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      A * . _ _ MEN AT LEEDS . On Tuesday evening last , & crowded meeting of the working men of this borough was held at the Music Hill , in Albion Street , to hear a v ' roa voce report of the-statemente made by a deputation lately appointed by the Short Time Committee to lay their views aad feelings before her Majesty ' s government . The mettiag was ealled for eight o ' clock , and by that hour the large and elegant Saloon was crowded to excess . The committee and their friends appeared in the orchestra precisely at the appointed . time , and were received with , enthusiastic cheering . On the motion or Mr . Robebtos , Mr . Joshua Hobson wis called to the chair , amidst great cheering . The Chaikmaj ? said the present meeting was called In pnrsnance of the following placard : —

      •¦ Working men of Leeds , yemr attendance is respectfully requested by the Leeds Sbort Time Committee at a public meeting to beheld on Tuesday night , January 18 , in the Music HaD , to heat the report of a Deputation lately sent by the Committee to Sir Robert Peel and other Members of the Cabinet , to press upon their attention measures lor the due regulation of machinery , and for providing employment for the unemployed . Mr . George A- Fleming , one of the Deputation , will be in attendance , and describe the important proceedings connected with their interviews with the Ministers . ¦ " Factory workers . ' attend . Be in good time ! Information vitally affecting your interests will be laid tefore the mctting . " The chair will be taken at eight o ' clock . . " By order of the Leeds Short Time Commiitee , "J . Hobso . n , Sec Monday , Jsn , 17 fch , 2342 . "

      It was just necsssary for him to premise that on the 10 th of October last , the Leeds Short Time Committee received a communication from the Central Committee in London , formed for watching over and promoting the jrteretts of the Factory Workers , recommending that § epntations from the Short Time Committees of Yorkshire should be appointed to proceed to London , « nd there seek interviews with the ministry , particularly Sir Robert Peel , and to Liy before him or them the state of pablic feeling generally throughout tha

      country with reference to tha short time measure . On the 13 th October , the Leeds Committee met to take this letter into consideration ; the result was that himself and Mr . Fleming were appointed as the deputation from Tweeds , and they accordingly went to London . He had the pleasure to say that in the proceedings of thi « deputation his friend Sir . Fleming had taken an active part , and as the bills stated that he would be present to state their proceedings , he would not further detain them but at once introduce to them Mr . George Alex . Fleming . ( Cheers . ) "

      Mr . Flbmixg said he felt very much pleasure in having again the opportunity of addressing his old and respected fellow-townsmen , among whom , for some years , he h&d enjoyed very considerable happiness And he thought it was due to himself that he should State this at tke outset , inasmuch as in the course of the remarks he should have to make , he should have to notice the allegation that he had nothing to do with Leeds , er the West Riding , or with the factory system . That , however , was only one of the facts asserted by the Whig press ; and it was generally found that when the TVhigs professed to give facts , those facts turned out to be mere fictions- ( Hear , ) He was called upon to give a statement of the reception which the deputation had met with , and the general ten » r of their

      interviews with the Ministers . Mr . Hobson had already Stated that the deputation from Leeds , on proceeding to London , was jeined by deputies from other West Bidiig Committees . A meeting took place , and a genera ; plan of procedure was laid down ; and , ash Was thought advisable , in order to save time , and in order to produce the clearest impression ttpon the minds of those Ministers with whom it might be proper \ a seek interviews , that one person should be appointed to speak in the name of the deputation , the others giving sneb assistance by way of remark tj ca-robor&tion as they might think right , he had the honour to be selected by his colleagues to be the person to perform that duty . Previous , however , to waiting upon Sir Robert Peel , they were told that a

      tmi to the senior Member far the Borough of Leeds would not be unacceptable . They accordingly waited npon Mr . Win . Beckett ; and as he had up to that time known netting whatever of the appointment of the deputation , or of their being in London , they took the opportunity of explaining to him all their views . They had a very kind and flattering reception at his hao ^ s . and he very generously offered that if be could be of any eerrice to them in any way whatever , by accompa nying tbea to the Ministers , or otherwise , he should be Tery happy to do so But as the deputation were desirous of steering clear of every thing like party ; as tkey were desirous of keeping tke measures they were sent to recommend clear from anything like tbe imputation of party measures , the ;

      declin&d the offer when it was first made , and stated to him as a reason , that they did " not wirh that what they recommended should be con-Bidereu either a Tory , Whig , or Radical measure , but & measure affecting a large portion of the working ci yjrwt and recommended by jns-tice and humanity . ( Hear ) Sir Robert Peel received them courteously and cautiously . When they had opened the "business , and stated the nature of the enactments which they had proposed , Sir R Peel met them repeatedly by stating several practical objections . These they endeavoured to meet , and fer some time they conversed on the subject of the Ttn Houtb * BilL From that Sir R . Peel led them , by a broad and general question , to the consideration of the st * te of the nation ; it was evident that he was desirous of hearing , through them , the

      opinion of the working men cf Yorkshire upon that subject . Tbe deputation , therefore , took advantage of the optning thus afforded them , and freely and without reserve told him their opinions upon the subject . They spake not merely of the extent of the diatress , but stated their opinions of the causes of the distress , and of the mode by which it might be satisfactorily and permanently removed . Te all their opinions and statement Sir B Peel gave a courteous , and he might almost say , a kindly hearing ; ana he ( Mr . Fleming ) could assure the meeting that he felt very considerably impressed with the importance of the position they that day occupied . For the first time , perhaps , in the history of this country had the working classes an opportunity afforded

      them of speaking boldly and conscientiously to tha Prime Minister -of the country upon questions deeply affecting their interests . ( Hear , and cheers . ) Under former Governments ( he would not say what description of Governments they w-. re . ) it was customary to seek for information at second-hand as it were . Commissioners were sent out to gather information , dear Commissioners they were , and they were sent out gectrally speaking to get up eases ; the information was generally one-sided , filtered and strained through particu ' ar channels to suit the purposes of the day , and on t £ at information , so obtained , Borne of the most obnoxious and disgraceful laws to be found in the statute book had been passed . ( Loud cheers . ) But on that day it was different ; the virtual ruler of this country

      and the working classes came together . The one was desirous of knowing what tbe working men ^ hought and the working men were desirous that he should know really sod truly what they did think . In that spirit they spoke , sad in that spirit it was received . "Whether Sir R . Peel possesses the moral courage to set bimself above the conventional and party influences by which , as an individual , he is surrounded , and whether or not , he will dare to act npon what he ( Mr . Fleming ) believed to be his own convictions of tha cause of the evils which affected this country , or of the means of remedying them , he knew not ; but of this he was satisfied , —perfectly satisfied , that he did know where the shoe pinched ; that he did know where the evil 2 ay ; and that was a first step towards having a sound and

      efficient rtmedy . t Cheers . ) In the course ' of that interview , he presented to Sir B . Peel the report of the Enumeration Committee appointed by the operatives of Leeds , and stated to him tkat the general result of that inquiry was , that nearly 20 , 000 people were living upon elevenpence farthing or elevenpence halfpenny per week-He took it with an air of deep commi&ser&tion , and he said . I am grieved to say that I have already seen that document . I sympathise with the distress , and I feel that something must be done , and speedily , to remove it ( Hear and cheers . ) Upon the whole , he would say , differing as he and all the members of the deputation do , from Sir Robert Peel and her Majesty's ministers , that a more attentive and patient hearing could not have been accorded than that which they received from

      ftiTn and his colleagues . Mr . Fleming then went on to relate succinctly the most prominent yoints in their interview with Sir James Graham , Lord Wharncliffe , Mr . Gladstone , the Duke of Buckingham , the Lord Chancellor , and Lord Stanley . The Date of Buckingham , he described a 3 a fine , frank , John Bull sort of personage , without any shilly-shally or tergiversation about him , but 3 straight-forward nobleman , who said all that he thought , told them duiing their interview that upon a Ten Hours' Bill he was with them entirely , and that whether in office or out of office , they might depend npon his services . ( Loud cheers . ) * ' And , " added hiB Lordship , " I dont think I can do better in this case f h ^ n act with your friend and my friend , Lord Ashley , your well-tried Parliamentary leader on the question . ** In this plain unvarnished statement of their several interviews , he ( Mr . F ^ had rather under-stated than ovei-stated the circumstances , because he did not wish to hold out false expectations ,

      or to excite hopes that were noi likely to be realised ; Jput , at the same time , it was but doing justice to those parties who thus received them , who thus listened to their statements , and wha expressed themselves as aympathismg with them , that they should state thus much . By their future actions the meeting would judge whether the sentiments or views that had been expressed -were likely to be attended to or their wishes carried out The deputation bad taken the liberty of recommending , in addition to the enactment of a Ten Hours Bill , » total Repeal of the Poor Law Amendment Act , or , such an alteration of it as would make It suitable to the manufacturing districts , in which they told him that law was inoperative , sad that they defied say Government ever to pat it is operation there They also recommended that a committee of moderate men of all parties in the House of Commons should be appointed at tbe commencement of the ensuing Session of Parliament to inquire into the operation of machinery

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      _^ v . n condition working classes , since 1815 , with a view of settling the question in a broad , comprehensive , and liberal spirit ; and they recomme&ded to ministers apian for home colonisation , by which unemployed men and unemployed capital might be employed for the benefit of the capitalist , landlord , and labourer . Those measures were all founded on one principle . The ten hours' bill was the principle on which they hung ; and if they were right in demanding that , they were right in demanding aU the others ; for they must go on , not in extending their foreign trade , but fc take measures for the promotion of a good sound substantial home trade . ( Hear . ) Immediately after the labours of the deputation were elosed , the deputation resolved that a report should be prepared ; they

      appointed hi ™ to draw np a rough draft of the report and he did sx Having other avocations to attend to , it took Mm some time ; but when it was completed it was sent to all tbe other members , that they might supply deficiencies and make corrections where nececeassry and then it was sent to be fairly copied out The deputation were anxious that the report thus prepared should not be published until shortly before the meeting of Parliament , that it might produce a greater effect upon the country and upon Parliament That was the answer he had to give to tbe question . " Why had the report been so long delayed ? " It was delayed that it might be accurate , and effective for the purpose for which it was intended ; and it had been effective ; it had , in consequence of originally coming &ut in the first

      Journal in Europe secured a larger circulation than any modern document he kaew of ; and , while' it had been hailed by one por tion of the press—while the Ministerial press had given it a hearty reception , speaking of it in a manly and candid spirit—by the capitalist portion of the press how had it been received ? They had touched it as gingerly as if it bad been a red hot poker I They had not dared to grapple with the principles it developed , but they treated it as every other person had treated such questions , when they had no arguments to offer—namely , the old style of Billiogsgate , and called the deputation nick-names—a proof that they had nothing better to offer . They had been most remarkably industrious in znakiDg inquiries who and what the deputation were , and they had found out

      that ( Mr . Fleming ; was an ex-editor , and an ex-journeyman plumber , which be never waa in bis life ; and that he lived in London . Bat if it was all true , what did it matter ? And if it was also true that Joshua Hobson was pnblisher of the Northern Star , what did that matter ? Or if it was quite true that Mark Crabtree was a beer-seller , ( which he was not ;—if the t&cia were true , supposing that the devil himself bad said them , it did not alter the principle one jot ( Cheers . ) And if they were not true , the deputation called upon those . who challenged them to prove their untruth . ( Loud cheers . ) And they would have a tuugher job than they were aware of when they undertook to do that These men act upon the principle which the Quaker adopted towards his doe ; be Raid I will not kill thee ,

      but give tbee a bad name . He then cried out " bad dog , bad dog , " upon which the people came with sticks and staves , and killed the dog outright So it was with our old friend Dr . Black , of the Morning Chronicle , and the Editor of the Sun , who had called out , not mad dog , but Socialist , Char tist , Ac . in the hope of raising a dost through which their friends migbt escape ; but they ( the deputation ) would take care they should not ( Cheers . ) It had been objected to him that he had nothing to do with the factory system , and that if he had been a factory worker , he might have had something to say upon the subject Now he had resided four years in Manchester , and had had much to do with the Short Time Committee , in watching the progress of factory legislation ; after that he was a year and a half in

      Birmingham , where he anxiously watched the progress of another branch of tbe staple trade « f the country ; after that he was two years and a half in Leeds , and they would all know what opportunities of observation be had hadhere . Since that time he bad visited all the great scenes of British industry , namely Leicester , Nottingham , Shtffield , Glasgow , Paisley , Duudee , and other places . Indeed there was not a manufacturing town in the country , ner a department of manufac turing industry , that he had not made it his business to inquire into , with resptct to the nature , extent , scope , and result of the present working of the system . And is not a man who had made it his business t- get information in every part of tbe country , who has been all his life a working man ,

      and who has been all his life identifi-ni with working men , and who has , particularly for the last twelve . years , been working with and for working men , much more likely to know the interests of working men than those paltry and anonymous scribblers who presumed t o ask what he had to do with the business ? ( Cheers . ) But let tfeem mark what that objection came to . If the factory woikers alone were entitled to spesk on this subject , they alone could legislate" on this subject 1 Was the landlord , or those who live upon fixed incomes , or the lawyer , or the seldier , compet-er . t to speak on this question ! yet these composed the I bulk of the houses of Legislature . And , he wonld ask . i how could thty judge of the claims of the factory j workers ? had they even the experience that he ha « i

      Did they not observe what a levelling principle that involved ; it was like saying that every class should legislate for itself , as they know their own interest best ! Again , it had been objected that he was a Socialist j The Short Time committees were in existence before I the name of Socialist was known ; the Short Time j Committees were in existence before the great Reform j Bill humbug wan introduced ; they had now teen in i existence for twelve or thirteen years ; and thty had j been composed of men of all parties in politics and of all sects in religion , who had made this the neutral or common ground upon which they could come and shake hands , having i an eye only to the common rights of humanity and I of their fellow-men . That was the principle on i which they had aiona acted . Oastler , tbe high Tory ,

      and Stephens , tbe low Whig , or tbe low Radical , if they liked it better , the lamented Sadler , with Lord Ashley , and others whom be could name—Fieiden , the Radical , and Hindley , the Whig , had all co-operated in this great measure . ( Cheers . ) That answered at once tha silly cry of Socialist or Chaitist It was no Socialist measure ; it was no Chartist Hieasnre ; it was neither a Whig nor Tory measure , nor was it advocated exclusively by either Churchman or Dissenter ; it was a measure idFecting the peace and the happiness—nay , the very lives of thousands of their fellow working men . ( Grtat cheering . ) At tbe time when it was fashionable to profess a great deal of philanthropy and a benevolent feeling towards persona who were thousands of miles distant , at tke same time that they were , oblivious of the sufferings of those immediately under their nose—at the time when their attention was

      wholly absorbed by the negroes and their piccaninnies , when all parties were auxioas for their liberation , and came forward and agreed to give £ 20 , 000 , 000 for their emancipation : at that time men of all parties and all creeds had been pressed into the service ; and no one thought of objecting to the tfforts of tbe anti-slavery advocates because they co-operated with such . And when it was stated by Lord John Russell , while he was yet a Minister of this great empire , that the inhabitants of Bolton were in a more distressed condition than the black slaves abroad , why should they not rest upon that declaration , and , sinking all minor differences , unite heart and hand to wipe away so foul a blot from the history of their country ? iCheers . ) Bnt he had been asked by many parties

      why it was that amongst the measures which they had proposed for tbe relief of the distress , they bad not suggested a repeal of the Corn Laws ? He might also be asked by Chartists , why he did not propose the enact ment of the People ' s Charter ? His answer was , that if he had been sent to do either one or other of these thingB , he would have kept himBelf to his business ; bnt tbe measures they had proposed were not party measures , whilst the two measures of which he had last spoken were party measures , and the parties who supported them had a right to put them forward in any way they choose ; at the same time , : it was the duty of the Short Time Committee and their representatives to follow their own course . But with respect to the repeal of the Corn Laws , and the extension of

      foreign commerce , it would be necessary that he should say a few words . In consequence of the Free Trade advocates having reitsraWd again and again their common fallacies , they had at last succeeded in persuading themselves that they were true—to what extent they had persnadi d others he did not know ; but their common cry was , " We have got more cloth than we can consume , and tha foreigners have got more corn than they can eat ; by the repeal of the Corn Laws and the establishment of free trade , we should be able to exchange our cltth for tbtii corn , and then all would be right" But he would ask whether the conclusion did really follow from the premises ? Th = y had get plenty of cloth at Leeds , and there was plenty of calico at Manchester ; the people of Ireland wert in

      need of this cloth , and they sent all their agricultural produce to this country ; why , then , did not the people of Leeds send them tiieir cloth ? The Irish corn could come in free enough , and Yorkshire cloths could go there free enough ; why , then , were they not sent and received in exchange ? It was because a third party interposed ; and so long as the present system continned , that party would ttind there to rapidly accumulate the millions while the people were starving . ( Cheers . ) He was determined that the question of machinery and wages should be understood , and he had engaged himself to a discussion in Liverpool and Manchester on these very subjects ; and he would take the best man they could find in any of the manufacturing towns to disprove the principles which he should proceed to lay down , and the facts by

      which he should sustain them . ( Cheers . ) It had been stated that the introduction of machinery had been a benefit to the working people of this country ; he denied that in tot * . He could go back to the time when the people of thin beautiful country , even iu his own recollection , were comparatively happy , and many of those before him could recollect the time when there was less machinery , but more comfor t than at present ; when tbe meal chest was kept filled , the loaves were plentiful , and the bouse was comfortably furnished . That was the time when they did not wear such finely dressed cloth u at present . but when the cloth and the men who wore it were substantial i That was the time when the producing and consuming power of the country were equal , as one to one . At that time , the country possessed abeut twelve millions of mechanical and tare * millions of manual power ; but now they had increased the mechanical power from twelve to twelve hundred millions . He could tell the time when they

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      had one wheel and one thread upon that wheel ; when one yarn was spun upon one spindle , as the old ladies do with distaffs ; but now we have the Improved jenny and the throstle , the double and the treble decker , an tbfcy could spin 3200 threads at once , all that was wanted being a bit of iron , a bit of coal , and a drop of water , and then they could go on . He recollected the time when children were kept at home to play and run about as children ought to do ; bat now they were sent to the factory in very early life , and were compelled to traverse behind the frames perhaps forty miles a day , whilst their parents were lingering out a miserable time for want of employment Indeed they had made a pretty job of " merrie England" Bince they got these new powers . Time was when a working man

      supported his wife and family , and thought it an honour to do so ; bnt bo it tha wife and child were forced to toe mill to labour for the support of the father , whom the machines had almost snperceded . Civilization had become inverted . They had often heard of the Indian chief smoking his pipe while the woman did all tke work ; but now the same thing had come to pass in England , for the wife and child were compelled to work , while the husband and father was compelled to walk idly through the streets . In those days there were no railways and but few canals ; and they had to bleach and dye by natural processes , and yet the world went jogging on comfortably ; but now the whole system was changed , and by no means for the better . But it had

      been asked , as there had been all this increase of wealth , why were the people bo ill off . Alderman Brooks said at Manchester the ether day , that it was because the base , bloody , and brutal landlords got it all ; bnt he wonld maintain that those base , bloody ; and brutal men did not get more than three and a half per cent , and he would ask if any of the manufacturers had been content with three and a half per cent ? If so , where did they ge % the millions they now had ? [ Here some interruption was manifested from a distant part of tbe room ; which was promptly checked by the Chairman . ] It was commonly said that the supply and the demand regulated the price ; and so they did generally ; but there were two kinds of supply and demand . There was the artificial demand and tho

      natural demand , the artificial supply and the natural supply ; and it was because they had the artificial rather than the natural demand and supply , that this state of thingB was induced , and that the distress of the working classes had grown with the increasing wealth of the manufacturers . The bankers , too , made money dear or scarce , or cheap and plentiful , as best suited their interests . It was these men who stood between society and its natural wants , and who interfered with the natural supply of those wants . But it was said that the Corn Laws very materially tended to increaas the evil ; he however must be allowed to say that he very much doubted this position . That was a law passed apparently for the benefit of one class of the community at the expense of another class of the

      community ; therefore he condemned it ; but whilst condemning that they must remember there were many others passed in like manner . He believed it produced some ill effects , but that it bad reduced wages he did not believe . If the Corn Laws had been the cause of the reduction of wages , there could have been no reduction of wages till the Corn Law was passed in 1815 , because the cause could not act until it was in existence : yet how stood tbe fact ? He had before Mm a table relating to the city of Carlisle , which showed that in 1805 a hand-loom weaver got 30 s . per cut for hiB labour , but in 1815 , only ten years afterwards , things had so much changed that the weaver got only fifteen shillings for the same description of work . That was before tbe Corn Laws were enacted , yet the reduction

      amounted to fifty per cent What had been tbe reduction since ? In the twenty-five years that had elapsed since the Com Laws were enacted , the reduction had been only sixty per cent ; so that if they were to reason very logically th » y would say that the Corn Laws had stopped the downward tendency ; for , if the reduction had gone on at the same rate as it did from 1805 to 1816 , it would have amounted to 175 per cent ; whereas it did in fact emounl to only 110 per cent- This was rather remarkable ; because the same influences which operated to reduce wages before 1815 , continued at work , and had been extended since that time ; but be would leave those gentlemen who said so much about the Corn Laws reducing wages to deal with that fact as they

      best could . ( Hear , hear . ) They had also heard much about foreign competition pulling down wages ; but ho regretted to say that it was not foreign competition , but home competition , which had produced bo much mischief . Mr . Fleming illustrated this by reference to a case in which goods had been fraudently shipped to a foreign market , at prices greatly below those at which they had been purchased in Manchester , which compeltd other houses , if they competed with them at all , to redoes the price ot their goods in proportion , which could only be done by enlarging machinery and lowering waves , while the original trickster having exhausted his means , became bankrupt , in a large amount of debt , not one shilling of which was realised . The last topic to which Mr . Fleming addressed himself was the home colonization scheme which had been recommended to the attention of Government He maintained that there was sufficient land in the

      United Empire , if properly cultivated , to afford susientation to one hundred millions of persons . The ilorniiiif Chronicle hid been very wroth with the deputation for recommending home colonization , and the Editor , in speaking of it , ha 4 said that he did not think he was called upon to discuss so " anarchial a measure . " But he thought that Dr . Black when he applied that term , must have got a new dictionary ; the object of home colonization was the increase of property , increase of happiness , general enjoyment , and general contentment ; but anarchy , according to hta ( Mr . F . ' s ) old-fashioned notion of its meaning , indicated the very reverse of ill this . In conclusion , he read from the Morning Chronicle , a review of Mr . Laing ' recent work entitled " Notes of a Traveller" which gave a very interesting description of tbe advanced state of agriculture in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany , where the farms occupied by the agriculturist were small but numerous . Mr . Fleming resumed his seat amidst great cheering .

      Mr . Wm . Hick then came forward and said , the pleasing duty devolved upon him of proposing a resolution which he trusted , after the statement they had just heard , would be most cordially received . He had the honour to be one who had assisted to send the deputation to London .- —he had the honour to be one of those who had been instrumental in sending their friends Mr . Fleming and Mr . Hobson to lay before the ministers their opinions on the great question of factory regulation , and what he wanted them to do was to tall him whether in so doing he had their concurrence and their sanction . ( Hear . ) He was not going to speak at any length , all he wanted them to say was , whether , when he voted for them he did right or wrong ; acd by way of testing this he would , without further preface read his resolution , —The resolution "was

      " That the conduct of the Short Time Comnnttees . of the Weat-Riding of Yorkshire , and the valuable labours of the deputation , sent by them to confer -with Ministers respecting a Ten Hours * Bill , and other measures calculated to benefit the working classes , meet with the cordial approbation of this meeting , and in its opinion entitle these parties to the gratitude and best thanks of the working men of England , and of the town of Leeds in particular . The clear , truthful , and eloquent statements they have been the means of laying before the most icfluential members of the Government , * respecting tbe condition of the infantile and adult manufacturing operatives of this and other districts , and the general and deep attention which the report of the deputation has excited among all classes of the population , cannot fail to be of essential service to the cause of which they have been the able and disinterested advocates . Tbe remedial measures which

      the deputation proposed for the consideration or-Ministers , are , in the opinion of this meeting , based upon principles which , if fairly carried into practice , weuld speedily place the werklng classes in tbe situation they ougbt to occupy , while a contrary course cannot fail to ultimately injure all parties . " Mr . Roberton , said , before seconding the resolution , he wonld , with the permission of the meeting , give a statement of the formation of the first short time committee in Leeds , and how it was formed . He was at that time working as a cloth dresser , and it was at the time when Sir John Cam Hobhouse introduced into Parliament a bill for the regulation of factory labour . The provisions of the proposed bill were printed in the Leeds Mercury at the time , and on looking it over the cloth dressers found there was no , provision in the bill for them . This led them to debate upon the subject , and a desire being

      ex-• pressed that some rotice of them should be taken i ; the bill , they consulted Mr . Baines npon the subjeci whoadvited them to write to Sir John Cam Hot house . This also they did , and that gcntlema wrote them in reply , inclosing a copy of his bill , an requesting them to call together deputies from a ] the ehops , and to form a committee for the purpos of obtaining all the information they could on th subject of factory labour generally which they wer to transmit to him . ( Hear , hear ) . These delegate did assemble , and that committee wa 3 chosen , an thus sprang into existence the first short time com mittee in Leeds , now twelve or thirteen years ago since that time Leeds had never been without sue committee , and he would leave it for them tosa whether or not that committee had watched ove the interests of those whom they were appointed t serve . With the 3 e observations , he had much plea sure in seconding the resolution .

      The Chairman was about io put the resolution , when Mr . Thos . Jojes , from the body of the meeting , said he had an amendment to propose . He was invited forward to the platform , and then said that he differed entirely from what had fallen from Mr . Fleming ; that gentleman had spoken to their passions , he would endeavour to speak to their reason ; but in so doing he hoped his errors wonld be pardoned , for he was not accustomed to publfc speaking , and was ill prepared to follow so able a speaker as Mr . Fleming , to whoso address he had certainly listened with a great deal of pleasure . Mr . Fleming said the short time committee had agTeed thai the deputation were not to introduce the question of the Charter or the Corn Laws , in their interviews with ministers , because they were questions of party politics : bat he would ask , were they instructed to

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      introduce the question of Home Colonization AAnd if they could introduce that jT wh j > not introduce the Charter . ( Hear . ) Why did they not go to the root of the evil at one ? , instead of lopping off a few useless branches . The speaker then combatted the statement which had been made , that all the Whig papers were against thein , when there was the Sun which Was the only paper to be found which would report the proceedings of the late Convention in London . ( Hear . ) He appealed to the Chairman if tbis was not the fact . , : r . .. The Chaibman . Aye : but the Sun would not do that until itwa 8 paid tor it . Mr . Jones . Did any other paper refuse it on the same condition 1 ; ; :

      The Chairman . I believe no other was ever asked . Mr .. Jowks resumed . —When he came into the roonv he had listened for some time with great delight to th © excellent and interesting address of Mr . Fleming , and for the firsvtime in his life , in an assembly of working men , he had heard a cheer given for the Duke of Buckinghami ' , ; a , nobieman who had stated in his place in the House of Lords , that nine shillings per week was enough for any labouringjnan to live upon and Vto maintain his family . That was the individual whom the depuka tion had thought proper to soft Soap , ( Interruption and cries of question . ) He did not consider that Mr . Fleming had spoken reasonably at all ; but had wandercd far from the question , and had even

      introduced the acoidents on railways , when it was a foot that there were far more lives lost under the old system of travelling , according to the number of passengers , than there Was by the railroads ; - ( 'Qaestion , question . ) He would , then , state tho grounds on which he had brought forward his ramendment , He did so because he was in favour of universal liberty , and of having all fair ; and open above ground . ( Hear . ) If these parties went to London to speak in favour of the working classes , why did they not receive their instructions from the working oksses—from those whom they say they went to speak for i ( Hear . ) He was convinced that had they received their instructions from the people whom they said they represented , they would have had a different errand ; for working men would hot

      allow their leaders any longer to drag them through the bogs and quicksands of poverty and faction . ( Hear . ) Much had been said about the factory workers . In America , the factory girl w £ s more respected than the servant girl . ( A voice-r" Are they so here ?") No ; and for this reason . There the laws are altogether different ; because tk . ere the people legislate for themselves ; whilst in this country they are legislated for by others . The factory girls , therefore , are respected and respectable , and by their earnings keep themselves , and in some instances their parents , in comfort and ease . The speaker entered into a variety of other statements Hoi altogether bearing upon the subject before the meeting , but , nevertheless , he was patiently heard . He concluded by proposing as an ' amendment : —

      " That this meeting having heard the statement made by Mr . Fiewing on behalf of the deputation , who waited upon the Ministers on the subject of the Ten Hours' question , and having duly considered the sanie , are of opinion that the deputation not having been appointed by the people iu public meeting assembled , and consequently not knowing the subjects , the ; importance of which the people would wish to press upon the attention of her Majesty ' s Ministers , that the deputation cannot be considered as expressing the views of the working classes ; and , therefore , the meeting is of opinion that no countenance should be . given to that deputation , and that rather they are entitled to censure for not having pressed the subject of the People ' s Charter upon the Ministers . " ¦ ¦ : '

      Mr . Wm . Hartley , auctioneer , ( not a working man , ) seconded the amendment . He spoke amid great interruption , the entire of his argument being that the manufacturers were the workmen ' s best friends , and that the effect of a Ten Hours Bill would bo to drive them from the country , and then the landlords would be able to compel the operatives to work any number of hours for what they pleased to give them , Without a chance of mending their condition . He contended strenuously in behalf of the manufacturers , and depreciated in proportion the landed interest . He concluded by the expression oi a hype that the meeting would not support the original resolution , but thai they would affirm by a large majority , the amendment which he had the pleasure to second . Mr . f iEMiNG claimed a right to reply , and he was about to proceed when

      Mr . Wm ; Brooke said he had another amendment which he wished to propose before the question was put . - . ¦¦¦ :- . ' : ' ; . -: - . : ¦ . ¦" . : /¦ ; . ' .. ¦¦ : ¦' ¦" : .. ; . ¦' ¦; ' . The Chairman stated the rule to be that an amendment having been proposed and seconded , that must be put to the meeting before another could be proposed . If the amendment was carried , there would j of course , be an end to the matter ; if it was negatived , then would be the time to propose another . " ¦ ' : ' ¦ " ' . '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . ' "¦'¦ . ' - . ' ¦ ¦ ' . ¦¦'¦'¦ ¦ . .: ¦ . ; : : : ' Mr . Fleming , therefore , replied to the remarks of Mr . Jones ana Mr . Hartley , and during his speech , Air . Brooke , at the suggestion of Mr . Hick , appended his amendment to the original motion . The Chairman , before putting the amendment , read it over ,, and announced that Mr ; Brooke had introduced bis amendment , and appended it to the original resolution . He read it as follows : — -

      " But this meeting Is further of opinion , these principlesand privileges can never be safely enjoyed , except under the legislative powerH , which can only be obtained by the enactment of the People ' s Charter . " The Chairman also inquired of the mover and seconder of the amendment , if , after that course had been adopted by the parties moving the original resolution , they should still continue to press their amendment . They said that their object in moving it had been to secure mention of the Charter agitation : if that waB thoir object , now it was obtained by the consent of allparties ; therefore , he supposed , as a matter of course , that they would consider the amendment needless , unless their real object was , by a quirk , to censure the Short Time Committee and the deputation ; He was wishful , before putting the matter to the vote , that the meeting should fairly understand the object and scope of each proposition before them .

      Mr . Jonjes would not withdraw the amendment . . . . ' '¦ '¦ •' -. ¦ . ' ¦ ¦ .-. .. ¦ ' - ¦ : The Chairman said the motives of Mr . Jones would be properly understood and appreeciated by the meeting . With that observation he would put the two propositions to them . A show of hands were then taken amidst the most deafen ing applause from tho \ ast majority who held up their hands for the vote of thanks to the deputation and the Leeds Short Time Committee . The Chairman said he had ho doubt whatever of the result ; but , that there might be no mistake % he would put the propositions over a ^ ain . He did so , and there did not appear twenty hands for tho amendment ; while the resolution was adopted by a loud and universal shout of approbation ... It was declared to be carried by an overwhelming majority , which again called forth loud and hearty expres-8 ionabfjoy .

      The Chairman then addressed the meeting at considerable length , to the effect that the pbject of the Short Time Committee in calling that meeting was to afford the working men { of Leeds an opportunity of speaking right out On this question , and to say whether or no they approved of the labours of the Short Time Committee and tho deputation they had sent to Ministers ; That opportunity they had had . He had given every facility for the expression of dissent . He had allowed a gentleman auctioneerone who was not a working man , and who , therefore , strictly speaking , had no business at the meeting at all ; he had allowed that gentleman to second the amendment . He had also allowed the mover of the

      amendment to reply to the reply made to his speech in moving that amendment , —a procedure totally out of order ; in fact , every facility possible had been given the parties present to express their opinion pro , or eon . That Opinion they had expressed , in a manner at once decisive and satisfactory , to the Short Time Committee . In the name of the Committee he thanked them for the sanction they had given to the proceedings of the Committee and the deputation . It furnished a complete answer to that portion of the press who represented that the deputation had not spoken the feelings of the working clashes of Leeds . With their permission , he would notice some , few other Whig statements , for the purpose of giving them a flat

      contradiction , and thus set the deputation right with the public . As Mr . Fleming had said , the Whig press , finding itself unable to refute the statements , or upset' the arguments of the deputation , had resorted to the most paltry personalities , and had , bully-like , put the question to each member of the depufcationj— " And who the dr- —1 are you ? " One thing the meeting would also noie . While they had been commenting day after day upon the " Report , " and characterising it by all manner of " fine" names , they had taken care oarefully to exclude it from their columns ! They bad taken care not to let their readers know what it was they were talking about , and commenting on . Did this arise from a love of truth ? or from a fear of the truth ? Every man ' s own sense would supply the answer . This portion of the press , too , had employed themselves in giving answers to the elegant

      question they had put , 'V Who are you" i but they had been singularly unfortunate . They had repre ^ sented Mr . Fleming as an ex-journeyman plumber , and Editorof Mr . Owen ' s New Moral World . He happened to be neither one nor the other I They had represented himself to be Mr . Fleming ' s Leeds publisher . He happened to be no such thing . They had represented Mr . John Leech as an ex-member of what they called Mr . O'Connor ' s Convention , and as having been on speaking terms with the late Attorney General . It happened that both these assertions were false . John Leech never was a member of any Convention ; nor had he ever the honour of an introdaction to the late Attorney-General in any shape . Mark Crabtree had been described fta a beer-seller . He happened to be no such thing ; and while the Whig press had thus employed itself , in reference to the members of the deputation , insteai of refuting their Btatementa if they were

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      erroneous , it had also endeavoured to defame other parties who had had no hand or part in the getting of-it np , other than as set forth in the ^ Report . " Mr . Beckett , the Member for Leeds , had bean charged aa the getter-up of the farce , as these papers chose to call the proceedings of the deputation . Mr . Beckett had no more to do with it than Mn Baines , of Leeds , had . The deputation had been appointed by the Short Time Committees of Yorkshire . They had met in London to perform the duties imposed upon them . Amongst other parties , they called upon Mr . Beckett . They acquainted him with the object of their mission ; With that frankness and honesty which the meeting all knew Mr . Beckett to possess , he expressed himself

      delighted at the step the Short Time Committees were taking .: He said that he had himself , endeavoured to force upon the attention of those in power the condition of the working people generally , and the necessity of something being speedily done to better that condition . What , that something was to be , he did not pretend to say ; but : the method which the Short Time ; Committees Were now taking , was one admirably calculated to lead to a good understanding between allparties , and result in some well-digested plan of relief . It was right-that the government should learn from the lips of working meu themselves what their condition and wants were ; and it was right that the working people should , of themselves , learn what the position of the governors really was . If I can beof any se rvice , coi . tinued Mr . Beckett , to you in any way whatever , command my services . I am wishful to do all I can to gel the situation of

      the working people known , so that steps inay be taken to devise a remedy . On Saturday , I placed in the . hands of Sir James Graham , the report of the Leeds Operatives' Enumeration Committee ; and I have reason to believe that ; that document has told a tale . Your following u p that report with your own knowledge cannot fail to be productive of good . Su « h were the offers , and such were the observations of Mr . Beckett to the deputation when they waited upon him . In some instances the deputation had availed themselves of Mr . Beckett offers of service ; in others they had declined . Ah ! but then say the Whigs , "Mr . Beckett paid ypa ; " and "he gave you thirty shilling * a-week . " Did he , indeed ! If Mr . Beckett had paid us , I will be bound he would not have bad the meanness to offer snch a paltry sum as thirty shillings perl week for such Services J That is the Whig price ; and none but a mind that has been accustomed to screw down

      wages to the lowest possible point , could ever have thought of offering such a paltry pay . * Pon my word , but these Whigs must have a strange notion of Mr . Beckett and the deputation , to think the one capable of offering ^ and the other mean-spirited enough to accept such a price . For myself , I can truly say v that I rate myself much higher ; as being worth m \ ich more than thirty shillings per week ! and when I sell myself either to Tories or Whigs , I must have much more than that . That sum , thirty shillings per week , is all the screwers of the antir Corn Law League can afford for the few despicable tools they have been able to hire ; the Finnigans and the Warrens J and , forsooth j they think that every gentleman in the country is

      as mean and grovelling as themselves , and every working man as base-minded and despicably-spirited as the hired tools of the glaughter-hduse koepers . No , no . : When the members of tho deputation hire themselves , they will have more than 303 . per week ; and they Will be sure that the man who dares to offer them such a price is a screwer .-.. ' . ; But , then , were not the deputation paid ? In troth , they were The expences of the deputation were borne by tho Central Committee in London . M What ! out of Tory money 1 " No , out of Whig money I The Whig MP . for Ashton—the Corn-LaW-repealiDg Charles Hindley subscribed £ 5 D ; and out of that were the expences of the deputation borne ! " What ! then did not , Mr . Beckett pay you at all V Not a stiver ! Mr . Beckett has not even yet been asked for a subscription towards the expences of the Leeds Committee . But , working men , suppose that all these

      allegations had been true ; suppose Mr . Fleming , myself , and Mark Crabtree , had been v » hat the Whig press have described us to be ; suppose that Mr . Titus Brooke had been " illustriously obscure ; " ' but , which he does not happen to be in his own town , Dewsbury , where he is better and more generally known than any man in it ; suppose all this had been the case , and that Mr . Beckett had paid us the Whig price , thirty shillings per Week ; suppose all this ; pray Mr- Chronicle what has this to dp with the question 1 Are men's creeds and opinions to be measured by the Whig standard before the working people are at liberty to depute them to do the working people ' s work ? Is it necessary that the operatives mu&t ask Mr . Cotton Twist what shall be the occupation of those to whom they are to accord their conadenct ? Has " liberality" come to iliis pass ? Really , we are getting on ! What are the facts of the case ? The Short Time Committees of Yorkshire chose us to do

      their business . They told us what they wanted doing ; and they said we have every confidence in you ; go and do it . We went . We did our Work . We satisfied j amply satisfied , those : who sent us . We have received an almost unanimous approval from thia immense assemblage of working men . Who else has any right to call us to account ?? To be 6 ure , ' there are our statements , and our recommendations ; and there are the arguments we advance in support of those recommendations . These are public property . These - have a right to be commented on , examined , knocked down , if they can be . Let the Whig press then try to do that ! Let it confine itself to its legitimate duty . If we are hi error , show us it . If we have stated

      falsely , point it out . If the recommendations we made are not good in themselves or are not worthy of being listened to , point out the evil—show their Hnworthine 8 s . If our arguments are unsound , fallacious , prove them so . This is . your duty , Messieurs the Editors of the . ^ Whig press . Confine yourselves to it > Perform your own duty before you find fault with ours . Meet us fairly , and don ' t carp about the length of our coat-tails or the description of buttons we wear upon our vests . We stand upon the right of demanding that you take us for what we represented ourselves to be . We were deputies ironi the Short Time Committees of York-Shire . As such we acted . Enough for us

      thai , those bodies accorded us their confidence . Enough for us that those who delegated us are satisfied that that confidence was not abused Enough ; for us that you have thanked ua for our labours . On thests things we take our Stand . ¦ This is our position , and the Whig press will fail in dislodging us from it , by any attempt to make the ground of . quarrel ' - ' a personal bickering . When the Chairman had concluded , a vote of thanks to him for his conduct , in the chair , and a collection to defray the evening's expecces , terminated the business . The immense assemblage immediately dispersed ; and thus concluded one of the most spirited , most numerous , and best conducted publio meetings ever held in Leeds .

      Untitled Article

      WAYS AND MEANS FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE CAUSE . 'Nothing is more clear than that for the effectual advancement and establishment of any ; project , a sufficiency of proper means must be provided . The means of carrying on any tfficient agitation in the present state of society are talent , honestyj and money ; the last being necessary for the right application and development of the two former requisites . The anti-Corn Law and Extension of Commerce faction have money in abundance at their oommand . They have ho lack of the necessary means for hiring Bplendid rooms , specious orators , and venal editors , and of bringing these into requisition whenever and wherever a ohance ^ of success may be discerned . ; They have also , as an u&ual attendant upon wealth , a considerable amount of talent at command . Talent

      is not always associated with honesty ; here is always enough of it ready for prostitution to ensure workmen for the wealthy , however discreditable be the labour . They have these two requisites for successful agitation in abundance , yet their agitation is unsuccessful ; because they are so utterly destitute of the first and most essential one as to be incapable of even a successful imitation of it . The cheat is seen through , and the people laugh at it . In the Chartist agitation , on the contrary ^ there 13 honesty in every principle to be contended for ; there is enough of talent in their advocates to make that honesty apparent to every , even the most astute mind ; and hence the wide spreading of the principles of Chartism , maugre all the storms of

      persecution and all the disadvantages of poverty * Still , however , it is necessary tkat money should be raised . Lecturers cannot be supported , and a proper orgauiiation and due understanding with each other kept up without it . The modus operandi , therefore , by which money is to be raised for all the expensive purposes of our agitation is an important subject and deserves well considering . The ciicsed rule ot faction has dried up the sources of the poor man ' s wealth . It has robbed him of the ordinary comforts of his life , and it is to regain these that our agitation is intended . We shut not our eyes , therefore , to the apparent hardship of attaining this by the sacrifice of a yet further portion in fche way of direct contribution We know the patriotism of the people generally ¦

      we know their enlightened sense of these matters ; we know that they would—nay , that they will and do—cheerfully tax themselves for this object to the extreme of their capability ; but we Jihow also enough of their condition to make us feel anxious that this taxing should be made as light as possible . Every means of raising funds for the Executive , whioh does not involve direct , contribution from the people , must have one of two effeots . Itwill either lessen the amount of those contributions * or it will extend the usefulness of that body . Both th ( 8 e are desirable , and the more fully both of them can be attained the better . We have great pleasure , therefore , in submitting to the careful reading of the people the following observations from a correspondent , who signs " C . J . M . Thorpe . " They are worthy of attention : —

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      ' -.. " In every project yet entered into for placing ~ the working man in his proper station In society , two essential points necessary to be obtained have never yet bees attempted : — '" ' , " \ 'Y ' . - ' ¦' -- ' ^ - r' : -. "¦ ¦ ' . ¦ ¦' - ' . ¦ let . "It is ^ necessary to ^ mike the cause ef hia depression and consequent misery the cause of hia elevation and consequent happiness . ' ¦ ¦ _ : \ V ' " 2 nd . It is necessary to consider and treat man its superior toman ' s productions . ' ' " The principal < ause of the working man ' s degradation and misery is competition . Every means possible has been used to induce one man to underwork others ; and all that trade societies could do haa not prevented it ; H is , therefore , plain , if thia cause can be made subaiiryient to benefit the working man ; iastead of injuring him , he must commence rising in the scale of society . ; ¦*¦ . ] .- ' :. / . .: . ¦ -: / . .-.. C > . ' v ' : : ; . V ' -.: ;" - :---

      -" The plan suggested and practised by Mr . Pinder may be extended to every thing used or consumed by Chartists ; and , if it were , it would trim the tide of competition directly in their fayour , and furnish them with the means of carrying Chartism out to ita fullest extent . '"• : , ' ''¦¦'¦ ' - ¦ , - . ¦ ¦ -. ¦¦ '¦' r " y ' . . ¦• -, ' ¦ ' : ¦; ¦ . ' . Y " ' : ; .. ¦ ¦; . . - . . "If , for instance , bread were purchased of a baker willing to make the same allowance to title Chartists aa is usually made to retail shops ; that is , one half-penny each four pound loaf , it would produce about one half , penay par day for each Chartist This would be more than sufficient to pay all the expences necessary for the cause of Chartism ; and , if the Chartists were -to make it known that they , would deal with persons on those conditions , they would soon find plenty very desirous pf serving them with every article for which they spend their money ; so much so , that they Would obmpete with each other , in order tO j Obtain th ^ ir custom , the same as is done to obtain a contract to supply

      any large establishment The same principle might be -acted on with respect to tailors , shoemakers , < kc , by employing only such as would make an allowance to the society of five per cent This would tend to make members , and bind them to each ether and the cause of Chartism , and supply them with the sinews of war , < tc This would also bring about the second essential , that is , make a man of more importance than what man produces- fiitherto , no man could join any society without a property qualification ; it is necessary , in order to belong to the Char tist society , that one penny per week be paid , and thousands cannot do that But let the above plan be carried into practice and then all can join , for the only requisite will be , that they deal with those who make an . allowance to the society . A great ^ eal more might be said , but perhaps this hint may induce those who are more competent than myself , to enlarge on the subject and display its capabilities and advantages in the most striking and convincing manner . " ' -

      We have already given our support to the principle of these observations by commending to the notice of the people the advantage offered to them by that excellent Chartist , Pinder . To him belongs the honour ot'having . first promulgated this idea of making the wants and necessary consumption of the people subservient to the support of their own cause . Others , both in . the same trade , and in other . trades have entitled themselves to great credit by following in his wake . Let the system be extended as far as possible . Let ic , as Mr . Thorpe says , be established —settled as a fixed rule of practice with the Chftrtista body to purchase all their necessary articles of consumption of 8 uch tradesmen&p , like Mr . Pinder , make

      their profits partially , at least subservient to the general cause . We wish emphatically to place the example of Messrs . Pinder and Lundy before tbe whole whole Chartist public The one as manafacturer gives one-twelfth part of his whole re ceipts to the Executive : the other as retail agent and dealer , gives one-fourth of his whole receipts to the Executive , and one-tenth to the local funds of the cause in his own town , Qn that particular article it appears that enormous profits are realised ; especially by the retail vender . Oh every article which passes through the middleman ' s hands , a profit greater or less is realised . These profits have hitherto conspired to keep down the labourer ; let them be made subservient to his elevation .

      We shall be happy to afford one column , if necessary , every week to the announcement of the respective sums due to the Executive from such tradesmen , manufacturers , and shopkeepers , as thus choose to let some reasonable portion of their profits subserve the cause of liberty . The mode adopted by Mr . Piwdeb is to give on © ckar twelfth of his whole receipts to the Executive . He deals only wholesale—arid that the public may know that he deals fairly , and does not make promises without performing them , he requires ; ' each agent , who sends him an orders to send off an exact copy to the Secretary of the Executive , who will thus be able to ke ** p a check against him , and to know that the Executive are fairly dealt with . The " Executive may , by the saine means , keep a check on Mr . Lundy , by noticing how much he gets from Pinder , and then , as they know the rate of profit , they know how much it sells for , and how much tkey should have out of it . :

      This system generally established , the " exclusive dealing" of the Chartist 3 will be worth something . Hitherto all efforts at exclusive dealing have failed ; partly , ^ 0 doubt , not from personal misnnderstandings , and the want of an universal principle of attraction . Here then it is supplied . Let the baker , the butcher , the tailor , the shoemaker , the draper ^ and general dealer , in any town , who wishes Chartist custom , bid for it fairly , and he shall have it . Butletall who thus bid give ^ the public a guarantee that ' ¦ 'they bid fairly . We have now before U 3 maKy letters from tradesmen of all sorts , offering to devote a portion of the proceeds of their trades to the support of the Executive ; bat oflfering no means to the people of ascertaining whether they do so or riot . We shall publish no such vague statements as these . When parties , evince in an indisposition to subject themselves to scrutiny , the inference is , that their intentions are not fair . : :

      As many persons may feel disposed to try thia mode of catching custom as a mere business thing , we offer a facility to all who are so disposed—we shall devote one column weekly , if necessary , to the advertisements of all persons willing to establish themselves as Chartist ^ tradesmen , whether manufacturers or retailers ; and for their advertisements we , shaU charge nothing ' _ but the Government duty , which is eighteenpence on each one , and which must in every case be sent with the advertisement . In addition to this , we shall devote one : column , if requisite , to the gratuitous announcement , as news , of the sums respectively due from those parties to the Executive . ' . v ""¦¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ :

      We close these remarks with the following letter from Mr . Wm . Brelafordi blacking manufacturer , No . 18 , Royle Road , Burnley , who , in the patriotic spirit of Mr . Pinder , gives an eighth part of his whole receipts to the Convention funds . He says : — - ¦ . ; -:. ; : . '¦ ¦ ;• ' ,.- ¦'" ¦ ¦ ¦; .:: " When I wrote you last , I did not think of supplying any part with blacking but Lancashire , but since it hai igorie the round of the paper . I will abide by it I will pay carriage to any part of the country . If the associations thiiik proper to send Orders , I will endeavour to supply them , y

      " I thought that Lancashire would be quite sumcient for me to manage , if it was taken up with proper spirit . ' You need not think I want fo make ; a livelihood by it , for I assure you I do not , for after doing a day ' s work , a person has little time to devote to anything . especially { our trade { &currier ) but I must take &u hour from rest if needed . I do it for the benefit of the cause and not my own , for were the ingredients given , dfter allowing profits to the retailer , per centage to the Convention fundj and paying carriage , there would belittleleft : : ^ " Please give the address in fall Wm . Brelsfordi 18 , Boyle-road , Biirnleyy in your next , and you will oblige , ' - . •¦' . ' - ' - . . -. ' . ' . ;; . ; :. ¦ : - - ; ¦' .: - \ ¦¦ ; . ; ¦ " Your obdt servant , ' " Wm . Bbewfoed . "

      » " Due to the Lancashire Convention Fond . ' - ¦ ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ ' . ¦ ¦ ' ¦ . ' ¦ " '¦ ¦¦ : ''' ¦ . - . ' . 8 . - - - ' d . . Mr . Joseph Sutliff , Burnley ........ i . p . 3 Mr . John Hitchen , near Burnley ...... 6 4 | Burnley , Jan . 9 th , 18 £ 2 .

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      Stone Breaking in Workhouses . —On Saturday nighty at eight o cl 6 ck , a numerous meeting of the Spitalfields weavers was held at the Knave of Clubs , Club-row , Bcthnal-green , to receive the answer of the Poor Law Commissioners in reference to a communication to them , conformable to a resolution of the trade , passed at a meeting held on the 1 st of January , requesting that they would take measures to exempt the Spitalfields' weavers from the employment of stone-breaking at the workhouse , and for other business connected with the destitution at present existing in that district . Mr . Boddingtoii

      ; ; was chairman . Mr . Fox said that a few weeks ago 1 a discussion took place at a meeting of the trade , > upon the subject of the employment of the Spital' fields' weavers at the stone-yard of the workhouse , > when it was resolved that a memorial should be sent ' . to the Poor Law Commissioners , with a rtquest that 1 an exemption should be allowed to the silkweavers of > that district . The Committae , according to their instructions , have communicated the resolution then ' passed to the Poor Law Commissioners- They have returned an answer , which was ia the hands of their » Secretarv . It was aa foliowh .-

      —"" Poor Law Commissiphers'Office , Somerset v House , 14 th January , 1842 . " SiBy—I am directed by ihe Poor L 4 w Comin ' ssipners to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12 th instant , forwarding to them a copy of aresolutipri passed at a meeting of the operative broad Bilk weavers of Bethnal-green , Spitalfields , and the vicinity , respeoting the employment of pauperfe at th& workhoiisea in the district at stone breaking ; and I am to state that the Cemmiesionera will make inquiry as to the alleged injuriouseffeota of this mode of providing labour fprpaupera . : M I am , Sir , your most obedient servant , : . ; ** E . CauowicK , Sjc " Mr . T . Claisse , No . 3 , South-sfreet . H » rV lane , Bettoal-green-roa * , "

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      V THE NORTHERN STAR ;

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1145/page/6/