbrokeu confederacy must be organised , not for the purpose of attacking this capitalists as individuals , but ' that system which gives to irresponsible individuals the power of grinding masses of labour between masses of capital . "
Should the practicability of these propositions be by any doubted , we offer ' as evidence in their favour the power of our presant unions contrasted with that of our individual- and isolated strength—the power of ten men united is greater than that of twenty divided ; hence the power of the iuonieil-. fow—eombi ? ied—over the toilingmaiiy—divided . We repeat , that if the united efforts of the workingclasses , and" the funds af . ' their ituiumerable societies , " were applied for , instead \ of against themselves , the present system of " unequal exchanges , " which now lays them prostrate , " a common pasture-ground , " would be undermuiMi in all directions , and speedily crumble down in ruins .
Again seriously hoping that , at the termination of our present strike , with a view to prevent , a wcurrence , this subject will receive due consideration ; and thanking ALL for the liberal support we have received , We remain gratefully yours , The Masons' society , Thomas Shoiitt , Sec . 6 , Agnes-street , Waterloo-roail , Februarys , 18 V 2 .
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TO THE WORKING WEN OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Counxrtmen , —I have addressed to you three letters on the rejection of tl \ e National Petition , and I have observed with pleasure the report of the proceedings in Aberdeen , Lanark , and other places . I have also read , with some degree of surprUe , tbat Mr . John Dnncan , of Dundee , has taken up the ftiuntlet , in faTour of the objectors to the merits and b ccessity of the National Petition , and as Mr . Duncan states , that the English readers of the Star , together wiih myself , are / ignorant of the objections ; it becomes necessary--for me to examine this true and authentic account of the teal pound , of ditfeTeiiceion the question c . t issue .-.- ,: ¦ ¦ I need not trouble the readers "' with any remarks as to theeatiniationia which I hold Mr . Uranean , as you the working men are fully aware of t * ie high opinion I have ent ^ itiihed of his services in the cause .
I shall , therefore , confine myself to Mr Duncan ' s letter , aud as a conntryman and a Chatt . £ t , I shall answer it without dragging in . my colleagues of the Executive Council Mr . Duncan bids uai mark that the great principlo ' -of the Charter refers solely to the const' tution < . f tie legislature ; that / in the truth of these principK ' s lies our strongth ; and , tlifc . rf . f to , tfcr « t we shpuld not mix with them auy other dpinions . Mr . Duncan ' should' : i . 5 so have tiima . tk . cd t ' lsct th < iB * w . sVi Gop&V ^ tu tVOn is uByrii-s 0 $ acts of Pa . rliament , ' whose spirit is ho 3 tue to f !' , ; adoin ,- wliose working is icj ' uripus to labour ,, ar . d : whose' t { i ' - » cts are witnessed in the political deRradatton , scc ;«! misery , and general wretchedness of the working niili : oo 3 , and , therefore , to destroy pirtial arid oppresftive Inwa , we point out grieyances , trace them to thc-ir source , aed dctuahd a power to amend , abolish , or ' r < Frume . the Constitution or Acts ( f Parliament cinnpbsin ^ it . The union with Ire / aud and the English N *« w Poor
Law areaetw of a . legislature irresponsible and having ( like tho English Executive Council ! i . « carte blanche trom our class to over-tiix and under-feed the whole people with ot without their cotiseiit . -. '¦ :. The Charter is intended to confer power upon all , bat it is not the mare possession , but the U 3 e and exercise of the majority of the suffrage , which is to :. ; . bring relief and spread happiness over the land , therefore I widely differ with . Mr . Duncan , when he dssignatfts iwimitted and terrible grievances as mere opinions , which opinions are not . to be attained by . a Beetion of the Scottish leaders , even if the Chartists , how ^ vt-r numerous , vm-e to adopt and proclaim theiu I am bound to abide by the vote of the -majority ,--and I will attend to its decision , even if tb . e Biajority be ttrmtd a large section of our body . "
The grievances produced by class legislation guvorise to the agitation for the Charter , the abolition of those grievances is .. the chief end of tie Charter ,- and tha possession of -power to effect that eud , is-the sola desire of the working cliisses . It is idle tp tell me thst I ought not or I must no allude to the . Poor Law and the Union with Ireland , bcciuse certain persona do hot like it . I frill , if possible , continually widen our position , and by enumerating our grievances , mnltiply our claims for redress , and bo far front that honest and open course ^ . irg based upon expediency the very opposite ia best c ; ik' . n \ ated to give forca to th ; -. t charge . Thus , it is not politic to .-mvntion the Po t Law , because we will' lose the Malthusians , the-Chnveh of St . Ann ' s , Glasgow ; because we will be deserted by the parsous on the Repeal of the Irish Union ; bucauae we will be strengthened by . the Irish people .
Away with such policy-mongering crotchets and if we have a grievance , let us be bold enough to name it , hontat enough to point continually at it , and -consistent ' enough always to say that a wrong is a wrong aud ought to be abolished . ; The man who feels himself aegricved or insulted by the relutiou of- a public grievance will ne ^ er use bis private vote or influence , to remove it , and if the denunciation of the New Poor Law has excited the hostility of ¦ the Malthusian Chartists , I ftel saticfied thatif they had power , their philosophical tyranny would be more , atrocious and inhunnn than t- 'ie present bavbarous and feudal syfct ^ m of Government . I may likewise remark that iny efforts are directed to no theories ; but to the effectitig of practical jjomi for the working men . The Poor L » w is a . practic . i-l evil , the remedy is the suffrage ; and thatl wonldnor thank you for , unless I believed th ^ t the working clashes would use it ' . foe their especial advantaee .
To conclude the question of the merits of the Petition as a whole , I bylieve the Constitution to consist of a-series of unjust acts of Pivriiament—tisst they give me to the-. exis ' vmg grievanctis— that the Chatter would strike at the rootof all evils—and that , if we din . not continuously repeat our complaints , iiudpoiut out our jnst claims , we Wbuldeither be too servile t-u'deserv . c power , too degraded to uso it , or too ignoraufe . w selfish to do justice ^ when \ re had the power . Tho : Petition does not state all . Therefore , in my opinion , the only reasonable / objection to it is that it h ; is not enumerated more grievances . I care not for the groans of faction , or the wincing of the g .-i ! led jade of oppression . On tho justice vf our prhiciple ; the honeat relation of wrongs , aud the firm advocacy of our rights , consist the glory of the Charter , and the duty of every Chartist . . .
The man who will not submit to the vote of the majority cannot ba a Chartist : and he who woulil set up private theories against the public good can lay no claim to . principle or-patriotism .- ' : Mr . Dunsan says , that ariti repealers of the Corn Laws , Maith-usians , and churchmen may all be Chartists . No doubt they may be mongrels , and c . ; ll themselvea Chartists ; but no honest man c : m call them friends to tho labourers ; and if the ijieaiiii ^ of the term Chartist is so very vague and accomtn'j < jiicii ^ , it is tiuie we understood it better , and learnfcd to distii 3 gui 3 h a iaiub from a wolf . Mr . Duncan acenses the frarners of the Petitiqn of setting up an tin warrantable staudarc of CLui ; tism ; in other words , that we muku oar position so wide , our boundaries so definable , and our objects bo prominent that we eUhar frighten aw ; iy the wolves froTii the fold , or muzzle them when they mix with the flock .
Taeuext singular part of Mr . Duncan ' s conduct is marie apparent in the fact , that in one little p . n-. iwr&ph he denies the . framers of the petition tl : o ri ^ ht , of adopting a position th ; it cannot be miEtiktn , : i : ' : 'ii instautly commits the error of erecting a stawvard of his own . He says , "As Cha .-tis-ts we hold a cvtUin fixed opinion upon the coiivtitution of the Iigisl . tu ,-e ¦ . bul no one particular opiirion whatever upo / i any of ihe hi ' . is tkut ouyhtiobeposstssedbyit . " ' For such standard of Chartism , convenient as it may be in the eyes ; of those who socks exptdieiH-y under P ' . inciple , I cannot siibssnbe , ' because ! ' not ' only object '
to the powers of the legislature , but liken ise to the laws they have framed , ard far from tnttrinniag no opinion whatever , en one . ' .. . two , " I have the stronge 3 opinion as to the absolute necsisity of curtini ' mi ? the pan-a-s of th < _ - or . e ' and widening the equity of Vho tithe ? . Which stan < iii > id is tho most warrantal'i - ' and the most it : accordance ' with the principles of the Ulif . rter ? Mr . Dujean wii ' fully mistakes tho ni : < jofity tor u . faction—grievances far ' opinions—aud broad principle for base expediency—and , therefore , his whole p ^ futioH being founded in error , bis fcr s KiiientS , as a matter of course , fall to the ground .
I am ... fold ,, "workingmen of Scotia d , thst by your directions the leaders acted in the Scottish Canventioa . If so , I ^ sk again , if , previous to your rttcislon , you hoard both sides of the question ? Your recent decisions have proved , that " to coinaiit a l '; ike step is bad—to repair the _ evil is wisdom . " I cannot believe that' working men in . av . jr country , can decide in ftVour of oppression being continued , in another , unless they are dupes or sJaves . I mil not believe that . tb . 8 Scottish people have been unjust enough t : > give ¦ ¦ their voice in favour cf the Nev ? Poor Law for England , because their parsons for then peculiiir benefit have t u ^ j ht them fint to serve God is to submit to be fobbed , and then to practice obe . iierrce to tho robbers" .
Mr . Duncan should read the rules and regulations of the Xaiicnal Charter Aarsoctation , and fee vrili then under .-t . nti the principles upon which . tht , Bxecutiva are acting . I can inform him of thia much ; that no Hieniber of the Executive repreaents a conKUt-iency of five or fifty , and that they are not elected by delegates whose qualifications have been repudiated bv the best of all judges—the people . I should be sorry to suppose that Blr . I > tinc .-i . a has been duped . I am cextVin be is mitt iken . . " jams " J , doubt not in time the end will be more apparent , or ih < $ period is not fir distant when leading uie ' n ¦ will throw the mask from their fivces . aM beexp .-sed in tLeir intrigue ; then it wiHJjbe discovered that many good uiuu have been used as . tools , and . thousauds of woikiugmtiiiy-which political traffic could be effected .
Fellow countrymen ^ in the petition youi 1 s ' - * vances are prominently explained . Are we to he reviied a : ; d denounced because we have been firm esnou . ; 2 i to point the finger of scorn to the diabolical Jaws which have so long afiucted and scourged you ? If it is to be so , then I shall stand , for one , in tha pp » it !>» h . -I , have chosen , viz . for the rights ol labour ., Let w ' thera cuetend for the rights of the middle class , tho parsons , ¦ or the capitalists . I renounce all expediency , ; i ; id whilst ; I have power , truth , however feebly , sha ' . r be expressed .. . ¦ - ¦ - .- ;_ ¦ "' - . ¦ ¦ - .,.- ¦ ¦ : ¦ . Sign the National Petition , consulting first your own judgment , instead of the advice of men ; appaal to your own reason , sympathy , and natioi : ai hunuur , and you will have a response alike worthy of your character , and ; hohourabie te your country .
Above all things send delegates to the Convention ; about to meet in London , and lest there should be any I error committed , demandan exebangeof comuiunicationa : between Englaud and Scotland . ; I shal , whatever nuiy be the result , if elected for the } Convention , do ufy duty to the working classes ; and I ' --shall make a point of going down to the House of ; Commons with a band of countrymen who wilV shew at ; least , that " auM Scotia" ektll not be disgi : ic « d in the I precession . ; :: ¦' , .-. •¦ : . .: ' . - . / V . ' ¦ - . ;¦; - . - ¦ j Ireland will have her representatives , England her , trades , Wales will not bebehind and I shall strive to ! m ;> . ka cur position not the last cr least in a movement \ which will thiB time be the greatest and I believe the i most memorable . * : , :.... - . I _ Let us , then , act with unanimity , and forgetting par-•; tial differtsncej seek ' only the pubhe good . '¦ . ¦' ¦ . ¦; . ' - . i - ¦ " I remain , . ¦ ' -. ' ; . ' " . ;¦ ¦' .- ' ¦ Fellow Countrymen , Faithfully jours , in tho cause , ' . " . . ; ¦ -, - jt * - '¦ ¦ - - - - - - - M M'Dovali ,. :
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; j A Gloucester Paper states that , " a couple from i A 8 hlewrorth were united in wedlock on Wednesday laat , in Sti Mary ' s Church , Gloucester ; aud-imine-j diately after tha oei ' emony they got blind drunk at i a public house . " We have often heard that love i was "' 'blind * but not till now that he was blind : drunk 2 1
p \ JB . iNG a dreadful storm on the 26 th tilt , at Clifdon , in Galway , no less than twenty-two fishermen ; were lost in tneir boats , leaving thoir wives and children destitute . TjBb HjEnRiKo Fisheries . —We-- have accounts from tueweBterh coast to the 2 nd inst . It is . not correct , as stated in a Galway Contemporaryj -th . it 150 lives were lost in the disastrous storm of Wednesday se ' nuight . Ualiappily sixteen persons perisbed in that dreadful gale ; but the intrepidity of the poor and industrioua firshmermen has not suffered thereby . The number of persons engaged in these fisherk's is , 18 : 000 , and the boats alone are 3 , o 00 , — Limerick Reporter .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brotiieiv Chahtisis , —We ask , are you still slumbeving , or what are yon thinking about ? It is 110 w three months since we appealed to you , to assist in supporting those Wiiig-matJe widows of the bravest of Britain ' s sons . During twelve months before that , when we had four times the number in prison than are tiowv we could send to each widow ( made so bv Whit'icery ) three times as often , as we
at present can , to those whose husbands are still detained in prison by the Tory Administration , Some to whom we have personally applied , say , "They thought that the birth of a Prince of Wales had given libevty to all political prisoners . " Empty thoughts ! No , ho , friends ; the balance sheet will shew you otheywise ; you will vhern see the names of those who have been relieved and are still in durance vile , and several others whom it has not been in our power to relievei
We now call upon you in the name of all that is good , if you love your country , or have the least spark of sympathy in your breast , and a single drop of liberty ' s blood iiowing iu your veins , to exert . yourselves in the cause of Buffering humani y . Imagine yourselves in prison , and your wives and families starving for want ; what must be the sensation you would ieel I- Are they not suffering in your cause as well as their own ? Arouse , then ,. from your slumbers ; awake , ext-rt yourselves , and raise a subscription in every association room . Then you will not only be doing that which is your duty , but you will ease the minds of tho ^ e brave men wlio . aru suffering in a good cause , and also command the siacere thanks of Ths National Victdi Fusd Committee .
N . B . All communicatioiiH to be forwarded to Mr . A . Heywood , Oldham-street , or Mr . Peter Shorrocks . Secretary , 70 , Gun-btreet , Manchaster . BALANCE SHEET OF THE NATIONAL VICTIM FUND COMMITTEE FROM THE 28 TH OF AUaUS ^ T , 1841 , IO THE 2 ND OF FEBRUARY ., 1842 . A S . d . Aug . 28—Cash in Mr . Hey wood ' s hands as treasurer ... ... 10 8 0 ^ From Carlisle , per Jos . West ... 0 2 6 ~ From Newton Heath , per E . Travis ... 0 4 0 Sept . 11 . —From Sowerby , per Juo . Crolly ,
to Mr . Campbell 0 12 0 From Soyland iVlills , do ., do . 0 9 0 From Edinburgh N . C . A . do . 1 0 0 Ditto , tho readers of the Northern Star , do . ... ... 0 10 0 Sept . 14—From the Tower Kam ^ ts JJ . C . A . per Charles Johns ... 10 0 „ From Handley and Shelton N . C . A > * er Honry Sharp 0 10 0 - After a lecture by Mr . Leach , per Mr . Ralton ... ... 0 0 10 East Manchester Joint Sfock Comyaiiy , per Mr . James
Cart ledge ... ... ... 0 5 0 Sept . 20—From 'Wellington ,, Newcastleupon-Tyne , per Arthur ... 1 0 . 0 ~ From Nowcastle-upon-Tyne N . C . A ., per Isaac Biuce 0 3 0 Oct . 20—From Brighton N . C . A ., per Wm . Flowers - 1 0 0 From Mr . Ruffy Ridley , of London , por Heywood ... 0 10 0 Df 3 . 2 C—From Mr . Buckley , of Doncaster , per Mr . Campbell ... ... 0 5 0 Jan . 22—From the Northern Star per Mr .-Ardill ... ... .... 27 -i 4
Total money received by comiaittee ... 45 3 . 'b Total money paid by do . 33 15 0 Balance in hand Feb . 2 , 1842 . 11 » » 1841 . Aug . 28—Mr . Potts , of Bath ... ... 2 0 0 ~ Mrs . Peddie , of Edinbro' ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Foden , of Sheffield ... 1 ( 1 0 Mrs . Marshall , ditto 10 0 Mrs . Holberry , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Peiithorp , ditto 1 0 0 Sept . 12—Mr . Carrier , of Trowbridge ... 1 0 0 « . '¦ ' Mrs . Jones , of Monniouthshiro 1 0 0 Sept . 27—Mr . O'Brien , on his liberation
from Lancaster 1 0 0 Aug . 30—Mrs . O'Brien , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Sept . 27---Mrs . Ash ' tpn , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Crabtrei-, ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Walker , of Bradford ... 1 0 0 « Mrs . BiMoks , ditto 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Roberts , of Birmiiighaoi ~ 1 0 0 Jany . 25—Mrs . Fodcn , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 ' -. ¦ ¦ Mrs . Marshall , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Holberry , ditto ... ... 10 0 Mrs . Walker , of Bradford ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Brooks , ditto ... ... I 0 0 ^ Mrs . Peddie of Edinbro' ... 1 0 . 0 Mrs : Dawson , of Oldham ... 10 0 Mrs . Brooks , of Leigh ... ... 10 0 ¦ * , Mrs . Emanuel Evan ? , of Bre-
conshiro ... ... ... 10 0 ¦ ¦ # . ' ¦ Mr . James Goodwin , ditto ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Merideth , ditto ... ... 10 0 Mrs . Pi ice , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ¦ * - ' ¦ .-. Mrs . Elizabeth Jones , of Monmouthshiro ... ... ... 1 0 0 Mr . Penthorp , of ShtiBeld ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Ashton , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 \ Mrs . Crabtree , ditto ... 1 0 Oi ¦ V .: Mrs . Roberts , of Birmingiiani ... 10 01 « Expences of the Committee in Stamps , Rent , &o . ... 0 15 0-£ 33 15 6 . ; Audited and found correct by I
Jajies Wheeler , Andrew Melville , Sahuel Chamberlain , James Mjllington , James Rusuton , Wm . Maddocks , Peter Shobkocks , " Secretary .
Untitled Article
___ THE NORTHERN mB . ; " , ¦ - . ,. , \ . ' \ ¦ ¦¦ ,. ¦ , ¦>¦ -
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1148/page/7/
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