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Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd January 1842, Edition 1 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO IHB XD 1 T 9 S . OF THB JTOBTHEBS STAH . Sis , —In your paper you often state how the cause « I the people is progressing ; how , the -working people -tsa « the good effects that will result to them , pro-T jding the darter becomes the law of the land , and bat efforts they are making to mak « it such a law . Kow , Sir ! I tfrfafc it is Tery proper thateach part of & 9 country should know what the other is doing , or wo nay think , that because some places are all np iad deing , that all the other places are the same , and tot when the grand push is made to persuade (?) the gooses of ParHament to pass the Charter into a law , Tou probably may hare only half of your army , and thus get deceiTed ; this has been the case in too many instances already . I lately had occasion to go into the country ; I went from here through Solihull to War-Tick , Stratford-on-ATon , through a . number of Tillages ; and with

      ana back again through Hsnley- ^ -Arden , pur permission , I will state exactly how I found the people in those parts . . jkEricultnra is the chief emp loyment ; what trade is carried on , is done by ene tradesman ^ changing his roods with another tradesman ; the only people who my them any money for goods are the farmers and labourers ; I found people generally complaining of the badness of toes , ex « pi ** ™» 7 » lage near Warwick , where every poor person had from twenty to thirty hundred of coal * giw -them , a great piece of beef , blankets , and clotbes , by the gentry who live in the parish ; there the people did not know what poverty meant ; bot this is only one place , it is not bo every ¦ where , for , at Leamington , three destitute labourers broke a window in a shop and toek out a pie and eat it , on purpose to get committed to prison , where they would get something to eat every day , though it would be only prison allowance .

      The Charter is very little known any "where I have been , scarcely any working man in a village has ever beard the word mentioned ; the people are very ignersni respecting politics ; the parson is a king in a village , and he does bis best to keep out any book or newspaper which would really instruct them ; he will { jam as much religion down them as they choose , bnt politics they must know nothing about , t The wages of the farmers' labourers are about 10 s . a Treek on the average , though at one ptece they only got 5 s ., and there are a great number out of employ ; they pay from £ 3 to £ & a year rent . In some places they iiA got a bit of land to cultivate , varying from oneeghth of an acre to an acre or two ; and although they paid after the rate of £ o an acre for it , they said it answered thtir purpose , and they only wanted some more cf it , and then they did not care about the Corn Laws , ~ br what price the com was sold at , for they should not want to bny any .

      The farmers pay from 10 s . to 20 s . an acre for their bud—land that will bear from ten to fifteen bags of wheat to the acre , and I wondered why the landholders aid noi let ont more land to the labourer , considering how anxicug he was to have same , and how much sore rent he was willing to yive over the farmer ; hut I fannd that the farmer was opposed to it—that if the labourer had some land , he would become independent of his master , who must either advance his wages or do the work himself , and become what farmers formerly were—real cultivators of the soiL For you must understand that they are got out of pJace in society : they bring their children up in idleness , and

      they act the gentleman so near , that you scarcely know them from their landlords ; and in order to keep up their digniiy . all the labourers in the kingdom must be sacrificed . Tien again , there were formerly—that is , in the memory of people living now , ten farms or more irhere there is bnt one ; and if there is a farm to let , there are twenty people after it , and if a farmer has any inclination to sell any or all of the produce of the bed , he can go to market , meet with a ready sale , st s good price , and for ready money , and why is it ? Because the farmer takes good care to produce so more than , is required , and the law » prevent any other party from superseding Mm .

      I found the public-houses generally empty of customers ; maltsters making no iL< : this must affect the revenue . The workhouse * and prisons full ; a great rnmbfeT of bouses shut up ; shops to let is abundance , which convinced me that there were too many people in trade , but not enough on the land ; working people rho had no work were being summoned before the magistrates ior their poor levies ; some were distressed , md their goods taken , and home sent to prison , because they had no goods to seias ; shopkeepers complaining of no money being taken , acd wishing that the Com Laws were repealed , that they might have more trade , but none of them hoaourable enough to agitate for the Charter , because it was to give a poor , ignorant , working man a vote as well as themselves , as they say . Tne farmers , in general , are opposed to the repeal of

      the Com Laws ; they contend that they should be rained ; that is , go to work , I suppose—that rents would fill , wages fall—that the parson must lose Ms tithe —the Government give up tha taxes to the amount of liwve thirty millions a year—the national debt abolished—and I dont know what beside—a many of them must walk as now ride—and that they should have as such trouble to sell their com , &c , as a tradesman has to sell his goods , and then they think the coantrj would be ruined . I found the labourers very much disunited , not firm or true to each otherach one betraying another for what he could get . This is a great fault in the English people . I am told tbf Irish are more firm is their actions , What they resolve on , they stick to ,-and have no flinging in the dtter .

      I met with several old men , from eighty to ninety jars of age , who had to work in the fields all day for ibout six or seven shillings a week . I asked them if they did not think that they had done work enough in th £ ii younger days to keep them now without work ? They said they had , but that their masters had got it , kstead of them . I aske 4 them how the times were * ben they were young—whether they were anything Eke they are now ? They said , when they were young lasB , they had one shilling a day fer their work—that tfcsre was no take work then . Bread was 16 ihs . for a

      smTilng , Sour 18 s . a sack ; wheat Ss . a bag ; bacon id . » pomd ; pigs 3 s . a score ; malt 2 s . 6 d , a bushel ; beer 4 d . a quart ; butter , sugar , and cheese , about 4 d- a d . ; beef and mutton , from 3 d . to 2 Ad . a lb . j but it was ssidom weighed ^ but sold by guess ; a good / at sheep east 10 a . Flour was not sold in shops as now , but People bought the con > from the farmer , as they wanted it , and had it ground at the milL The farmer , his wife , children , and servants , sat in one room , and at ene tails—no tea used in those days , except by the sly ; the water was boiled in an iron pot ; the teapots were Kick , and were called the " black deviL "

      People -used to eat milk and broth ; tven the rich folks fiid so ; no drunkenness then as now , for there were but » very few public houses ; rents of cottages with a good garden , varied from Is . to 20 a . a year ; no poor Urits tp pay than , no poor to keep ; had to compel people to have relief to keep the parishes together Clothes < rere higher in price , but better quality . Sheets sad shirts -were made of flax , grown , spun , and woven into- doth in tins neighbourhood , and it employed a great nnmberof people . Coats were made of wool , in

      a coarser manner than they are now , bnt more lasting . Good worsted stockings cost Is . Gd . a pair . Gowns and aprons were made of Jersey , very strong and TOrm . Prsrter plates and dbhes , wood plates , or trenchers , wood ip-Msa and pan * for the broth ; brass pots and kettles ; a short , every article vras made stronger , cost more Eoiey , was more durable ; people had plenty of employment , were healthier and stronger , and England *« a happy nation , becicse the people lived on the and , and they were subject to none of those fluctuanocs in the trades as they are now . We have now

      become nici a great manufacturing people , with the aid of machinery and steam , - we can make goods for all the world . We have drawn all fee tr * de into heaps , from Ml puts of the country . One great cotton spinner , or same other craft , empiojs several thousand people in enlarge factory , working in rooms too hot and cont 3 = dto bsheaithy , making them quite old people at i " 1 JS £ M of * % *' > Utae children stt to do the work of ^; ^ eT" > znach : Eery is supersedicg their labour ; « uat we have extended our trade . to such an extent , *** «! the working people are . in danger of dying for ¦ H ^ because certain great capitalists shall monopoly an to themselves . Hoirrrer , let us hope that such a state of things will **» be put an end to , that all who labour shaH enjoy a K ^« Hnry , £ nd every man sit under Ms own fig-tree a "cne £ ^ iB £ ke him afraid . ¦ 5 ,. Ax Old Refoexer . mmzg hzm , Jan . sth . lii-2 .

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      TO FEARGUS O'COXXOB , ESQ . ? LETTEB 1 T . ov * " —* km s » id there is not a creature or thing in to •» ^ ' **** doeS no * ^ under certain laws peculiar **« en which its very being depends ; and that w ! 1 no exception to this rule . And further that the * anposed on all the beings on this earth are the oeIt ' v ^* t * K ) S peculiar to tie inferior animals are from A ^ H 611161118 ' n * in no other respect different Ujs rate ^ P ^ ^ P man > or i 31 otIier "words that nature of men is emblematical of , and contains all ^~ , J other set of bei-gs , are susceptible of , full and P-fcte , forming a key to the whole ; for wMcb reason £ « stands in the pacocly of dignity , the undisputed t orfi ° L oeation J n ° r do I mean to detract in the ^* " £ st from the height or importance of his

      posi-SoTrever , it should be kept in mind , although the ^ fnt andscope rf the bvsra peculiar to man , sets him JsoukT 6 * 11 otha "Hmstsd beings ; that they are *» ineies 3 kndingou that account , bnt the more so , & light direction of all depends thereon—nor ^ a it be lost sight of , although men are endowed B * , advantages , it entirely depends on hew they - Jhot ; that is whether they pay more deference and « we more closely within the vortex of the laws they « jffider ; whether with sll their greatness they are r £ "y superior and less reprehensible than beingB of an ^ or organisation . To think on these laws , their Jf « uon and bearing on mankind and the world as £ ** inheri tance ; axd then en the arrangements they Snrb , ^ 6 to £ Te e % rt aEd direction ' to these as imjsaoie conditions imposed by nature , little is perj- ^ e of that beasted tact and love of justice , the ^* & family are so anxious to arrogate to them-**» wants and necessities , peculiar to the human ***> « re conditions imposed by nature , which man can-

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      not alter ; and consequently , has no right to find fault with the resources from which these necessities are supplied , are alike the works of nature , n « r will it do to say , that these are made for one part of mankind , more than another . The arrangements under which these wants are to be supplied from these means , from what are called constitutional laws ; depending for their nature , and bearing on the judgment of men themselves . . And from tha character of those now existing we may judge how far our ancestors , have been prompted by reason and justice , in forming the conditions , by which the munificence of God , should be husbanded , * so as to supply the necessities of his creatures .

      The degree of wisdom necessary for this purpose , is to know that , human beings want faculties , and altogether are as tbey are ; and that the means from which they alone can be supported , are so likewise ; consequently , the object of legislation , ia to meet these conditions , bj making the most of one , so as to supply the demands of the other ; such evidently being the design of nature , and we shall shortly see how fax , our lawgivers have acted with this understanding . Were the provisions of nature , equally distributed , and no part kept back , nor no means used to prevent men generally , from making the most of all within their reach , and all not enough ; taenwe might blame

      nature for our scanty supply . But when we hear from the admitted statistics of these very lawgivers , that our country under proper management , is capable of maintaining at least four times the amount of our present inhabitants , in- affluenca . And then to think , on the misery , that exists at this time , while our country is laying waste , under the domination of those yclept guardians ; no one can be at a loss to discover where the blame lies . I say of them , and their ordinances , we have a right to complain , common prudence and self-preservation prompts us to condemn their proceedings , and the unhallowed system they have concocted , whose results are misery and want , in the midst of plenty .

      To have a view of the foundation of these arrangements it will not be necessary to rake np the ashes of the constitutional laws of the Jews , the Chaldeans , the Persians , the Greeks , or the ancient Romans , as these syBtems whatever -were their merits or demerits , all sleep to wake no more ; the system © f gavernment now pursued in All the states of Europe , was established Bone 1500 years ago by a Roman despot called Constantine , ia the folio wing manner . Two sets of peers were set apart for the management of public affairs , designated the guardians of the people ' s rights , the temporal lor « Ls to govern things temporal , and the spiritual lords thingB spiritual ; these , in either case , holding discretionary powers to enact such l&wa and regulations from time to time as expediency or existing

      circumstances required . Of these lords and their proceedings , the different states of Christendom have had a fair triaL The present order of things in all its ramifications , is the result of what they have done . Of their history , little needs be said in this place ; it is evident neither have understood the nature of the trust reposed in them . For instance , the temporal lords , instead ef endeavouring to regulate the supply of nature ' sprovisions , so as to meet the necessities of the people , have claimed all as their own . AS if they only stood in need of these things ; and the spiritual lords , whose , duty it is to ascertain and define the natural rizbts of all and teach

      all to understand and respect them ; instead of which they have all along laboured to convince men that no such things existed , thus have they , in the face of natoife , and nature ' s laws , stood with eyes open and seen the temporal lords , lay hold of the provisions of nature , and claim them as their own to the total subversion of all human rights , and disregard to the wants and necessities of all but themselves . Hence the present order of things , the temporal lords , not the guardians but the owners of the soil , and the spiritual lords , not the- defenders of the people ' s rights , but doing what they can to reconcile them to put up with the loss .

      These last-named guardians received a check at the Reformation , though their conduct in this respect is not altered from what it was before the introduction of Protestantism . However , although that movement has had no effect on the conduct of these guardians , it very materially alters the position of things , as it ttrikes at the root , and is condemnatory ef the whole system of guardianism ; and although the protest is only aimed at the spiritual Lords , still , in a philosophical point of view , it is equally applicable to the temporal Lords ; as , for instance , if the system of man , trusting in man , is bad , why permit it at all ? and if otherwise , way protest against the supremacy of the spiritual Lords ? Are our spiritual concerns more secure out of the hands of these guardians ? And , if so , would not' our temporal concerns be bo likewise by protesting against the temparal Lords , and withdrawing their powers in a like manner ? There is a want of philosophy here on some side .

      Can things done By the sovereignty of a Prince not be undone by the sovereignty of a people ? Can powers created by the breath of one man , and misapplied by others not be withdrawn ? Or shall the human race suffer for the folly of a king , or the heartlesss conduct of his minions ? Shall these guardians , conjunct ! y or severally , trample on the rights of mankind , in opposition to the natural laws instituted by high Heaven to defend them , supported , too , by that book we all pretend to believe and obey ? Shall they , under cover of that very testimony , swindle the human race out of all that makes life dear ? Were men men , either in reason or perception , they could not .

      Where is the constitution these guardians have reared ? Let its character either juttify or condemn them . From its merits let their justice and love to man be estimated . - Test their laws by the laws of HIM who is yet the Guardian of these rights tbey have set at nought . By whose laws does one toil and another eat the fruit thereof ? By whose laws are the provisions of nature the monopoly of the law makers ? By whose laws are three fourths of the community deprived of all legislative power ? By whose laws are the poor taxed to supp-rt the rich ? By whose laws are the streams of education adulterated , and made tributary to the power of money ? By whose laws is the Brxuai tie made matter of pecuniary interest ?

      As these are what they should be or not , our guar dians- can be justified or not : by Heaven ' s decree , laws relating to each of these points are matters of legislation ; enactments grounded on these heads according to justice , equal to all , form the constitutional rights of the human race . If , in the meantime , laws affecting these are in accordance with justice , ltt our guardians have it , as it is their doings . If not , to their condemnation be it , as they are alike the originators , ani accountable for the whole , whether good or bad . Nature has constituted all men alike , and its constitutional laws are alike to alL Our guardians have thought different , as they have formed things according to the understanding that they alone had wants and necessities , and all others were there merely on purpose to serve them .

      Were such the fact in nature , they would have been justified in monopolising all to themselves , and deferring to form a constitution recognising the rights of others ; but since the case ia otherwise , they are chargeable , to the full amount , with all the human race has suffered , since they were invested with powers to form a constitution recognising these claims , and have neglected to ' do so . From these remarks , it will be perceived that the greunds of our constitution is the uncontrolled will of these guardians , to meet which all their legislative enactments have been . And from the results , we may judge of the consequences of trusting matters of such moment to the gu&rdiansMp of men in any shape whatever .

      To have a comparison between the systems propounded in my lastJetter and that now existing , is to suppose them acting under the laws there propounded as given rules , as men acting by discretionary power with no rule at alL By the latter method the present order of things has been produced . Could men acting under such laws , bring things to a like state ? I say nay , and hold that system as infinitely superior to that new in existence , inasmuch as it has justice for its basis and the well being of all for its aim . And I hold it will be difficult to prove , that the present system is either the one or the other .

      Who would do the drudgery of society and be robbed in return ? Who would allow their patrimony to lie in the hands of a society whose managers held all as their own ? Who would recognise a society who denied the majority of members the right of fellowship ? Who would defend a society which forces its unjust decrees by bludgeon and bayonet ? Who would be one of a society which deprived its members of a home ? Who would rely on the wisdom of a society -wMcit held its members ignorant of ita proceedings ? Who would form a ' part of a society which held poverty as a sufficient pretence to sever the social tie ? Be this as itrnay , under such a society we all live ; and the Lords Spiritual , whoBe duty it is to protect the people ' s fights , and on whose faithfulness they rely , acquiesce in the whole matter , and are partakers of the BpoiL Knowing all this , let those who "will support the present system , I cannot

      It now remains to be enquired into , whether any scheme yet proposed as a substitute , is better calculated to meet the human character than that submitted in my last . In the first place , Chartism forms a section of that syrtem , and admits of no compromise . Socialism comes next / to meet which , does a principle of responsibility exist in nature ? is Christianity true ? The system I have propounded entirely depends on the one , and is drawn according to the tenor of the other . All my reasoning depends on the action of a principle of responsibility , in its relation to the material f eelinga as directing them , in their several avocations toward the material world . The socialist * are not aware of this method of treating the question , from

      the fact , that they deny the principle on which all such reasoning turns , end the grounds from which the fabric is drawn , the conBtquenc * of wMch leads to some very material doctrinal differences . To have a view of which , first compare for laws of temperance . Socialism has nothing for distribution of property ; Socialism same as that propounded by me for Universal Suffrage ; Socialism has hereditary legislators , far trade , commerce , and general ramification of society ; Socialism nearly the same as mite for laws of community ; Socialism , Efcsual intercourse freely permitted , direction of youth ; Socialism nearly the same as mine^—for several laws very different , for which vide' my last letter ; next for rewards and punishments , Socialism has nothing . It is clear the Socialists are brought to ' this view of the case , from their denial

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      of a principle of responsibility ; hence the differences in the flr&t , third , fifth , and seventh sections , in thai * system ; as these could not bs as I have placed them , if man were not , in a certain sense , a responsible being . The Socialists' doctrine of irresponsibility ha ? led to a rather queer dilemma here , which is notklng less than the total denial of all law , or mode of enforcing obedience to any regulation whatever , still they make conditions , and I maintain conditions are laws ; and , if these are not to be enforced , why make them ? Talk not to me of circumstances , or interest , water pipes are not provided with fire plugs on purpose

      to set houses on fire , but to prevent the consequences , should Buch catastrophe happen . In like manner I hold , the less frequent that such laws ought to be enforced the better ; still to make sure that men may not , as heretofore , act regardless of circumstances and interest , and that such actions may not be injurious to others , I hold ( after giving full scope to human nature in all its bearings , in as far as moral precept will permit ) that laws definite , and imperative , are required , and that the penalty for breach should be definite , not depending on the discrimination of a judge ; so much being necessary not to maintain a system of cruelty , but to prevent it

      From the whole , it will be perceived that my system is infinitely more comprehensible and tangible , widely different in spirit , and leaves much less to chance , than that of Robert Owen and tha Socialists . And , lastly , their mode of establishing their system . Let the poor man blush : mosey ! money ! ' money * And for what is it required , if justiee and humanity demand the introduction of a system ? Be it remembered the guardians are the owners of the soil only while the present system of Government holds good : if that is nullified , they have no more right to retain any part oJ the provisions of nature than a receiver has to retain stolen property in the face of the rightful owner . How do we generally settle such cases ? Spoonies !

      Next comes the Shepherd , the Editor of the London PhalatiM , and the redsubted overture of CHARLEi Fockier , the five acre system , regarding which I have to say , were the human race stationary , with none retiring and none coming in , and if there were five acres on this earth to each , then it might be allowed that all was equitable , but since the case is otherwise , either some must be deprived , or 6 very outgoer or incomer , must alter the relation of these tenements , this much without questioning whether there are five acres to all that is or may be on this earth at one time , such absurdities may pass with the Editor of the Phalanx and his followers , who look for an interposition of Providence to work out the required change , aud of course reconcile themselves to wait and do nothing until Providence thinks proper to do the work . "These are they who look for a sign , but it shall not be given them . "

      Still I could excuse the lucky arithmetical impudence of the Editor of the Phalanx , as his only aim Beems to be to write so that he may lick the dust of the earth for his trouble ; and if he succeed in thU by sophisms of any kind , he ib only on an equal footing with the great body of journaliats of the present day . But how it comes that men of such penetration and sterling honesty as yourself and Mr . O'Brien should be misled by such doctrines of this kind is past my comprehension . I wish to remark , from the lengths both of you go , it is not worth your while to stop short of what justice demands . Then Buppose tae whole land in this country ltt out in portions of five acres each at a given rent , concerning this rent who is to pay it , and to whom is it to be paid . He who pays is superior to all who live with him , and he who receives it is an aristocrat on the same footing are aristocrats now are ; and still the question remains to be answered— " What

      is to become of the rest who have no five-acre farm , and who receive no rent ? are these on an equal footing with the other ? " Remember the provisions of nature are the property of the human family , to be husbanded so as to exclude none , while your five-acre system would exclude all by laying an embargo on the munificence of God . So it is by the present systems of guardianism ; but if justice shall rule the case is very different . To those who wish to uphold the present system , or cannot see the possibility of rearing a substitute , your mode of reasoning may do ; but those who stand for a principle of justice must learn to treat the matter apart from everything it has been : these must draw their arrangements so as to enable the whole people to make the most ef ths whole provisions of nature , without depriving any part , or giving to any a preponderance Such is the end to be attuned without questioning its relation to the present or any other system .

      Concerning all eur minor schemes of reform , such as peace societies , charitable institutions , of all kinds , temperance societies , educational societies , and all conventicles , -who wish to see Corutianity placed on its true basis , and labour meets ita reward ; the supporters of all of which seem to have an inborn wish for the welfare of the human race , but as thtir schemes for obtaining the end are indefinite , and far from the mark , I invite them to consider the system propounded in my last , as all their objects are contained under its several heads , and may all be attorned at once by establishing that system .

      lam told the public mind is not prepared to deal witb matteTB of this kind . Then why tamper with it at all ; or is it necessary to promulgate error , in ordei to arrive at truth , or is it the way to bring the question to a speedy issue , to keep back any part of the necessary information . For my part , I think not , though I am aware those who wish to make a trade of agitation , will differ from me . - In my next , and last letter , at this time , on this subject ; I shall point out some of the reasons for taking the course I propose , and some of the results , certain to follow its adoption , and likewise some of the consequences of pursuing a system of agitation , without a specified view of the end to be attained . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your obedient Bervant .

      Charles Duucan Canon-rtreet , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , January 10 th , 1842 .

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      * + CASE OF CARKrER THE CHARTIST VICTIM . TO THE £ DJTOB OP THE XOHTBEBN STAH . Sir , —Many inquiries having been made as to what has become of Mr . Carrier ; and whether he has received the amount due to him from the benefit at the Social Hall , on November 8 th , 1841 . In answer to the first , I beg to state that he sailed from Liverpool on Thursday , December 30 th last To the second , I hold Mr . Carrier ' s receipt for £ 12 0 s . 6 d ., leaving £ 4 5 s . 3 id . due to him out of the whole amount of £ 16 5 s . 9 i < l . ; the proceeds of the benefit . On Sunday , December " , Mr . Carrier , myself , and Mr . Joslyn , a member of the committee , were out the whole day endeavouring to get in the residue , bot did not succeed to any great amount . Mr . Carrier having left his wife and child at

      Trowbridge , at his request the money , when paid , is to be forwarded to Mrs . Carrier . Arrangements have been made with Mr . Carrier , Sen ., who resides in London , to that effect I believe that the individuals who held tickets , will pay for them as Boon as they receive it from those who had them , with one exception . The same difficulty has been experienced on former occasions ; therefore , in justice to myself I feel compelled to mate this statement , as well as for the satisfaction of those Chartiits who so nobly snpported Mr . Carrier , both before and since his release . As far as I am concerned I know nothing personally of Mr . Carrier , but from the nature of his sentence , and as a victim to the cause , I felt it my duty to render him all the support I possibly could . Daring the lait nine months of his imprisonment , I laboured incessantly to bring his case before Parliament , and Lord Normauby ; aud with Mr .

      Duncombe ' s and Mr . Cleave ' B assistance , succeeded in getting him released six months before his sentence expired . The support he has Bince received from the London Chartists has been great I ' artily wish every victim had received similar suppui ^ . I have been led into these observations from the fact that I have been blamed by some individuals fer not gttting the money in sooner , the fault does not rest with me , consequently I deeline participating in any odium that may arise from it . Since Mr . Carrier ' s departure I have received a portion of the balance , which has been sent to his wife . You will greatly oblige by giving this an insertion in your valuable journal I am , Sir , Your 3 , in the cause , J . W . Parker . 38 , Rupeit-strett , Haymarket .

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      mm TO THE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF THE " NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . " THE ADDRESS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL LIVING AT BRIGHTON . Brethren , —Strongly attached to the " People's Charter , " on account of its embracing the principles on which , alone , as we think , political changes can be made advantageously to the great mass of the people , wo are prepared to second to the utmost of our very humble means , a plan of national organisation , being fully convinced that a thorough organisation of the more useful classes must precede any efficient and beneficial alteration of the political system now so loudly denounced , and justly complained of . We believe still , as we have believed from the beginning of the late ,

      and , in many respects , disastrous , agitation , that the present possessors and abnsers of political power will laugh at , and slight the demumnga of the industrious classes , until by a good and wide-spread combination of energies , and concentration of purpcta they become too formidable to be laughed at with impunity . Next in importance to unity , or singleness cf purpose , is a welldigested system of organisation . It ii because we are convinced of this , that we attach a very great importance to the ofiice which you fulfil In the " National Charter Association—and it is with feelings of pleasure that we can congratulate our brother Chartists in the various parts of the kingdom on the possession of a council that has acted , and purposes to act so unitedly , firmly , and dispassionately .

      We feel that you are awkwardly situated inasmuch as your methods of action are liable to be misconstrued and injuriously interpreted ; we were , therefore , gratified in reading your last address to the association , to see the temperate and argumentative style , in which it was couched ; it gratjied us to observe that your firmness was of a character calculated to command re-

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      spect , rather than to excite fruitless discussion ; and we earnestly hope that this spirit at action will be henceforth exhibited by all classes in the association , — when we shall have fully learned to treat th « eentimenU , and even the failings * ad errors of each other with deference ; and shall have become , one and all , In the _ great duty of perfecting the organisation we have founded ; then may we expect to make rapid progress in the attainment of our ultimate objects . We have made these remarks because we feel indebted to you , as the Executive Connotl ; f « setting forth , in your several . addresses , an example of moderation and deference united with firmness , that if universally followed must command and secure for us the respect of our opponents . . Y ^ . To your last addresses we can have but little to object . ' .-: . - ¦ : . :. ¦ '¦ ' ¦ - . ; : ¦ - . ' , ¦; ., ' . -. : - ¦[ ¦/ . . . ¦

      In respect to the present plan for issuing cards , we tWnk , with yourBelvefc , that . ' the . Modification proposed by our Bristol friends would be the substitution of one evil for another , without any real advantage . The present unrestricted .-method of distributing card ? is more national , and in better keeping with the broad principle on which we are united . But : we would ; nevertheless , urge upon you the propriety of ^ keeping the objection of our Bristol friends ever before you , with a view to the ultimate adoption of some means of obviating those little evils which may continually Bpring upto , weaken the force of our organisation . S In respect to the means proposed for collecting the Convention Fund we have an objection to offer , but we do so with deference , because we cannot for a moment doubt that you have given the subject deep conaideretion . ¦ ¦ " ¦ ¦ '"¦ . '¦ . ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ .- ¦ ¦ : . - ¦¦ ¦ :. ' , -:

      It is obvious that , when wo are frequently required to raise funds for various objects , and when , too , the pecuniary resources of all of us are more or less so restricted as to render our contributions a work of great denial , the levying of new funds should be as much equalised as possible . i In Brighton we have feli the desirability of this , for we have ever been among the most forward to second any good object when money has been wauted ; and thus we have frequently had as many as five or six distinct accounts opened for contributions . We think that the plan yon propose to adept in the collection of a Convention Fund iB unequal . You say in your address ' That in Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilta , there are as many towns where the Association extends as will pro * duee the required sum at an average of Two Founds each . "

      We know not of more than five or six places in our district to which we can loak for contributions . Instead , therefore , of two pounds , we Bball have six or seven pounds to raise on an average in each locality . This la a great disproportion . Supposing there to be in the London district twenty-six distinct association localitiea , each will have to raise a fraction more than two pounds , and yet in London and its environs there must be far greater facilities for raising money than in this district It must not be imagined that subscriptions can be raised with any facility from those who sign the National Petition . We can speak very confidently for the South of England , at least , wherein there are thousands ol persons who do not object to sign their names to a petition , but who would most unequivocally demur ' against subscribing a farthing towards defraying the sxpences incurred . In Brighton we can look to very few beside the bona \ fide members of the Association for even " the

      smallest contribution , and yet we have but little difficulty in obtaining thousands of names . That taxation should be co-extensive with representation iB unquestionably just ; but then as our ' . association : is ' very unequally distributed 8 qme regard should be paid to the number of association localities in every district . This is the more necessary as we have shewn that little pecuniary support can be obtained from others than bona fide members of the association . If we are in a condition to support two representatives , Londonsbould have at least ten instead of three . If three representatives be enough for London with Its twenty-five or twenty-aix localities , then one representative ia suffioieat for syen a larger district than ours , where the association localities are bo few . If the

      population of the respective ' districts has anything to do in the distribution of representatives , then we find that even in this the grvat disproportion we complain of is further exemplified . You cite Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilts . These counties have a population of upwards of 1 , 000 , 000 , while Southampton and Sussex have but little more than half that population ; yet in both cases , the number of representatives are the same . But this disproportion ia trifling in comparison with the London district , which has a population of upwardB of 3 , 000 , 0801 and yet this district ia to have : only three representatives . We have cited no moreinstancea than sufficient to illustrate the grounds of our objection , perhaps on further examination , other discrepancies might be discovered . . ' ; ¦

      It is not from any apathy that we make this objection ; we find by your report that 13 , 000 cards have been issued , and that the sum you desire to raise is £ 432 , by every member paying only eightpence . Thia sum may be raised ; or , to take another mode of calculation , we find that the association extends to 299 localities , if we suppose there to be 20 members only in each locality , on an average , then thirty shillings from each locality , or eighteeapence from each member , would more than raise the sum required .

      Instead , however , of eightpence each , we have to levy on each member not less than three shillings and sixpence ia order to raise the sum of £ 36 . Supposing that one-fourth of our members are incapable of subscribing anything at all , the subscription would be yet more hard on the : remaining three-fourths ; we therefore trust you . will reconsider .: the subject , with a view to a more equal levy of the Convention Fund ; in fact , by way of adding a little force to our arguments , we must candidly t « li you that we cannot raise bo much money as £ 36 .

      While on this subject , we may as well Btate that we have felt the want of a map of the various localities of our wide-spread association ; we have thought that at a little expence maps might be printed by the Executive , and issued at a small charge to the various divisions of the association ; these maps to consist simply of the outline of Great Britain , with the county boundaries well defined ; some of the principal towns in each county marked down , and all the association localities printed in a conspicuous manner . This map stitched into a little statistical book , would tend to further our objects by giving to the members in every locality , a correct idea of the real extent of the association . . ' . ' . ' .-..

      We highly applaud the manner m which you have met the objections of the Bible Chartists—we respect the religious opinions of all men—we would not offend the peculiar sentiments of any man . Our great dlject is to bo united in effecting political changes that militate against no really religious faith . To make any religious opinions the test of a fitness for brotherhood would annihilate us as a party , and render our objects utterly unattainable . I We highly approve also of your address to the Glasgow Chartists . In our opinion your arguments are irrefutable . ' ¦ ¦ ' ¦ Having a high opinion of our Scotch friends , we sincerely trust that they will see the propriety of laying aside the little differences that they have raised , and , by joining iotis viribus , render our association both mere perfectly national , and invincibly powerful .

      Trusting that the new year may bring us renewed concord , and a less distant view of success to our exertion . * , ¦¦ '• ¦¦ ' We remain , Most sincerely , In the brotherhood of Chartism , Robert Colling , William Woodward , John Allen , George Giles , John Page , Frederick Page , Reuben Allcorn , Robert Lunsdell , Wm . Flower , sub-Treasurer , Nathaniel Morling , sub-Secretary .: Brighton , Jan . 9 th , 1842 .

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      FROST'S COMMITTEE , BIRMINGHAM . COPY OF THE LAST MEMORIAL SENT FROM FROSTS COMMITTEE , FOR PRESENTATION TO HEE MAJESTY , IN BEHALF OF FROST , WILLIAMS , AND ? £ ?'• JONES . ' ' ' ¦ ''•'¦ ' ¦ ¦ . . :. . ¦ \ V . ' ¦¦ ' ; ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ' ¦ to Her Host Gracious Majesty Ficloria , Queen of the 'United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland , The humble Memorial of a Committee appointed at a large Public Meeting , to take such stepa isa may be necessary , in order to obtain justice for John Frost , Zdphaniah Williams , and William Jones , who were illegally convicted , and transported in the year 1840 ; : ¦; :

      Sbeweth , —That we congratulate your Majesty on the auspicious event of an heir to the throne of these Realms , and the more especially as that heir is ai Prince , and while we feel grateful to Providence for your Majesty ' s safe recovery from the indisposition attending your accouchement , we would at the same time , respectfully press ; . ' opon " your Majesty ' s attectipn the general distress that is spread so alarmingly throughout the country , particularly in the manufacturing districts . We can see , by statistical statements of undoubted veracity , the distress that prevails in different parts of your Majesty ' s dominions ,: and we can see in our own neighourhood , such harrowing scenes of woe , of starvation and misery , as are most agonfaing to look upon .. Wecan find married women of good and respectable character , in the same situation as , that which your Majesty bas , through tbe blessing of ' ftodi

      gone through with safety , in the most deplorable and wretched stat © of existence , for want of the commonest necessaries of life . We can find the husband in a state bordering upon madness- —his children crying and imploring him to give them bread , and he bas none ; his wife is lying sick and helpless on a mattrass of atraw , without any of those necessaries and comforts , even the moat coarse , which her situation demands ; he has in vain solicited assistance ; and rendered desperate by his hopeless Situation , he takes that assistance by force that be has , in vain asked and even . prayed for . We again see him arraigned as a felon . He is tried —the law condemns him ; he is imprisoned or transported , and his family are either left to die of absolute want or are taken to the Poor-house , ( which is already filled to suffocation with similar objects ) whero they

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      are brutally separated from each other , and their deplorable situation rendered still more miserable . We' aineerely assure youi' Majestej'that we have not exaggerated the pioture we have drawn , for proof of which we appeal tp the public press . The common feelings of humanity induce us to contraat the miserable situation of the parties we have described with that of yourMajesty . Surrounded with every luxury that wealth can purchase , Hying in a splendid palace * with a moBtnumeroua retinue « of servants , to attend to your ' slightest want and gratify your every wish , your Majesty does not Bee and cannot feel the agony of want we have been describing , and are daily experiencing . "

      And while we humbly yet firmly request your ' majesty to cause this distress to be relieved , we at the same time would respectfully remind your majesty of-the custom which bas been handed down from olden time , of granting a general amnesty to such political and criminal offenders as may be deemed deserving of the graiious boon . , We would humbly beg to remind your majesty that the custom we speak of baa generally been practised at the birth of a Prince of Wales ; and Understanding that jour majesty has signified your benevolent intention of granting an amnesty ta such prisoners as may be deemed deserving ^ We therefore humbly pray your majesty to Include in such amnesty John Frpst , Zepbaniah Williams and William Jones , who were convicted aud transported for the term of their natural lives , though we believe such conviction to have been illegal and contrary to law .

      We sincerely assure your majesty that the pardon of these men would give the utmost joy , and satisfaction to many hundred thousands of your majesty ' s dutiful subjects : while it would confer the greatest blessing it is in your majesty ' s power to bestow , upon the wives and children of the unfortunate convicts .. The wives of these men look Upon their children arid say , hereby our gracious queen is a mother , and she will grant the prayer of the nation , and our prayer , and give us back our husbands ^ and our children their fathers , that we may be happy and have cause to bless her . A nd we would respectfully remind j our moat gracious majesty that the individuals we have Darned have undergone great suffering , both mentally and bodily , —enough to satisfy even the most vindictive of those who wished for their punishment These men are thousands of miles away from the land of their birth , pining away in hopeless despondency their miserable lives .

      We therefore imnibly pray , that your majesty ' 8 heart may be open to the still small voice or mercy and humanity , and that you may grant the prayers of your majesty's nust dutiful servants by freely pardoning the meu we have named—we shall then have good cause to bless and to pray for you . Your majesty ' s situation as sovereign ruler of these realms , places the power of exercising your mercy and benevolence in the mo * t prominent light , and nothing is so gratifying to the heart of a benevolent ruler as to be able to comply with a nation ' s prayer .

      As a proof that the return of these men is most earnestly desired by the people , we point to the many petitions and memorials that have at different times been presented for their return to their country : and respectfully point out"to your majesty the fact that when tie Honourable flouse of Commons , in Parlianient assembled , discussed ttie question ef "the liberation of political offenders" the motion v ? as only lost through the casting vote of the Speaker . Hoping that your Majesty will comply with our request , your majesty ' s humble memorialists will ever pray , &c Signed on behalf of the Committee , JOHN W ; ilkiNS ( M » > ' ) roint Secretaries ' T . H . Shaw , j Jolnt oe ^ eta " - John Bough , Chairman

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      . ; . '" ? . ' .. ¦ ' . : : ' ; ' : ' TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Jellow-Countrymen , — -In my letter of the Sth inst ., addressed to you , I endeavoured to show you that the prejudices which have so long existed betwixt you and the people of England were not to be traced to them , but to an interested portion of them . I have shown you that the aristocracy were that portion of the English whose interest it was to create and support those prejudices , in order that they might retain that power over you which they had unjustly usurped ; and T will now further prove to you that those assertions arefounded on facts , and that they are , and ever will be , the enemies of the people , uncil the people themselves arise in their moral strength , and assert their own power and independence . There is an old adage which says , " that a man forewarned is forearmed . " If this be true , will it not become your duty to protect your own interests , and promote your country ' s welfare , by opposing , with ail your energies , the measures of those wh » are your avowed enemies , and whose exaltation depends on the prostration of your political power ? To this query I will , no doubt , receive as answer- ^ - " We have opposed them ; we are even now arrayed in the contest of right against raight . and we will never cease to be so until we obtain those rights : and privileges to which nature and tbe constitution entitle us . " It will be only justice to you to acknowledge that such ia your determination , and , I believe , your intentions have ever been patriotic , and your fondest hope that of placing your country in the position in which she will be recognised amongst tbe nations of the earth . But although I admit the honesty of your intentions , I will , in duty to my Country , be compelled to show you that heretofore your energies have not been properly directed to produce the desired niR « A «> : . - ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦ .... - ¦ " ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' .

      That thia is not mere assertion , any rational man will afc once admit , for , having is my former letter proved that the aristocracy alone were your enemies , it follows that there ought to be ( as it affects yoa ) , but two political parties ia the state , namely , the rich oppressor and the poer oppressed . You , as a people , ought not to recognise any other ; for , no matter what other 'parties call themselves , whether Whig or Tory , you may rest assured they have no sympathy for y « u , and are equally opposed to your interest . On this point , then , you differ from" the Chartists ; they atand boldly forward in defiance of all descriptions of enemies , and are determined , in spite of the combined efforts ol aristocratic power and influence to conquer , or fall in the struggle ; whilst you allow yourselves to be guided by prejudice , and made the tools of a faction , who have ever deceived and insulted you , although their political existence depended on your support Thus we differ , and I ask you is it not more honourable to stand up

      boldly , as the Chartists do , than to truckle to such a contemptible faction as the Whigs , whom you have so long supported , and whom you are now , with your " Liberator" at your head , helping into office , although , by the by , the noble Whig , who is such a favourite with the " chief magistrate , " has , on a recent occasion , done honour to the " glorious , pious , and immortal memory" of the father of the vilest faction that ever d isgraced the nation ; but there is little wonder in such things , for your consistent lender ( . ' / condescends , for the " benefit o £ tha people" (!) to wear the hateful emblem of your country ' s enemy dangling at his button hole , as if in mockery of your sufferings . But ; here I cannot h « lp fancying I hear the latent voice of the " Liberator" himself bringing forward a resolution in the Corn Exchange , to the effect" that the Chartists are the enemies of Ireland , inasmuch as they voted for the Tories at the late Parliamentary elections , and thereby placed the enemies of the Catholics in power . " ' : .. ¦" . ¦ ' ¦¦ : '' ¦• ' . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ . - •' . ' ' ¦ : ' :.- ' - ' . '¦ '

      Now , I contend that when his Lordship brought forward that resolution , he must have fead an '' ulterior " motive in view , and that motive must have been to increase the prejudicea which he had already raised against the Chartists ; for it cannot fee supposed that such a politician as his Lordship could be ignorant of the fact , that ( lie Whigs are as much opposed to the people as the Tories , and that it is as much the interesfrof tie Whiga to persecute the Catholics as it is that of the Tories ; besides , he must recollect that ^ even in his Lordship ' s ; time , the Whigs have cot deserved the suffrage of the Irish people . It was not the Whigs who granted liberty of conscience to the Irish , nor was it the Tories who sanctioned the coercion , bloodshed , and little burnings which

      devastated the country under a Whig administration ; nor was it the Tories who erected bastiles in Ireland to imprison the starving victims of aristocratic tyranny and misrule . No ; his Lordship knew better ; but he depended on your belief of his assertions , as he knew his influence over your minds was such as to prevent you inquiring for yourselves . The Chartista acted upon that occasion as they should have acted ; they had ever known that the Tories were the inveterate enemies of the people , and they had learned' by experience that the Whigs were worse than enemies , inasmuch as they prttended to be the friends of the people whenever they required their support ; but their object once attained , threw off the mask , and showed the lion ' s teeth beneath the hypocrite's disguisy . Tiie Chartists

      bad sense enough to know that an open enemy is less to be dreaded than one who , under the guise of friendship , clutches tbe assassin ' s knife in his grasp and stabs you in the heart when you least expect it . The Tories seldom promise anything to the people , but the Whigs had promised , and his Lordship knows how well ; they kept their word . This , then , was the reason Why the Chartists opposed the WMSVand they have shown , by their conduct on that occasion , that the people are no longer to be despised , that the '' swinish multitude" have tbe power , and know how to use it to advantage ; they knew it was better to have only one enemy to contend with than two ; and , therefore , they very properly kicked out their would-berfrienda , and are equally determined to kick the Tories out , too ; for they sincerely believe that , whilst class legislation

      exists , the people will be victimised , and the country involved in ruin and desolation . The Chartists did not help the lories for love of them , but from a loveof fair play which henceforth they are determined to have ; and until you act in this way , your energies will not be properly exercised for your benefit Only ask yourselves calmly what have the Whiga done for you ? and you will have no answer that will ahow ^ their friendship . Now , I argue , that you , as a people , should not support a Whig any more than a Tory , as all are your enemies- It ia no matter what the Liberator says abeuV the virtues of the Whigs , because he is one him-Belf ; all bis eloquence wiil not be able to prove that they ate your friends . I challenge him or any of his adherents to do so , or to prove that the Chartists hate the Irish , because they preferred fighting with one enemy instead of two .

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      Only contrast the conduct of the two parties for a moment , aud you will easily see how much you ought to love them . They have both flattered you and tortured you in turn , and would equally deprive you of your natural and political rights . If one has invented a " sliding scale , *? and thereby prepared the w » y to stMve you out of existence , theMother invented scales and light weights , and hung them up in the baBtiles to weighithevpltifat crusts which hunger craves for . If ene used the halter and the jzibbeti the other used fire and faggot . If one employed the executioner , the other used secret service money , and transportation , and tore from the bosoms of their families the sons of liberty and independence . If one triumphed over th » smouldering ruins of Ireland ' s glory , the other plunged a firebrand into the solitary stack of the widow , and with sacrilegious blasphemy declated it was for the

      benefit of Christianity !!! If one is an enemy to civil and religious liberty , the other infringed on the liberty of the people , and filled the loathsome duugeonB with , their bodies for expressing their dislike to oppression ^ In fact , you have been the slaves ef both parties , and each have ruled you with a rod of iron . Will your Liberator still tell you the Whigs aro your friends T or will you , with such facts as must be within the recollection of each <> f you of their hostility to you * interests , believe his reckless assertions ? Let him turn over the black catalogue of sufferings which bis country has endured , and then if he is a patriot , I dare him to call them your friends . Oh 1 what a mockery of friendship , and how vain the hope to obtain " Justice to ifeland " from such two-faced tyrants aa the Whigs , who foe the past ten years have proved themselves the bitterest enemies of the people .

      If they had been really your friends , they had opportunity and power sufiicienti toBerve you . But no ; savage as the tiger in their nature , the moment you bore them triumphant from the hustings they forgot your claims for justice ; : and , in return for your services , presented you With a Coercion Bill , as a token of their " gratitude . - ; . : ' . '• . '¦ ¦" . '¦ " \' . ' " . ¦ . "¦ -: ; ' ' . ¦ ' ¦' ¦¦; ' [ ' ¦"¦' : ' "' :--It is vain to seek for j ustice from any class of the aristocracy , so long as the present system of legislation existsin these countriei . / Thereisno confidence to be placed in the promises of either Whig or Tory , nor ia there any friendship in the- advice which tells you to temporise , % ith . either party . . Justice will never be granted to the people until they obtain that political power which will enable them to legislate for themselves ; for it . is a constitutional right that you have a voice in the making ofthelaWB which govern you . . ^' - > -

      Irishmen ! I call upon you , by your love of liberty- - ^; by the loVe yon owe your country—by that spirit jyhifci has sustained you iu hfflictions , and bore you victorious whilst combatting the enemies of an ungrateful country , to arouse from your lethargy : Bhafee _ off your prejudices , for the moment Sb arrived fqr action . f The Whigs , your treacherous ' 'friend * , ^ are politically dead . The Tories are in power . You know : they hate you : their hireling press is : calling for more bayonets to silence you , and urging your tyrants to 8 uppre 88 the , rising spirit of liberty in your bosoms . Can you— -will " you hesitate ? You are all familiar with the wronga of

      Ireland ; her presentWretched , miserable , and'prostrate condition must fill your bosoms with dismay . The many thousands of her famishing and care-worn people bear ample testimony to the unceasing rigour of despotic sway , which has fattened on the misery of ita . victims ' . There ia not a town , village , or city -which has not witnessed the sanguinary infliction of punishments which were awarded to break your noble and patriotic spirit- There are many thousands still living who have seen their husbands , wives , and children torn from their bosoms , to be sacrificed to the fury of their insatiate enemies ; and why ? Because they loved their country better than their lives .

      Irishmen ! your spirit has not yet forsaken you ; you are still the sons of liberty ' s heroes , and your country is as dear to you as to your fathers . Arise , then , in your moral might ; let your voice , loud as the echoing thunders , reach even the footstool of Royalty ; for it is but right that her Majesty should know your sufferings , that she may do justice to her peopled Tell fcer the Constitution was framed for the people , and not the people for th « Constitution . Demand that you be restored to your proper position in society ^ and that

      your country be justly dealt with . Let no one prompt you to acts of violence , or deter you from seeking your rights , whilst' you do so constitutionally . Remember your success depends on the energy with which you pursue your object , and do not forget the greater the moral power the greater will be the outward pressure . Your moral power alone obtained Catholic Emancipation , and your moral power , Joined to tbe Cnartista of Great Britain , will accelerate your deliverance . Be united , be firm , and bear in mind the text—" Ask , and you shall receive . " . "¦ ' . ¦¦¦ .. ¦ ' ' : \ '

      Do this ; prove yourselves worthy to be called Irishmen ; and let your ixiotto be " Universal Suffrage , and No > Surrender !" : : ' ' /¦''" ¦ . V :--. - ; ' ' ¦ ; . \ - ; " ; " : ' , ' . ' I have the honour to be , Fellow Countrymen , Your most obedient humble servant , W . H . CHETOK .

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      - . . ¦/ . ' . - ¦ ' .. ^ m ¦ ¦ ¦ .: TO THE RIOHT HON . LORD STANLEY . " The waya of trade Are grown ^ elfish to the borders of theft , and Bupply tothe borders ( if not beyond the ' . / -borders ) of fraud ;'—Emerson . Mt Loriv , —According to promise , I now take upon me to shew you some of the effects of '' competition and monopoly , " < My Lord , before I begin my task permit me to give you to understand what I mean by the terms " competition and . monopoly . " ' I / mean that the master , having a power over the labour of man , ao as to enable him at pleasure to reduce the nominal value of labour , is competition . I mean that individuals possessing power , so that they can at pleasure enhance the value of provisions almost to a prohibition to the labouring man , is monopoly ; both of which ,: my Lord , are protected by the real source of nionopoiy , " class legislation . "

      My Lord , as one effect of the above source of evils , I will introduee to your Lordship a circumstance to which I myself was eye and ear witness ; It is as follows : —While taking a walk down Noble ^ street , I saw a man in the act of running away from the union workhouse , with part of his clothes on , and the other part he had left behind him ; be looked like death ; shivering and shaking with cold and hunger . He was invited into a house ( No . 17 ) where he partook of some refreshment ; such as the good woman had to give , — broad , butter , sugar , and tea ; in which house be told the following taje of / roigery : — - " I am a hand-loom weaver ; lived in Princess-street ; I became unwell , - so that I could not earn my bread made application for

      relief , was put Into the workhouse , was put to bed , and there remained three we . eks and a half , without being waalietl or shaved , or permitted to rise cut of my bed until my body and bed clothes became : one living mass of moving filth . I Was not allowed to have any thing to eat Hi drink , but doctor ' s phyaic , and now he has bo reduced me . that I cannot only with difficulty move along . I wanted something to eat that would restore me to myfonner « treng | lb :, but it was denied me . I buw nothing before me but ; death , anil that brought on by a knave in the person of a , ; medical practitioner ^ Such staring me in the face , I ran away from the hellhole the best way I could , and here I am , not knowing what will become of me . " - /

      My Lord ,. the above individual has been a producer of above an equal portion of that wealth , of which he was denied . . . ' -. ¦ . ¦ ... ' ;• /¦ ' ¦'" : / - ¦ :.. ' . ¦' ..-, ' ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ - ( ' ' - ¦ My Lord , when Tnanufacturers go to the market io sell their manufactures , if one should sell a fraction below the other , the consequence is a general reduction in the pricbs of isucb . manufactures . Masters come home and reduce the- wages of the labourers , which , in my opinion , is very foolish : for you , my Lord , must ; under 3 tand , that when a workman is reduced in his wages , he ( the workman ) is necessitated , in onierto have the same comiiiand over the comforts of life , to do more work , the consequence of which is , a greater surplus of labour ' s produce will be found to exitt in the labour market . By w ^ y of an illustration to the above , I will state a fact , with which every working man is acquainted . ' ¦ ¦'" ' / ¦

      My Lord , in 1835-6 , I . was living in this town . At that time I had for weaving a Botton fifty reed tape check , 7 s . 6 d ., waiie at this time I have only 5 s . for the samelabpur . ¦ ¦ ¦' ; . / / - . ;¦ . ; . / " - ¦ " ¦ ... : ' :. ¦ ¦ - . ' ' : / .. ^ V ,: ' . Now , my Lordi in erder to have the same command of the necessaries of life , I am obliged to work three yardaofclothin 1842 , for two yards in 1835 i .-6 , allowing the price of pro visions to be the same in 18 42 aa it was in 1835-6 ; but such is not the ease , for in < the former period bread was only 64 for the 4 lb loaf , while in the latter period bread ia 8 d for the 41 b loaf . My Lord , you see , ia order , for me to hive the same command over the necessaries of life I am obliged before I can compete . with the bread-tax monopoly to work 25 per cent , more w « rk in the present year , than what I had to work in the years 1836-6 . The effect of monopoly . i . / ¦ ¦ ¦ ' - ' ¦ . , . ' . ¦'¦ ' ! . ' / . ' ;

      Again , before I can comrnahd the same amount of proyisions I am necessitated to work £ 32 6 s . Si , per cent , moie work now than what I had to work at the period to which I have already referred . The tffecfc of competition .-. ' -- ' :. / ; / - ' : ¦ ''¦¦ ¦' / - .. . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ . '¦ ¦ - , Now , my Lord , I would ask you what will be the result of a system of government which allows such a state of things to exist ? to which question I beg to give the fellowing answer : — My Lord , according to the already-mentioned statements , I find that before I Can live the same in X 842 as I lived in 1835-6 , 1 am necessitated to work two yards instead of one yard , which is cent per cent la the short period of six years . > ' / :

      My / Lord , if in the former period there was a general complaint amongst master uianttfacturers of a surplua qaantity of ^ labour'si produce , what must now be the fact ? There must be an increased surplus at thii rate of cent . per cent , or the people must bave less of those erijoymenta which they enjoyed in 1835-6 ; therefore , if the system works on the same as it now does , the effect will be , the produce will become valueless on account of the extra surplus , whictt will become as abundant as stones in the street , add at the same time the peoM | i || ITH li Jft |> be naked for want of the purplua , ^ which evil can onlyiioe'l , , r * t > prevented by the legiBlatiye adoption of tbe People ^» V IA ' - K . ^^ My - Lord , I shall again address you on the » Ml > y- ^^^ t- \ 5 ^ ^^ ^ topic , after you take your seat in the class-crtatediBfij- ' ; iS «^^ . j jVk ^>' — demonium . - . . . ; - » rf ? y , ^ a ^ fc ffl ; ibV-. « , ^ > My next letterwill be ^ ^ headed ^^ " Popr Ma ^' a Polt !^ ^^^^/^^' In the interim , I remain , my Lord , ^^^^^^ j ^ s ^ T - ' ^ ' Yours in the cause of tiuth , Aj | fi ^^^ prT ^ 3 " fvV / And a friend to tbe People ' s Chatter , V Aag [ jgLfcis *^^> Boltou , Jwiuary 10 , 1842 . ^ aIEa ^^^ IWJ VJSA \ 3 ^

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1145/page/7/