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    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12. 1842.
    • £m$mai 3P«vttamfnt
    • P.E-ISSUE OF THE LARGE PORTRAITS.
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      Untitled Ad

      We are constantly receiving applications from new subscribers , or from friendg , ¦ wishing to know upon -what terms they can be supplied -with the Large Poktraiis that have been , at different times , issued to the subscribers to the Star ; to these applications our invariable answer has hitherto been , " no ' , at any price . " The calls upon us , however , have now become so numerous and so urgent , that we have determined to issue them . again o » the following terms : — A person -wishing to subscribe for any one of the lari ?« Plates , must enter his name with iis ^ News-agent , and Subscribe regularly for the paper for six "wetk 3 , specifying at the time he enters his name the Plate he -wants . At the end of his six "weeks' subscription be -will receive tho Piate along -with his Paper for that ¦ week , for both of which he will be charged Is . by the Agent , and no more . The Agent "will be charged for Paper and Piate for that wetk 9 d . ; so that he will have 25 per cent , profit for his trouble . The Papers will costhim nothing for carriage , a 3 they go by poet ; and we -will contrive to get the Plates to him for as little cost as possible . Any subscriber who receives his paper direct from the ciSee , can have the plates on the same terms as from an agtnt . Here , then , is an easy manner by which all who desire can have any of the under-mentioned plates : — The Convention . John Collins . John Frost Dr . M'Donall . J . R Stephens . R . Emiuett , and Richard Oastler . F . CVConoor . The agents had better open their subscription lists immediately , and apprise us of the number they irill require of each .

      Untitled Article

      T 6 JAMES RRONTEKRE O'BRIEN / ESQ . SIR , —At the commencement of your lectures , lately delivered in Edinburgh , you stated that the first and Bccocd nights should be for you to set fo : t > t your -news , and the third and last night set apa : t for a kind of missellaBeou 3 discussion , in order to obtain a mutual underctanding between you and your audience . - From circumstances of which yon are aware , I was prevented from making the remarks I intended ai that time . I row submit them , not on purpose to raiss myself ¦ wi- . h the public at the expense of running you down ias a ¦ writer of the present age has said of those "who paid him similar complements ) , but for the sake of truth , to enhance your usefulness , by giving you an opportunity to correct what I conceive you hare OTerlooked , or . if I am -wrong , that you may have the chance to explain , and thus prevent the bad effects of my future criticisms on your doctrines .

      Your first remark on which I mean to animadvert , ¦ w as , you defied any man to point out any return , either direct or indirect , that the Trorkmg class received for the £ 3 O «? , OOn , Ooe the aristocracy annually niched from them ; that it all wens to uphold aitornies , priests , menial servants , hells , and brothels , and several other things of a similar nature . Sir , to take you at your worst point , as I consider the keeper of a brothel much , more » blackguard than the keeper of a gambling-bouse , yet if this very brothelkeeper i 3 enabled , by money received from the aristocracy , to purchase a coat , the money giren for that coat ( however polluted it may be ) becomes part of the price of labour and eo with all the aristocracy , or any parties upheld by them . I beg to state I hate the system that leaves thi honest workman dependant on such sources for his daily bread as much as you dobut as things now stand such is the fact ; End an important one it is to those who would h 3 ve a proper view of that system .

      What I conceive to be your next miscalculation , was a mere result of tie abeve oversight—namely , th 3 t the repeal of this sa > J ^ ' 300 , 000 , 000 wonld bsas much clear gain to the working class . Si % that the money is paid from the fruits of labour is tras ; but who hold 'SLase ? Is it the workmen themselves , or those who employ them ? Whoever it is , they who are possessed of tais much have the seeming advantage , though that , too , is a delusion . To have a practical Tiew of this £ 300 , 000 . GOO suppose 100 , 060 aristocrats in the receipt of £ 3 , 000 each

      annually . V . hue the ^ e are as they are , the manufacturers are at no Ios 3 for a market Strike these off , then snppose at least 50 , 000 individuals sat present the great ones of the earth ) reduced to the level of working men ; these are now the mart for the produce of labour . Bat to where shall the manufacturer turn then' ? The fact is , he must just stand still with the full hand and empty purse , and pay off his werkmen till the stock in hand is cleared off ; and they must live on what they have already produced until all this is accomplished ! Such is their share of the transaction .

      You stated that to make the repeal of the Corn Laws beneficial to the working class , it would require to be accompanied by a corresponding' repeal of al public aud private debts . You would have been muchnearerthe truth had you said that neither could be safely meddled with , except accompanied with the appropriation of the means that gave any set of men the power to levy taxes of any kind . Ygu said you wished these laws repealed on purpose to provide employment . Sir , abundance of employment may be Tery important , still one thing is equally so ; that is , the reward « -f labour , ilan is a consumer whether employed or not ;

      and as the amount received for what he can . perform in a given time is over or nnder what he consnmes in a lite given time , taking all drawbacks into account , he is to have a sufficiency or not . Trade may be extended to any amount ; still as the reward for labour agrees or not with the above , all the advantages the working man can derive rom it depend . Can fksh and blood maintain its ground against the steam man , who consumes not , neither requires rcst ? By your own statement the money that could formerly be gained in one hour , requires Rye to gain it now . Will the repeal of the Corn Laws reverse this with such a competitor as steam in the field ?

      Wculd men consider thi 3 view of the' case , they would see the utter hojvlcS 3 nes 3 of bettering their condition by pressing matters farther in that direction , or in any direction that leaves men dependent on labour with such an opponent as st « 3 m in opposition . As thing * now stand , free tra . de may be veiy desirable to the holders of that power , bnt not so to thosa whose means cf subsistence depends on the success ofmanual competition against it . So much for the first granJ division of your lectures . Let us dow approach matters of graver import , not qiibblins ; abt-ui the subtle working of a false delusive system of fovemment , but discussions where the future , prospects of the human race , and the eternal principles of right and tru \ h are involved . You contend for Universal Suffrage as a right , and demand it unceremoniously in virtue of a principle of justice , without Eion * y or price .

      You likewise hold that all are alike entitled to the use of the soil ; but from yonr method of demanding the restoration of this right , we have no reason to infer that you consider its "validity depends on a principle of justice . You say the people have been robbed of their ¦ right to the soil , so say I . They have been robbed too of the right to vote ? and is not either alike ir-justice ? Is nitnial justice applicable to regulate nominal power , and not equa-Jy so as regards property , if so why decand the one as a right , and offer to compromise the » tfcer ? Do we give compensation ta robbers to induce Ibem t : > disgorge their booty ? If justice ia sufficient to establish a claim to the vote , I hold it is equally so as regards the land ; ani if compromise is at all necessary , it must bs in both cases : the terms are the same either

      way . By paying a given rent ariy one may enjoy a vote now . This i 3 a compromise . But we contend for that privelege as a right , merely for justice sake ; then wher = ? is yonr sense of justice , when the empire of acqais ' t rentEs is concerned ? You know how much trouble the friends of rniveral Suffrage have betn put to ta convir . ee men generally that is z , right for which eo man is beholden to another ; eo I h ' -id are all our rghts , but you sesm to think otherwise ; consequently ¦ we disagree concerning onr views of natural justice . Justice and injustice are the symbols of right and ¦ wrens . Between these there is no middle course He who contends for more than justice awards , is a robber j and he who would be s ^ ttsfied wiih less , is a ninEy . Justice is the heart and eouI of discussions oi this k : nd . Depart fr-r-m that , and if all Etch are not entirely useless , they are something worse ; nor are there two " ^ sys for honest men ta deal with matters oi this kind .

      Still I could believe that you hold out indemn ; n-5 a tion to the aristocracy f jr allowing justice to take its course in this pirticular case , nieicly as a . kind of Bubjerfuge . were it not that your next proposal , namtly , contributing to a National Fund , goes to perpetrate the same iEJuitice . To th ' .. se who wish to uphold the prest-nS system , whether sanctioned by justice or no , and those who cannut see that it is possible to form entirely new arrangements , yonr expedient will appear quite necescessiTj ; tut those who hold justice as a rule , and

      calculate so as to make the most of ail things as Eufcser-¦ virnt to that view , will view the case very differently . You see it is quite pcs&ibie for all to haye Totes ; but you stem not to perceive that it is equ ; l ' y possible for all to be landowners . None would be more reidy to condemn the action of a money clause where the suffrage is concerned . Then why become the advocate of that Tery clause in another similar case ? You have saidthe causa of the people has been " burked" by the whole press , nnd by nearly all their advocates ; and I merely add , you are no exception .

      You say this National Fund is required for many reasons , one of which is to indemnify those who are not fanners ; another to give loans to enable young men to set up in the worlu : concermg which I sayT everything connected with the latter ca 3 e is amply provided for by a simple natural arrangement in the details of the s > s > tfem , if justice- shall dictate ; though certainly not if your views are adopted . As to the former cJanse , i : appears the most unjust feature of the whole . Thongh justice entitles all alike to the use of the soil , yet , According to your view , none are to have it except they pay for it . You say all ars not inclined to be agriculturists ; tien why preis them to be se ? And I answer , from the apithy shown about ti e suffrage by many " who have not votes , we have a right to infer that many care sot for anything of the kind . Yet you assert , justice cannot be done till all ire possessed of that right So I hold , if justice shall rule , all must be put in . possession ¦ o- their right to the soil .

      Xet us now glance otm your details . It is one thing to have a light , and another thing how we are to make that right subservient to onr welfare . For instance : the fiitt paint in the Charter is to obtain the right to vote ; so , likewise , the first point in the Land Charter is to obtain possession of the soiL Tfi 3 other points in either must not only squire with a principle of justice , but along with that be formed , with an eye to utility , for instance , annual pailiamentp . Parliaments jnsy be annual , biennial , triennial , septennial , or centennerial , according as tie one or other is mest likely to be beneficial . The point in the land Charter agreeing with this is the extent of allotment , which may be 5 , 10 , 50 , 500 , or 5 , 900 acres , or any ether quantity according to utility .

      Ton propose five acres , because that extent of farm is ljore productive , mere manageable , and easier subjected to spade culture , the superiority of which mode over ploug hing all are agreed upon .

      Untitled Article

      * Sir , —I bold that a small farm requires the same d » eree of skill and tb « same attendance every way that a large one does . The only difference is in the amount of actual l&bous , sad the principal reason -why small farms , in the mean time , ate more profitable than large ones ia , that the amount of hands , according to the extent , are auch greater . The other reason , acting in favour just now , namely , the high return paid by the Aristocracy for rare and delicate articles cannot be calculated -on , as that body will then be annihilated , nor could these things now maintain their price , were it not that the number ' of these farms are very limited . As to spade culture , from what I know of the matter , I am satisfied the inhabitants of Britain will not require to resort to that mode , more than at present , while her population is within 150 , 000 , » 00 ; and between this and then ,

      there is sufficient time to invent a machine to perform this piece of Blavery . I beg to remind you there are other things connected with agriculture , which , if attended to well , in most cases make a greater difference on the amount produced , on the same extent , thin tie difference between plough and spade culture . And further , agriculture only requires active exertions at certain periods , which proves that nature designed it to be joined with other pursuits . What say you to extending the farms to 1000 acres at least , and to the introduction of machinery , and the following up of the arts and sciences thereon . Will your five acre farms support a sufficient number to meet this end ; or , are you aware that all the inmates of such an establishment may be placed on an equal footing , under such arrangements , that no one can . trample on the rights of another .

      The only other point of the Suffrage Charter that came within the scope of your lecture was , the No Property Qualification Clause ; the point in the Laud Charter , parallel to thit is Rent You say Rent ; I say No ; or if Rent , let it be given in return for the vote as it costs nothing beside : as the land yields not without abour , I contend that that do Btand for that . In conclusion , I twg to remind yon that no one has a right to depart from a principle of justice , in discussions of this kind ; or , if they do , they have no right to insist , on any part , in virtue of that principle . " He whose cause is just is doubly armed ; " and he who advocates what ia in itself unjust , is doubly exposed

      I have the honour to be , Sir , Your most obedient Servant , Charles Duncan Canon-street , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , February 7 th , 1842 .

      The Northern Star. Saturday, February 12. 1842.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 12 . 1842 .

      Untitled Article

      THE PEEL ACCOUCHEMENT . So then ! we have the delivery at last ! Birth was given on "Wednesday evening—aot to another Prince or Princess , God be thanked—but to Peel ' s plan of u Great cry , but little wool" ! The " event" was duly ushered in . All effort had been made to give to the affair a very mysterious importance . Expectation was at its highest pitch amongst the trading classes . Peel has adroitly managed to put them off for nearly six

      months , maintaining a most dignified silence , and referring all inquirers to " the time" when he should be able to "let them see what they should see . " That time at last arrived . The ' big" day came round . Peel was punctual . Not a day before , nor a day behind . On Wednesday last the ministerial hantling was brought to light , and held up to the wondering and astonished gazs of one portion of the " interested" and to the disappointment and disgust of the other portion .

      1 h another part of onr sheet we have given the K talk" used on the occasion . We have presented the reader with a copious report , that he may judge what all the stir has been about . From it he will learn what the alterations in the " sliding scale " are to be , should the " House" agree to Peel's proposals . He will alto see that the crafty Minister has combined with hi 3 shifting duties a sort of bastard fixed duty . This is , we suppose , to nail the Free-Trade-Fised-Daty Whigs to the support of the Ministerial scheme .

      One thing seems certain . The " great" manufacturers will not be able , at this time , to wrin £ from the aristocracy the " Total Repeal . " Of this we are glad . The inflictions and scourges of the Aristocracy have been , aid are , many and hard to be borne ; but the inflictions and scourges of the Millocracy are heavier and more numerous . The father , in the agricultural districts , has not yet been forced into unwilling idleness , and the infant daughter dragged into the field to attend the plough , to sow the grain , to reap the crops , and , by it 3 labour , maintain its idle workkss parents ! Nor has it yet

      been openly declared that unless infants be compelled to work in the fields longer than ten hours a day , Agriculture will perish ! We are not , by any means , in love with the doings of the aristocracy ; but we are glad that the Millocracy are not to have the push upwards at the expence of both Aristocracy and people , "which they would have gained had they been able to foree " Total Repeal" from the Minister . It is true that the siep which has been taken is a bowing-down of the Aristocracy to the power of steam . It is true that the claims and demands of

      wealth have been listened to and partially complied with by the " strong Government /' and that the claims of poverty have been insultingly dismissed . It is true that the Minister has ranked himself on the side of the " Rich Oppressor ; " and against the " Poor Oppressed ; " yet—( thanks be to the antagonistic interests of the two sections of the " Rich ones ! " )—the Milloerat has not yet been able to force that measure from the plundering Aristocracy , which would have enabled him still further to revel in the spoib of labour S

      In this , let the people see their power ? Had they joined the Millocrats for " Total Repeal , " the " Strong Government" must have yielded ! As it is , the Milloerat must join the people for Universal Suffrage before he can get the " Repeal ; " and , when the people have Universal Suffrage , thej can take cire that the Milloerat does not monopolize ' the whole of the advantage to himself . The details of the proposed New Corn Law will be learned by a perusal of Peil's speech . The length at which we give the report , precludes us from commenting on the matter at greater length .

      As far as the development of Peel ' s policy has ¦ yet gone , it stands thus : — The Corn Laws are to be resettled , with a Elight alteration of the sliding scale of duties . The New P # or Law is to be continued The Ten Hours' Factory Bill is to be opposed . The 17 , 000 starving poor of Paisley , and the hundreds of thousands in a like condition , through the whole country , are to have no relief . New Taxes are to be imposed !! ! How long will Sir Robebt Peel be Minister !

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      HOUSE OF COMMONS , Tuesday , Feb . 8 . After the presentation of several petitions , Lord Palmerston inquired of Sir Robert Pee ] whether the treaty of the Five Powers for the sup pression of the slave trade had undergone any alterations , and whether any of the ratifications had been exchanged . Sir Robert Peel answered both questions in the negative . The time for the exchange of theratificaations would not expire until the 20 oh instant . In answer to a question from Lord Mahon ,

      Sir James Graham said that Government was endeavouring to diminish the number of convicts at the hulks . Some had been sent to labour at the repairs of the fortress of Gibraltar , and others were likely to be sent to other foreign destinations . On a question from Mr . Berkeley , Sir Robert Peel declared his intention of making a financial statement as soon as the most immediately urgent votes of supply should have been taken . This postponement was with reference n < t at all to his own personal convenience , but solely to the public interest . .

      Lord Stanley obtained leave to introduce a Bill for altering the distribution of the ecclesiastical establishments in the West Indies , where the ' -circumstances of the last few years had much increased the demand for spiritual instruction . Ho now sought to divide the Bishopric of Barbadoes , which comprehended also the Leeward Islands and Demerara , into three dioceses ; reducing the salary of the : three archdeacons , so as to give an aggregate saving of 42 , 000 , which , added to the present episcopal allowance of £ 4 , 000 , would make a disposable aggregate of £ 6 , 000 , available for the endowment of these Bishops , one at £ 2 , 500 , one at £ 2 , 000 , and one at £ 1 , 500 a year . In like manner , without additional expence , he could increase the establishment of Trinidad and St . Ki « 3 by the annexation of two rural deans . And in Jamaica he would ask for power to the Crown to appropriate the £ 6 . 0 ( 50 a year , now allowed for one Bishopric , as an endowment for two .

      The House having resolved itself into committee on Colonial Import Duties , Mr . Gladstone stated that the measure he had to introduce was substantially the same with that which had last year been proposed by Mr . Labouchere , and generally welcomed . The progressive relaxations made in modern times , and especially since 1815 , had worked satisfactorily as far as they had gone , but some imposts were still leviable , too onerous to be justified by reference either to the interests of the colonies or to the now recognized principles of imperial legislation . The success which had attended the comparative liberality of our East India system was a fair illustration of the advantage that might be hoped from

      relaxation in the West . There had now been time for communication with the Colonies , and for remonstrance by them , had they objected to the principle of the proposed changes . That principle he was desirous to carry even further than the preceding Ministers ; for the West Indian proprietors wer « now labouring uuder increased distress , which urgently required additional relief . He had it in view to simplify the subject by a consolidation of all the existing laws that respected it . And the first change he should suggest , would be to abolish all duties at present imposed by the Imperial Parliament on articles the produce of Great Britain ; the principal of which was spirits . He did not think it consonant with the true intent of

      the act of 1 // 8 , which renounced tho imposition of any duties , " except for the regulation of commerce , " to keep up any duty imposed upon all articles alike in the colonies , or any duty upon articles of British growth . Such taxation was not for the regulation of commerce , but for revenue , and should be left to the local legislatures . To such a renunciation he looked as to a fresh act of goodwill for cementing the connection between the colonies and the mother country . In like manner , and for the same reason , he would renounce all taxation upon those foreign articles which did not at all compete with British productions . He was of opinion that , instead of taxing all articles not British on their importation into the colonies , the better course would be to leave

      all imports whatsoever free from taxation by the mother country , except those which she might select to ho taxed for the regulation of commerce ; and he would state , in passing , that Government had it in view to consolidate the Customs' establishment in the colonies , there being now double Bets of officers there . The Canadians at present possessed an exemption in the instances of corn , wheat , flour , and salt meat , from the duty leviable on other articles not British when imported into the Canadas . He proposed that henceforth an import duty should be levied on corn imported thither from the American side of the border . This , he believed , would be agreeable to the Canadians themselves . The Legislature wished to give advantages to them in the consignment of their produce to England ; but the settlors of the United States had no claim to transmit American

      produce hiiher through the Canadas duty free , as ii it were tne produce of those colonies . The resolution ? , then , which he should move , would be , to repea ] all existing duties—to impose ne \ r ones , which should be in addition to any imposts of . the Colonial Legislatures—to regulate exemptions on articles for the use of the fisheries—to put the produce of the Channel Islands on a level with that of Great Britain , and to declare the expediency of passing a Consolidated Possessions' Act . On wood imported into the colonies he proposed to place no duty . Such a tax not only checked the comforts and th « industry of the West Indies , but enhanced the price of production there , and consequently the cost of sugar to the home consumer . On other articles he would propose two set 3 of duties , one fixed , and one ad valorem ; the schedules of which duties he then read and explained .

      Mr . Labouchere expressed his unalloyed satisfaction at the measure of Government , admitting that the alterations it had undergone since he himself had brought it forward last year were improvements . Afcer the advantages bestowed on the East Indies , it was but common justice to give this relief to the West . He felt , too , that this measure greatly advanced another object of the late Ministers—the reform of the duties levied in this country on colonial produce , especially sugar and coffee . If the present scheme were resisted , he would gladly aid in combatting any opposition to it . Mr . G . Palmer desired to reserve his opinion .

      Lord John Russell objected only to that part of the plan which went to incroduce a duty upon corn imported from the United States into the Canadas . The consequence would be the formation of a Canadian free trade party , which it would be difficult to deal with . As to the rest , he was glad to see the assent of the present Ministers to the policy of their predecessors . Sir C . Douglas quoted a speech made last year by Mr . Herries , to show that the Conservatives had desired no import duties beyond what would be necessary for protection .. Sir R . Peel desired that no premature inferences as to the commercial policy of Ministers might bo drawn from their adoption of this measure , which they were as fully prepared to support last year as now .

      Mr . S . Wortley supported the -principle of a duty on the import of American com into the Canadas . Tho House having resumed , Mr . Glasto . ne moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of railways . He did not propose to license the drivers , a class of officers who of lat-j had much improved ; but he would ask for a grant of power to the Board of Trade to postpone the opening of railways not sufficiently prepared—to enforce the production of returns of accidents—to close- the gates on roads crossed by railways—to refor oertain classes of disputes—to check branch communications by individuals—and to take land for widening embankments . Col . Sibthorp thought the Bill a very milk and watery affiir ; and recommended a tax ou iailway fares , to indemnify innkeeper and other sufferers from the system .

      Mr . Wakley wished for a more stringent measure , buB did not expect to get it till three or four Lords or Ministers lost their lives by the mismanagement of railways . He did not like the taotics of Ministers in adopting the bills of those predecessors whom they had last year so much condemned He entered into the particulars of the Soaning-hill accident , as to which Mr . Russell , the chairman of the Great Western Railway , gave some expiations . Mr . Ewart approved the Bill , and deprecated any needless interference with the proprietors , who ought to remain responsible . There ought , however , to be a remedy for the surviving relatives , of a person losing his life by the carelessness of a company . ¦

      Mr . Hardy desired some provision to prevent carriages with passengers from being placed Hear the engine . Sir Robert Peel disapproved any minute interference by Government . It would relax the caution of the companies , who would then feel the responsibility to be * removed from themselves , y Mr . Labouchers concurred in the general principles of non-interference ; and leave was then given to introduce the Bill .

      DISTRESS IN PAISLEY . Mr . Wallace said , that in riang to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice , on the subject of the misery and destitution under which the inhabitants of Paisley and other towns in Renfrewshire had been so long suffering , he felt it due to that House to be as brief as possible . He should be

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      thus brief in his statements , because he was con-Vinced tTiat no aid would be required from him in making it evident that great distress really existed ; but the House and the country did not know the extent of the privations thai ; had been brought to light by the committees appointed by the charity of individuals in that part of the country , and who had gono into all portions of the town ot Paisley and its neighbourhood , in the course of their inquiries . As far as that misery had been made known , great sympathy had been excited ; and he felt assured that . all that part of the country was truly sensible and grateful for the kind feeling that was so generally shown , and for the great sympathy that had been exhibited , from the Queen on her throne dbwn

      to almost tho meanest of her subjects . The distress of those peopled seemed to him as if it had been ah incentive to them to behave , if possible , with mere peacefulness and propriety . The town pf Paisley had beeiijas was well known , for a long period employed in supplying fancy ai ticks to the ' trade- ef London and other large towns ia the kingdom ; and , therefore , any stoppages in traded or any revulsion , had almost always fallen upon them , in consequence of orders not coming in for that description of goods . Her Majesty's Government were aware that 17 i 5 uO persons were represented as in the recoipt of daily assistance in the town of Paisley and other neighbouring towns , of whom 15 . 000 were in Paisley alone . There were also 1 , 000 hand-loom

      weavers , and the Committee tyere employed in giving them webs to supply them with occupation ; besides whom there were 1 , 000 labourers , who were likewise employed by that same Committee . The weavers could mako from these webs at the rate of < 3 . a week , but not more , working at them fourteen , fifteen ; of fcixtceu hours a day / On the other hand , those who were supplied with money wherewith to obtain provisions for themselves and families , received about Is . per week , or perhaps 2 J-, per day , for each individual , Now . all those who had attended to the subject of gaola knew that the inmates were provided with foody which , supplied in the most economical manner , cost considerably more than double that amount , in order to maintain the

      prisoners in health and strength . Among tho sufferers , however , iu Paisley and its neighbourhood , there was little or no clothing , and no bedding on which to lie . Aiid here he would draw a comparison between them and those who had the good fortune to be placed iu gaol , or in somo House of Correction . Ho blamed no one ; he would say nothing as to the causes of all this ; but he would > ay that the distress had reached an extent in hia part of the country that led him to the conviction that it was his positive duty , or that of some other Member of the House , to make the statement that he now took the opportunity of makiug . His proposal was , as would appear from the notice he had giveu ,: for an inquiry to be made , and that " an immediate and diligent

      inquiry . He had been asked by many Hon . Members what sort of inquiry he proposed and ho had also been asked ( he thought half offi c ially ) what was his own view on the subject I He believed that the only proper mode of making this inquiry would be to make it upon the spot , pneor two persons being sent from London to cairy on tho investigation , and to report thereupon to the Government , and , if it were customary in such cases , to the House . When he handed his notice to the Speaker , it would bo seen that he had inseried the words " upon the spot , " as he deemed such an inquiry to bo tho only « ue that would be satisfactory . A committee of that House had . been suggested to him , but such a plaa would lead " to aneudless inquiry , and no good result would be derived from it .

      It would occupy a committee very long , and would be calculated to raise hopes among the suffering people of Paisley and its neighbourhood that might not bo realised , and Would make them believe they were entirely neglectod . He had been induced to urge this inquiry oh the Government , since he had heardithe reply given to tho question put to the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Stanley ) as to emigration . Tliesepcople had a strong belief that a large field was about to bo opened to them in the way of emigration , He intended to throw the blame On no one ; but still the sufferings of those for whom he now spoke were not the less severe . There were numbers who were hot provided for in those list ^ , and those numbers were very large . If they came openly forward , they would be provided for in one way or another ; butavast number of them could not bo induced to como forward : and he had excellent

      authority for saying that such great destitution aud misery was exhibited to the committees of ladies and gentlemen who investigated the state of those classes , that they canto home with a degree of sorrow and disgust and with a feeling of total hopelessness that he could not describe . Ho had seen with groat satisfaction thai a proper gift from ihe Government stores had been made to those in a similar predicament in Spitalfields ; and he hoped that there would be a disposition on the part of the Government to make a similar gift to his countrymen , who , if the Spitalfields weavers deserved it , deserved it no less . He could assure the Housei that nothing could exceed the misery or their deserts ; and he therefore trusted that the Government had at their disposalj if assistance had not already heen sent to Paisley , a small fund by which the inhabitants of that town and its vicinity could be assisted . Ho would not conceal from the House or from the

      Government that the week before he came to London a resolution had been come to by the clergy and the great body of individuals of any station there ^ There were both clergy of the established church and of Dissenting congregations present at that meeting . A motion was made that a petition should be sent to the Government praying for stores , either in the way of gift , as to the Spitalfields poor , or at a small cost , on which the committee might expend their remaining funds , that they might be taken , free of duty , from tho bonding stores . He held a copy of that resolution in . his hand ; but the truth / was , that , great as was tho djstress in Paisley and its neighbourhood , it was still increasing . In the town Of Renfrew , and in that of Ayr , that adjoined the

      former , the number of persons unoccupied was increasing at the present time . There was one thing to which he would call the attention of tho Government , and that was , that everything was done by the relief committees to induce the weavers to take webs and make them on looms , ftlany of them had not looms that were suitable ; and it so happened that a vast number of thtse people were forced , through sheer necessity , to braik up stones , to dig land , or to follow other outdoor occupations , to which they were quite unaccustomed . Theconstqueuca wasi that their hands became blistered , aud uow , supposing they got work , it would be a considerable time before their hands could be employed in the fine work to which they were formerly

      used . These people could absolutely not return to their proper trade for some time , in consequence of the occupations they bad latterl / been obliged to follow . Iu this state of things , believing that there would be a field of emigration beforo them , and that something would be done when the Parliament met , to relieve their misery , but finding that would not be tho case , he folt warranted in making this statement to the IIouso ; and ho also felt warranted in proposing to the House , that ono or two active and efficient persons , intrusted with high authority , should be tent to the town of Paisley , to investigate into the state of the people there . Within a few days they would bo able to satisfy the

      House and the Government of the unhappy situation of those persons . He was certain that they would be well satisfied if that inquiry were made . If such an investigation were refused , he hoped to hear from Her Majesty ' s advisers that something would be proposed to meot the present severe slate of destitution and human misery , that surpassed all he had over known , and all that had been known in this uuhappy town of Paisley for the last twenty-five years . The Hon . Member Concluded with moving that an adaress be presented , praying her Majesty will be gi afjiously pleased to command , that an immediate and diligent inquiry be made upon the spot into the nature and extent of the misery and destitution under which the inhabitants of

      Paidley and other towns in Renfrewshire have been Buffering for so long a , period , and are still enduring ; and further , that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command , that the said inquiry be prosecuted , vigorously , so that the results maybe laid , as soon as possible , before this House , with a view to its providing with all speed against tho longer continuance of the intolerable di : tress ; as also against theievident andimminent danger of disca : e . andpestilence following in its usual course ,. thereby causing more numerous deaths from cold and hunger aad actual starvation than hitheito , » o well as increasing the ruinous tewlencids of these appalling evils oil the moial character of all who are directly a > fected-by themj or who live within the range of their influence .

      Sir James Graham , fully admitted the distress , but expressed his fear of exciting false hopes by an inquiry which could open no source of relief ; The present sufferings of the Paisley workmen , which they had borne with exemplary fortitude and forbearance , had mainly arisen from the stoppage of the Americau trade , and from the failure of a Savings' Bank , If Mr , Wallaca wished for an examination of these special facts by a committee of the House , he would not oppose it ; but to * local commission he could not consent . Mr . Hastie said , that unlssB Government stepped forward to the aid of the sufferers , he trembled for theresuU . ¦ ¦ -.- - ¦¦ :- - "; - .,- ¦ - . .-..- ' - ¦ - , : ¦ - .- ¦ ¦ - . ' Mr . W . S . O'Brien recommended emigration ; Mr . Wakley desired to have an efficient Poor Law in Scotland ; Mr . R . Yorko and Sir V . Blake looked to a change in the Corn Laws .

      SirR . Peel applauded the conductof thesufferei-s , and deprecated a commission which would but excite them to fallacious hopes , and be followed by similar applications from all other distressed districts . Emigration was not a relief adapted for these workmen , who were not fit for the . . kind of labour requisite in colonization . Mr . Wallace declined to divide , having attained hia direct objeGt of shewing to the people of Paisley that the House partook the general sympathy in their distress .

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      Lord Stanlet desired to remove any impression which might have gone forth , that Government had iny extensive measure of emigration in view . Mr . Godson requested leave to bring in a Bill for the protection of copyrightywhich was granted after afetrwords from Mr . ; W : Aklet . Leave was given to the ATTORNKT-GrEifERAL t 6 introduce two Biltar-one for amending the Municipal Regulation Act , which subjects corporation lessees to penalties on becoming Common Counmlmen ; the other for allowing a writ of error in cases of mandamus . :

      On Sir Georce Clerk ' s motion , in Committee , that a supply be granted in accordance with her Majesty ' s Speech , Mr . Waklet protested against the customary mode of passing such documents . They always consisted of empty generalities . There were very important subjectB pending , which ought to have been dealt with in the speech , such as the Factory and the Poor Law questions , which would affect the character and stability of the Ministry , and determine the issue of great political contests . The party of the aristocracy which was , now : most respected was on its trial . That party now possessed the power , if it had also the will , to benefit the public . Meanwhile , he did not like such a nonentity as the late speech .

      Sir George Clerk thought that criticisms on the speech would have been better timed in the debate on the Address , when the lead ing Ministers are present , who had now quitted the House . He vindicated the Speech , and observed , that it was hardly possible for a Minister to have offered earlier explanations than Sir Robert Peel was abou t to gi ve upon most important subjects of public interest . A Government could not well introduce all its Bills at once , which would be but to distraotthe attention of Parliament . . Mr . Wakley thought that the Poor Law should have been earlier brought under consideration . Mr . Ferrand was content that ithad been postponed till after Easter , as it would give the public an opportunity of speaking out in the meantime , wheu he trusted that Ministers would bend ta public opinion , and certainly repeal that odious law .

      The resolution for supply was then agreed to , and the House shortly afterwards adjourned .

      Wednesday , February 9 . The Speaker took ihe chair at four o ' clock , when a very large number of petitions praying for a repeal or an alteration in the Corn Laws , were presented .

      CASE OF MR . ELTON Mr . Curteis said he thought he Bhould bo exercising a sound discretion if he did riot put the question relative to the case of Mr ..-Eltonj which ' -he had announced for this evening . He hoped that the conciliatory feeling he had displayed on this subject would be met by a corresponding spirit on the part of the Government . Sir George CpcKBURN said he was ready to give any explanation that the House might require . He thought the Hon . Member had acted wisely in taking the course he had done , and unless it should be the pleasure of the House he would not go into the case . If lie found the House wished it , however , he was prepared to do so .

      THE CORN LAWS . MINISTERIAL ANNOUNCEMENT . Sir Robert Peel then rose and said , Sir , I beg leave to move that the paragraph in her Majesty ' s gracious Speech at the opening of Parliament , relating to the Corn Laws , be now read . The Clerk ( Mr . Ley ) then read the part of her Majesty ' s Speechy in which her Majesty recommended to the consideration of the House , the state of the laws affecting the importation of corn and other articles j the produce of foreign countries . Sir R . Peel—Sir , 1 now rise to move that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the laws relating to the importation of foreign corn . The House having resolved itself into a Committee , and Mr . Greene having taken the chair ,

      Sir R , obebt Peel rose and said , Mr . Greene , I rise in pursuance of the notice which I have given , to submit to the House the views of Her Majesty ' s Government with respect to the modification of , and the amendment of those laws which relate to the ira-. portation of foreign corn . I should cousider it a reflection on the House , if I attempted to- excuse myself from entering into details . Whatever may be the demands I have to prefer , and however unqualified 1 may bo to relieve a subject necessarily abstruse , of any of its details by any illustrations of fanoy , yet I am convinced that the paramount importance of this subject will induce the House to grant me that patient attention which , under other circumstances , I should have deemed it unnecessary

      to prefer a claim to . I am aware of the difficulty that encompasses the subject I am about to bring under consideration . A matter with respect to which such adverse opinions prevail , it is difficult to discuss , without making statements or admissions which will- be seized upon by those who entertain opposite opinions . Still the best course that I can pursue is , to submit to the House the considerations that have influenced the judgmsnt of Her Majesty ' s Government , and leave this to be decided upon by the reason , moderation , aiid opinions of Parliament . ( Hear . ) Sir , the only object at which I shall aim , in bringing the subject under the consideration of the House , is to state as clearly and as intelligibly as I can the considerations which have- influenced her Majesty ' s

      Government , and the nature of the measure which they intend to propose . Sir , her Majesty ' s Governmtmt have thought it to be their duty to consider the Corn Laws , with a view to their modification and amendment . ( Hear , hear . ) They undertake the consideration of that question at a period whenthere is great commercial distress—( hear , hear , )—when there are great sufferings and privations connected with that distress . But I consider it to be my duty , in the first place , to declare , that after having given to this subject the fullest consideration which 1 can , I cannot recommend the proposal which I have to make by exciting a hope that it-will tend immediately or materially to the mitigation of that Commercial distress under which we are suffering . ( Hear , hear . )

      My belief is , while I admit the commercial distress —while I deplore the sufferings of , and sympathise with those who are distressed , yet I feel bound to admit that I cannot attribute that distress in any degree in which it has been supposed attributable to the operation of those laws . ( Hear and cheers . ) 1 do not view , with those feelings of despair in which some persons are inclined to indulge , the commercial prospects of this country . I do not believe that the resources of our commercial and manufacturing prosperity are drained ; but I do see that the operatiou of causes acting concurrently and simultaneously , sufficient , in my opinion , to account , in a great degree , for the depression which has unfortunately affected our manufacturing and commercial districts ; and I have that confidence in the natural resources

      of this country . ( Hear , hear ) I have had such frequent opportunities of seeing periods of depression as great followed by periods of revival of prosperity as sudden , that I confidently indulge the hope and belief that we may still recover by the operation of natural causes , and again witness a revival of our commercial prosperity . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Sir , it is impossible to take a review of the causes which have affected the manufacturing and commercial prosperity of this country , without perceiving that there

      have been in operation during the course of the last fuur or five years several causes , the effect of each of which taken separately wou : d be but little , which , acting concurrently , nave produced an e'ffiict sufficient ; to account for the present state of depression ; ( Hear . ) If you look at the stimulus given , partly through the extreme facility of credit to great uadertakings curing the years 1837 and 1838 , to-the connexion which existed between the Companies arid Directors of Joint Stock Banks , and the manufacturing establishments—if you look to the immense efforts that were then made for the increase

      of our manufactures , to the numerous buildings that were then erected for the reception of the labourers in our ma , nufacturies , to tho emigration of labourers from the rural districts into the manufacturing district . " , to the immense increase which took place in the mechanical power of Ourmanafacttires , the consi , q tciice of the stimulus given to the manufactures in J 837 and 1838—you ciri hardly be surprised that those consequences should have Jol . low . ed those exertions which have so frequently followed sitniiar exertions at former periods . ( Hear , ' hear ,- ) " The same causes which were in operation here were in operation in the United States , at the same time ; and the same consequences to tae commercial interests there , in a greater degree , have been the

      result , while the derangement in the monetary affairs of the United States has acted most powerfully On the demand for our manufactures in that country . Concurrently with that fcxitement arid ^' stimulus , and with the depression that followed from them , there hasjibeen an interruption in our amicable relations with that country , causing a considerable deficiency in the export of manufactured goods at a recent period , as compared with a former period of our intercourse with that country . There have been also ; during a considerable portion of a later period of that time , the elements of war in Europe , and the necessary stagnation of commerce , which fis in some degree in separable from such a state of things . The united effect of these causes will , in iny opinion , go fur to account for the depression in our Drosneritv .

      Sir , I am admitting the extent of the depression . I am equally disposed to admit the extent of the privation and suffering which have Been the consequence of it . But here , again , I am bound to aay that I cannot recommend the measures wnicn I am about to propose , by the hope ihat any alteration in the Corn Laws will be a remedy iOr some Of the evils which , in a great manufacturing country like this , seem to be inseparable from society . Extead your foreign commerce as you may ^ depend upon it it is not a necessary consequence that the means of employment for manual labour will be proportionate to the demand . > Speaking of particular districts , whatever may be the extent of your commercial prosperity—whatever may be the demand for your manufactures , it if > impossible not

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      to feel that , coincident with the general prosperity theremust be the severest partial distress ; Thee © have been so at periods of the greatest manufacturing and commercial prosperity . The necessary consequence of the sudden improvement in machinery , and the consequent diminishing of the demand for manual labour , must be to expose , in certain dig-, tricts of the country , those who ate dependent for their support on manual labour to great privations Sir ,-we find hundreds of persons occupied in great manufacturing districts entirely rely ing for subsistence on their labour : insome particular department . By the Exercise of ingenuity some improvement ; in machinery is suddenly devised , is copied by others , which has theeffeoi of depriving those who so relied en

      their manual labour for subsistence of the means of employment , as was the case with the hand-loom weavers , —( hear , hear , )—and with many parties engaged in other branches of manufacture . ( Hear , hear . ) It is a ^ hard condition , inseparable from a manufacturing country , that there must be such revulsions in the demand for manual labour . It is impossible , therefore , in any comtnercial system , that great privation and suffering should not frequently exist , —( hear , hear , ) --although it is not to be supposed that I deprecate the exercise of industry and skill ; ( Hear , hear . ) It would be madness to interfere with them , —( hear , hear , )—and it would bo folly to deny that in the aggregate this country has derived the greatest source of its strength from

      such improvements in manufactures . ( Hear , hear . ) To attempt to obstruct it would be merely -to eucburage competition and rivalry . already too formidable . ( Hear , hear . ) Inseparably necessary as distress appears to be from such development of skill , and such improvement of machinery , I do not state this for the purpose of impressing you against the importance of improyement i bnt for the purpose of disclaiming the sanguine hope that any extent of legislative enactments caa exempt you : from tho liability to such fiuctuations and distress . In proportion to the manufacturing excitement—in proportion to the stimuli to which I have referred , to" the stimuli of speculation , to the facility of undertakingby undue advanceaV the pursuits of

      , wealth , justiri that proportion must yon expeot that , in certain districts of the country these privations will occur ; But looking at the general state of tho country , I can neither see grounds for that despondency in which some are apt to view it , nor can I see any grounds for imputing to the operation of tho Coin LawB , as some impute to them , any material share in the evils which we are-now suffering . ( Hear , hear , from the Tory benches ) I think wo are too apt to assume that there must be a constant and rapid increase in the amount of our exports to other countries . We are too apt to despond when we find ariy occasional check in the amount of those exports . The extent of our commerce duririac tho last year , if found to be less , when compared to tho

      year immediately proceeding it , we imagine from time to time that the resources of our prosperity are being dried up . Now , Sir , at all periods of the commerical history of this country , these alternations of prosperity and adversity have prevailed . If you will examine , you cannot deny that at the last period to which the returns are fully made up—a period which includes the year 1841—on comparing the state of trade in 1840 , with the state of trade Of preceding years , I see no grounds for the inference which is sometimes drawn , that the Corn Laws have been the cause of cur misfortunes , and that the repeal of those laws would supply an immediate remedy .: On referring to this return , I find that in the year 1840 the exports of ef

      British produce and manufactures—^ -1 speak tneir declared value ^ the value of British produco exported in 1840 to all par ta of the world , exceeded the exports of 1837 by £ 9 , 355 , 0 ^; ifc exceeded that of 1838 by £ 1 , 345 , 000 ; and fell short of the exports of 18 i ) 9 Jby £ l , 827 , 000—a falling off , sufficient , no doubt , to creat 8 great anxiety and apprehension . But there wero causes amply sufficient to account for that facing off . if you refer to the state of our commercial transactions with the United States at that period—with that country with whose prosperity our own is so intimately interwoven—you will find that j during that period , there were operating causes connected with monetary derangement , which accounted for

      the temporary cessation ot trade . I stated that in year 1839 , as compared with the year 1840 , there was a deficit of £ 1 , 827 , 000 in the declared value of tho export of British : produce arid manufactures . But in the year 1839 there was an export to the United States amounting to £ 8 , 839 , 000 , whereas , in the year 1840 the total amount was only £ 5 ^ 83 , 000 , leaving a deficit in . the value of our exports : to the Uii ited States in 1840 , as compared ; with the year Io 39 yto the amount of £ 3 ; 556 , 000 . Now that faot is sufficient to account for the fulling off in the general amount of our exports in the year 1840 , as compared with the year 1839 . The falling off , however , was greatly less than the increase in other parts : and consequently the difference was made up

      by the extension of our commerce with other countries . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , it is very satisfactory to view the progress of our colonial trade . In the year 1837 the whole of our exports to the Coloniea amounted to £ 11 , 280 , 000 ; in 1328 , to £ 12 , 025 , 000 ; 1839 , to £ 14303 , 000 ; and in 1840 , to ^ £ 15 , 497 , 000 . Now let us look at our commercial transactions with these countries in Europe which are the chief sources of our supply of fOod . Let us look to the state of our export trade with Germany , Holland , and Belr gium . In 1837 the Value of our exporta to thoso countries , the chief sources of our supply of food amounted to £ 8 742 , 000 ; in 1838 , to £ 9 , 606 , 000 ; in 1839 , to £ 9 , 660 000 ; and in 1840 , to £ 9 , 704 , 000 . ( Hear , hear ; hear . ) So that even with respect to

      those countries which are the chief sources of our supply of corn when we stand in need of any which afs supposed to be such formidable competitors of our manutacturers , and with which the sale of our productions is supposed to be so rapidly declining on account of our exclusion of their corn , — -even with respect to those countries , there has been upon the whole an increase in the export of our manufactured articles —( hear , hear . )—Sir , I cannot , therefore , infer that the operation of the Corn Laws is to be charged with the depression which unfortunately prevails in the country at thepreEerit moment— - ( hear , hear . ) I do see other causes iu Operation which are sufficient in a great degree to account for those evils which wo all deplore—( hear , hear . ) Sir , in considering any

      modification of the Com Laws which it may be desirable to propose , it is important to review the several proposals which have been already made with respect to them . Various opinions are entertained with respect to the Corn Laws . There are some who would admit of no modification whatever inrespectto them , but would adhere to the existing state of the law , without admitting any alteration or modification . It is a > y firm belief that this party are exceedingly limited in number in this country . I believe that , amongst the agriculturists themselves , it is the prevailing opinion that the Corn Laws may be altered with advantage . ( Hear , hear . ) . So far ' as I can collect from the various communications that have been made to me by that body , I am justified in

      saying that the general impression—the general feeling—amongst the agriculturists is in favour of a modification in some respects . There are also others who entertain a decidedly opposite opinion , who would . consent' to no modification , but would insist on the immediate and absolute repeal of tho Cora Laws . Sir , it is impossible not to feel that those who advocate a repealof every imposition on every kind of subsistence for the people , are enabled to appeal to topics which give theria a great advantage —( hear , hear , hear ; and cheers . ) To urge that there is a law which taxes bread—an obstacle to tho sub 3 istance of the comaiunity—an impost on tho food of the population—to urge that thi 3 is a tax maintained for the protection and

      advantage of a separate class—( hear , hear . )^ - ^ -to urge arguments of this kind giyes the opponents of such a system the power of making a considerable impression on those who listen to them . ( Hear . ) A comparison is \ made between the dearness of food in this country , and the cheapness of food in some other countries , and the inference is immediately drawn that the people of this country ought to be placed On the same footing > yith respect to articles of subsistence , and that , their condition would be materially benofitted if they were permitted to avail themselves of the labours of the agriculturists of other countriea . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , its appears to me that any conclusion founded upon such a position would be altogether groundless .

      ( Hear , hear . ) The question is , can you infer the comfort and ease of a people , fromi the price which they pay for food ? Reference is made to the : price of food in Germany , and to the facilities which the lowprice of subtistejace gives for the establishment of manufactures , and the inference is hastily and unwisely drawn that the people of triis country miist necessarily be placed upon a superior footing to what they are if the price of food could undergo a corresponding reduction , and be equal with the price of other countries . I apprehend the true question is not what is the price of food , but ; what is th « command which the labouring classes have over it . ( Loud cheers from both eide 3 of the House . ) The question is , whether luxuries or the riecessariea of life are easily accessible to the people , what command the labouring classes have over the enjoyment of the products of the countrv . Under

      the operation of the Corn Laws , let us compare the condition of the labouring clksses of this country withrthe oondition of the labouring classes in thoia countries in which I admit the price of prorsioM is greatly less . There is riothuig to impede the cultivation of corn in the Prussian States . Th « pries of corn there is much less than it is in this country ; hut can it be from hence inferred that tho condition of the Prussian people is preferable to that of the people of thia country ?—( loud cries of "hear , hear" )—or that the consequence : of the immense reduction of the price of various articlesj Sarticularly in the price of food , must necessarily e a great increase in the comforts and enjoyments of the labouring classes!—( hear . ) Sir , there are means' from sources I iapprehend of unquestiortable authority , of forming a judgment as to the comparative degrees of comfort of the people in b&th the touatries alluded to ; and before you determine that a low price of provisions is necessarily

      P.E-Issue Of The Large Portraits.

      P . E-ISSUE OF THE LARGE PORTRAITS .

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      MOUSE O ? LOKDS . —Tuesdat , Feb . 8 . The House was occupied almost exclusivel y With a conversation upon some anti-Corn Law petitions , presented by Lord Brougham , Lord Melbourne , and the Marquis of Lansdowne . ——^^^——

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      TO THE EDITOR OF THE XOBTHERX STAB , Sib , —As Mr . O'Brien feaa been lecturing all otct the eoant ^ y , I as a "woTkisf t" ^ ti and a Chartist , conjfider it b ^ t fair that these my objections to the spirit of Ms lectures should meet the public eye in IHro jnaziHer , And as Mr . O'Brien -will return to Edinburgh , about the time -we are in receipt of the next Nortiiem Star , your insertion of iha enlosed in that number -will confer a very particular favour , and enable me to accomplish ¦ what I intend , namely , to present it , in person , to that gentleman sni hear his remarks thereon . I have the honour to be , Sir . Your most obedient Servant , CHiRLZS DUSCAS . I Canon-srraet , Canon-mills , % JEdmbtrgh , 7 th Feb .. 1842 . N

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      A THE NORTHSRN STAR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1148/page/4/