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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th November 1841, Edition 1 of 6, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      GB 2 fERAL ADDRESS OF THE EXECFTIYE cotrscn . to tbe people , and the HEMHEBS OF THE JfATIOtfAL CHASTER ASSOCIATION . Bsotbke Chabtists , —Having assembled in London , according to our published resolution , it become * % x duty , at the conclusion of oar sitting , to address T 00 on tlte state of oar Association and fhe prospeeU before us . "W 6 k *™ considered it necessary , for tbe -mmbs assigned elsewhere , to discontinue the Exe-^ tb Journal- We have issued an address to o « r tffct&ren in Scotland , entreating them to remain united ni in to that

      ^ oar exertions gala cause which in--jiree the fate of both nations ; and ire hare instructed -on our constttaents as to the future measares to be vjopted for tbe increase and beaefit of tee National garter Association . We cannot separate without roesmting a general address to the whole people . £ » Association , of which we form tbe Exeentive rtjainiittee . was projected byjttie people , who defined our o vjetis to be tbe obtaining of a fall sad faithful repre-^^ oo of tbe entire people of tbe United Kingdom , llj ^ fcfct « ctOTti « w » witn the princ i ples , spirit , aad jj ^ gjiiBg of the People ' s Charter .

      la striving to obtain such a just and glorious , end , tb ire enjoined to use none but peaceable and constitjgonsl means . Ho * are we to succeed ? y ? e must hare numbers ; because without numbers , n never can become formidable . We must hare gojoo ; became , without that , we nerar can be feared ; sd we most have energetic co-operation amongst the pe « ple ' a cboscn leaders , because , withoat mnttt&l confidence , we never can be successful . During our experience , as an Executive , we hare erery reason to be satisfied with the rapid increase of to Association , the decreasing apathy of the people , iod the widening spirit of inquiry which gives rigour to the movement in all parts of the country . But we qpmot even , amidst our success , withdraw our attentjot , from those faction * squabbles which hare been emaUj disgraoefRl and injurious to our sacred eanse .

      It U ewy , u * y pleasant , for us to meet and give Dattle to enr public opponents , and and weapons destractiTe CToojb in reason and argument , but when we receive gg most serious injury from our own professed bro-Oj ^ s , remonstrance and patience are exercised in Tain , gad no other course is so open or so effectual as a direct ippeil from the Executive to the people who hare elscfedus . ffe now make such appeal , and call upon you to Barer bom every corner of toe land , whether we are to tolerate any longer the rain , the idiotic , and

      misebjeTooa part ? spirit which win , if unchecked , sear the bfr prospect before us , aad blast for yean the tender blossom of a nation ' sjaopea . Working men , forbid it brothers , if ye respect the cause of industry , if ye feel ib wrong * and demand its dghts , forsake the cause of jnea , jad cling to that of the Charter alone . Ton iloM late ttie power to restore unanimity , and enforce pbetifrnra . Tbe time has now arrived when hesitation en you put n *! i * fatal * when division on your put Till assuredly call down the vengeance of a pcrerful and accursed faction on the scattered and snressthtf mass ;

      Remember that division is ever the forerunner of persecution , and be who sows it in our ranks may si veil sound a trumpet for the government to fc ^ n . Bemember , toe , that when the day of denunciation ssiTtg , it is no longer safe for independence or honesty to remain as the prey of the designing and the mali-G 9 O . Tfay , if once encouraged , like all other evil hibits , it gathers strength with its virulence , and is appetite for fresh victims keeps pace with its fcrodty ; Crash thii spirit , fellow labourers , or it will crash roar euse . Put it dows with & strong and actrre

      bad , or a reign of terror will wise TThen it will be no longer possible to serve you earnestly "without being impacted , or pause in serving you without being dawmeed . It has indeed arrived , and simultaneous degradations have occurred in Scotland and England . Era one of our own body has been accused , and , as tbe evidence proved , he was falsely accused . The same result has taken place in other cases ; in fact , but one TStii has ensued . From what malignant spirit has all firii mischief originated ? Jealousy . That accursed hme , which has existed , is in active being , and will spread to distract and destroy us .

      Ton must seize it boldly wherever it arises , and like a poisonous nettle , when crashed the hardest it will rorad the least Tbe evil does not rest in localities , every squabble £ ads its way to the public press , there to delight the tssnj , and disgust our friends , We are firmly of opinion , that 'whatever may be the Mention of parties , the end of their squabbles would lanredlybe the destruction of onr pnblic men , aad of ger public interest , and wfeUst we would support jester , unless their actions corresponded with their pnrfesrians , fcbey have a right to the protection of the people , so long as they serve them .

      To conclude our remarks regarding the obstacle wufeBj east in our way , we may allude to the insane discsKons upon moral and physical force , legality and legality , education crotchets , and criticisms and denmtiations upon the supposed treachery of the past ted the present leaders , all of which expose our cause to the deserved ridicule and contempt of our delighted t ^ ytfipnts . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only to xppe&l to the goed sense and reason of the working & £ & , and if they do not resolutely , at all hazards , exterminate these vain and reckless feuds , we offer you so earthly hope of success ever crowning the longcociiiiued efforts which have been made to emancipate the "" foTittg and desponding millions .

      OCE PUBLIC OPPOXEXTS . We contemplate this part of our address with far less IBXfetj and much mere firmness . Tbe principal enemy » ad the most powerful is the present Government , from « kose mercy or justice we expect nothing ; but from Those infatuated policy we anticipate much . It must be remembered that the last Government had a strong toxtency to protect and benefit the present electoral ek » at the expence of tlie non-electors—merely using Ss ssid He class as willing oppressors of the working

      dus . Bat we have a government now who will neither r / mpailiise 'with nor respect the sufferings of either Eiack or working men ; therefore it is we pursue our sateriaang course and nail the Charter to the mast"Wt cay raiioually expect a vast accession of strength Era from the middle class , who , if they do not join us Jrcia principle will do so from compulsion . The middle dsocasnoi csrry tbeii measures -without public opinion , » i if y = are -wise aad determined , they ought never toisTe i : unless they do justice to you as well as

      tbem-H mutual service is required , then mutual benefit ositt to be secured and certain .

      THE COBS LAW EEPEALEBS C * S tpon yon to aid them in their struggle . They have ua Bu&age on their side ; yon b&Te not They pro-E&e Jos . a benefit . Why do they deny you the power w i * P i : ? The Corn Lafre-were caused by class legislation . What * 2 I abolish the cause ? "Universal Suffrage , which will ° mb any good -which may flow from repeal equally narersal , and if it is cot bo it will be "worthless to yon , s ^« ragh beneficial to yonr masters . If the latter idea is correct , the only question you care to discuss is , " Whether tbe abolition of the Cwi Lawg or the Charter -sriil be moei beneficial toi l ?"

      jj ™* " tben , on that qnestion ; discuss it with theei ^ rij . and kt argumeui and reason prevail over every ° PPootJon . Id the justice of our cause consists our ** ttgta , and if our principles be truth itself , we need » otter auxiliary than the reasoning faculty of man . I * t u » be fair and consistent towards them , and " ^ t * 'Till speedily Bbe-w whether the Government may « My not force them into out ranks . Should such ® 5 » ent take place , -we -will at least have the Tories * £ * ° « side , until tee HaDeas Corpus Act is suspended . . . nie ^ ight oppesitjon has been experienced from the ^~ 3 sta We do not admire the prudence of the ~™ e panned by either opponents ; but we trust that ^ BieBt will prevail o-ver factious opposition in every ^^ naioa -which may take place .

      hea > s to be rsxD . io a ^^ "way of advanciug the cause is by adding j . , EOHibers of the association ; anH every lecturer ~ g ~~ ^ ai . e it part &f his cnty to Kgistet Damej and lu ^« o ! cares , at the condusion of eaeh lecture . . ] ^ f ^ fers always ^ -ve courage to the timid and create ' j !* r * *« aicoEgst our fenemies , and where thousands i ~ V 2 joined tbe sssociation , it becomes impossible for : ^ 7 local tyrants to meet the victims of the patriotic . ; Beaember that our peaceful declarations ensure us ] j j ™ persecution dictated by fear , and in too many , " ^ ees , fanned by a hatred to our principles . j ' j'e woul d recommend the General Council to direct ¦* a particular attention to the organisation of the I k ~~*« - » , and the appointment of fit and qualified ! "~«* ni , who should in every instance be ballotted for , j " « ey were officers of the association . i lo " V «! 81 teB 8 hould ** PI > o ™ ted by public meetings , i all \^^** plac 6 i ^ a District Counea before which : u onsmtM relative to that district should be decided , i

      THS TBADES . j ^ o » e important bodies of men should be aroused to i V « j « Of duty to themael-rea , and -wherever it is prac- ! ***** a Trader Chartist Association ihonld be formed . uj * recommend the Chartist Association to be dis- i «« fern the Trade ' s Uaion . ' " Place great dependence on tbe faith of a body of ' foTH * mtfirerts * " identical as their pursuits are , * r ^» . Eaeh maa is known to his neighbour , and , r ^ aeshbonrt interest is tbe same as that of his fel-JlL ^ bodi 8 e <* a cannot be led far astray , and . Sba *? 0 ™ 1 Bm straggle was one to place tbe mi * - ; - *» m power , so ours may be said to be one which ! Sf . ^ te the trades to their proper podtdon , and ! rT « em a weapon of offence and defence far more en- ; 2 ™ 8 than the limited expedient of unenfranchised *** fcoeld be impressed on these important bodies i Jr * J ™' trade can be evsr long protected or ? ell re- Sato ^ Z 111 Dle 8 S ^ ™ «™ ber » of each body are foU-

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      Sodal benefits seldom remain long untouched , unless there is some political power- to arrest the plunderer in Us danger , and the law of the rich in its usurpation . The trade * have Iaag . aimed at tbe guardiioahjp of their separate rights . Tbey have blocked up and bat * ricaded tbe gate by which the master invaded them , with many excellent expedients ; bat they " have never yet attempted to do the same to the political gate through which the Government entered to tax their tresaered earnings as repeatedly as they have accumulated . Unions are bat temporary securities against tbe avarice of tp ™**** , but offer no protection for tbe oppressive enactments of an irresponsible horde of rulers . It must have become apparent to all the trades , that something more than a mere Union for the protection of wages ia wanted , because at the beat they only shackle the hand of the master , whilst they leave unchecked and free the ana of the tax gatherer .

      The trades have hitherto been mere creators of funds for the benefit of rulers ; and whilst they suspiciously watched the weekly payments of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of tbe tax gatherer . Tbe question for the trades is one easy of comprehension . Whether would it be better to have two protections or one—social power withoat political , er both combined ? The suffrage would strengthen instead of weakening the Unions , because the want of it on their parts , and the possession of it on the part of their masters , give rise to the laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy , all directed against men who simply demanded a just wage for their labour .

      The master class have discovered that with the law and law ' s punishments on their side , they cannot triumph over their slave class ; and do the trades suppose that the chains of the law win not be drawn "tighter , and re-forged stronger ? If they believe the contrary , they will discover their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist Let one general appeal be made to them , and their affirmative answer would shake the Government to its centre , ' and supply the absence of a middle class , a thousand times sore powerful than ours . We have sow conveyed to yeu oar united opinion and advice . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , if correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .

      We are the servants of the Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the servants of the Association , we feel it to be our duty at all times to speak freely , to act firmly , and to fail back upon the people when our own power is insufficient to effect these objects which are necessary for tbe welfare of oar constituents , and the success of our cause . We await yonr decision . Your faithful Representatives , R . K . Philp . Morgan Williams . John Campbell . James Leach . P . M . M'Bouali .

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      ? TO HA 1 LBR STANSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of mea , under the present limited infinence of Christianity , will prey upon ail other classes , just as much as they ton and dare \ for , the frailty of human nature tells me , that were the manufacturer or the warring classes in their ( the aristocracy ' s ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise . " Hambr Stansfeld - Sie , —I have chosen the above extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as a motto to this letter to you ; for to my mind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you have stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in favour of the necessity , as well as the right , of every man who is to be called upon to obey a law , or to be subject to tbe influence of such law , to have a -roice is tbe making of Uiat law .

      I am not aware that there is the least dispute about the utility of machinery . 1 never conversed with any one , to whom the subject was explained , who ever quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , bnt with the distribution of its products ; with the " party working underhand , and obtaining all , and even more than all , the advantages which machinery has rendered . " The questien therefore resolves itself to this : how are we to prevent " the power working underhand from obtaining more fo * " all the advantages from machinery" ? There is such a Vtt «>»« in youi use of the -word monopoly , that one feels a" most at a loss as to what yon would particularly apply it- But from the whole , I

      come to tbe conclusion that you mean by the word monopoly—the corn laws . If such be your meaning , and if you really expect that their abolition would be the panacea for all our evils , you are certainly the most mistaken of men . What , expect that the abolition of a single law would give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment is tbe motto , " Uiat all classes Will prey upon each other just as much as they can and dare 2 " What is to prevent the aristocracy preying upon us as much in future as they can ? Nothing but this dare ; and that \ dare is , with their present power , only the fear of our not being able to continue to labour .

      Suppose thai the com laws were abolished to-morrow , and suppose that that abolition had a tendency to produce all you dream or say . Suppese that it caused us to bare tiie command of the markets of the world ; suppose that it ansed Englishmen to have the supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours every day without intermission ; suppose that it bad a tendency to cause us to have prosperity for ages , as I once heard you say it would ; suppose all this ; what will there be to prevent " the party working underhand from obtaining even more than all the advantages" which would accrue from th « measure ? Have you not admitted in the -words of my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each' other juBt as much as they dare ? " Come , Mr . Stansfeld , do tell us what is to prevent their preying upon us in future ?

      I ask , again , what is to prevent " the power working underhand" from obtaining even more than all the advantages" ? What is to prevent their taxing or laying a rent ( for tax appears to be an harmless thing with you ) upon all mines or minerals within the bowels of the earth , equivalent to their loss by tbe repeal of the corn Uwb ? Wbat is to prevent their making the full value of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new commissions be created ? no new churches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon splendid

      pensions as a reward for past services , to make way for new aspirants to serve their country ? Is there no way left for coming at even mort than all the advantages yeu would derive from tire measure ? la there no contrsxtion of the currency to make you give them double the quantity yon give them now for the taxes ? Aye , Uiat there is , and a thousand-and- one ways besides , to enaWe that " class of men who have the power of making laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as they dare " , and to reap " even more than all the advantages" of all your skill and labour into the bargain .

      Then again , what is it but the monopoly of making the laws -which bave caused all the other monopolies of which you complain ? In fact , they are but offshoots from the master monopoly ; and until that master monopoly be destroyed , botk root and branch , there never can be any security for the peace and happiness of this country . Besides , Sir , are you not inconsistent upon your O 7 rn principles , tkat you do not endeavour with all your might to destroy the master monopoly , after yonr admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare . " What , after this , can you expect to be the fate of this country , without every man

      who is subject to a law , or its tendency , have a voice in the mftVfag of teat law ? Either y ou wish the people to be' -preyed * ' upon , or you do not If you wish them to be preyed upon , you will take no steps to destroy the power of the preyers . If you wish them not to be " preyed " upon , after your admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare , " you will from this time , make every effort in your power to prevent any class from preying upon the other by endeavouring to cause eveiy man to have a voice in the making of th » laws he is called upon to obey . ' The dilemma is unavoidable . Take your choice , And from this day we shall know / what to expect from

      you . / But you will ask " how is Universal Suffrage to be obtained ? " I will answer the / question , by asking you how you propose to obtain ^ ifarrepeal of the corn laws ? You will answer , bj * far £ nion of the middle and working classes , and bf their making a long pull and a strong pull and fl ptHialtogether , as they say at sea . What hopes have youmat such a union , and « neh & pull as you describe , would have the desired effect ? Because , you will say , the Tteferm Bill of 1831 , was carried by such an union ; and because the aristocracy , besotted as they are , durst not resist the firmly expressed will of a whole people , for fear of consequences following which would deprive them of all powsr . Just so . And would not such a union , and such a pull , obtain

      the suffrage ? Durst they despise the expressed will of a whole people when they demanded the justice of the suffrage , any more than . when they . demanded the repeal of tUe wrn laws ? Not they . Then , if you be sincere , come forward at once and seek te obtain that which will destroy all present monopolies , and prevent all future ones . If you and your class decline this , yon only more fully convince the . world that you wiah to be of that " rlnw of men which preys upon alTother classes just as much as they can and dare ; " and that your only aim is to be that " party working underneath and obtaining all , and even more than ' all , the advantages which -wonld remit £ rom the mesj&are . " Hoping that you will choose tha nobler part , I remain , yours respectfully , ' James Pehmt . Millbridge , Nov . 17 , 1841 .

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      TO THE KDITOB ' OP THB KOBTHEKt- STAB . Si a , —If you will have the kindness to insert the following in your widely circulated and valuable journal , you will much oblige Your bumble but suffering Servant , Geobge Black , of Nottingham . A few weeks ago , a > article appeared in the Star , headed , " Save us from oar friends . " Sir , 1 b writing this , you might intend it for ny good , and the good of the caaae generally- Tou very likely did « 0 t intend to injure my character ; but so it is . I will not say

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      • ' Save me from my friends ; " but this I will jay , O , that we were all united as friends ! I have my friends ; I hare my toes . So has every man that ia taking an active part in this movement Sir , I find it as I thought I should . Some look upon me with suspicion , some call me spy or traitor ; others wish me to appeal to my friends Uiat know axe ; and I hope you will allow me that privilege . A word or two to those who take me to be a deceitful or treacherous person—as there are some who are not backward at making use of their influence to destroy me . I tell you that yon nave already done me a

      serious irjary ; and I tell yeu candidly I bad rather any person would take away my life than my character . Allow me to say I would not have made the sacrifices I have made , if I had intended to deceive my country . My friends at Nottingham will remember that it was on account of my principles that I was turned out of the Baptist church ; aad amongst that bod ; of people I had a great number of friends , whom I loved as I lored my life . But I appeal to those who have known the most of me -whether l have made it appear evident that tbe principles ambodiad in the People ' s Charter bare been more dear to me than life itself .

      If had intended to turn traitor , why not at the second Convention ? If I intended to sell the cause , myself , and family , why not to the Whigs at the late elections ? If altogether a selnsh person , why did 1 go to London at all ? It was not because I was the most competent person in Nottingham ; bat because there was danger , and nobody else would go . Did I not lose the ten frames ? or , in other words , were they not taken from me ? Before I had been at London one week , the work was taken from these frames ; and who will contradict " me when I say those frames were bringing me in seven shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not having more than one meal a-day , my wife and family starving ?

      Thanks to those kind friends who lent me their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , Ac . &c . ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now I have been going about tbe country between six * teen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone over about six thousand miles—often one hnndred and afty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I have been a sufferer in the cause or not Can I siy " Britons never shall be slaves . '" 2 see no other prospect than a very scanty living ; or , in other word * , a dragging out of a miserable existence , and my children after me . All tbe hope I have is in the People ' s Charter becoming the law of the land ; and must I , shall I , have I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with the disconsolate

      and often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from tbenee to those poor widows whose husbands lost their lives at Newport These were to have been pensioned off ; but , instead of tkis , I often find them starring for want , both mothers and children . Had you p little of the company of these sufferers , if you be people of any feeling , I think you could not turn trait on , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his price , and I have mine ; and I heartily wish I could get my price for every principle within my breast With the Charter , and a Republican Government , every poor man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with . O to be united as friends ! I remain , Your humble but injured Servant , George Black .

      P . S . —I now appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have you any cause to say you have ever heard me utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speftk of me as yon Have found me . I now from tbe following places demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , Basford , Sutton-in-Ashfleld , Mertbyr Tydvil , Ponty . pool , Newport , and Cardiff . Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .

      TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION . Deab Sib , —When I was elected tbe Representative of Rochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—viz : " annually to submit my Parliamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . " In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , through you , a short detail of the most prominent points of pnblic policy , with reterence to which I had occasion to act during the late short Session . In my address 1 told you— " that I would not go to Parliament to support tbe object ! of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—but to sustain , to the beat of my judgment , by my honest votes , the combined interests of all Classes of the Community . "

      I shall refer to the first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demonstrate my sincerity in that principle of action . Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor the Address in reply , as moved by the late Ministry , contained a single allusion to any amendment of the Reform Act , or any extension of the Rights of the People . In the debate which took place on tbe Address , the subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with the late Ministry , although alluded to

      by some of the more Radical Members . I did . expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed these opinions , would have given notice ef an amendment to test the different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after the debate had been protracted to too fourth night . Finding that no intention of that nature was intimated , I then gave notice , that I would move , on the bringiDg up the Report of the Address , an amendment in the following words : —

      "That we further respectfully represent to your llajtbty , that , in our opinion , the distress which your Majesty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstances of your whole people not being fully and fairly represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of so extending and regulating the suffrage , and adopting such improvements in the system of voting , as will confer on the working classes that just weight in the representative body which is necessary to secure a due consideration of their interests , and which their present patient endurance of suffering gives them the strongest title to claim . "

      I moved this amendment agreeably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty one , ) divided in favour of it But you are aware that the motion was objected to by some of the Liberal members , who lefttbe House and did not vote , although they expressed themselves favourable to the principles of the amendment ; I , therefore , think it right to allude to the reasons assigned by them for this course . The objections may be collected from the speeches of the Hon . Members for Sheffield and Bath ( Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck ) , the former member said , that" he could not but regard it as an insult offered to the popular interests in this House to bring forward a question of this magnitude at a moment when there is no Minister present—at a moment too , when , in fact , there is

      no Ministry in existence . Now , it appeared to me , that l would be violating the declaration in my address , Which I haze quoted , if 2 had abstained from bringing forward this question for tbe reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is tbe duty of the representatives of the people to waive the declaration of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because one Minister was about to make his exit , and another to assume his post I do not conceive that those representatives of the people who advocate the extentiou of popular rights , are to avow an bumble subserviency to the ministerial tactics , or to put those rights in abeyance , unless aided by tbe countenance of ministerial authority . The honourable member for

      Bath ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that it was disrespectful to the majority represented by the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel ) , and that it was not giving hint a fair trial It ' was to me a very new doctrine to learn that such deference as this was to be paid to a majority ; and with reference to the fair trial claimed for the Right Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him that fair trial as the honourable member for Bath ; bnt , I would ask , was it not acting with the greatest possible fairness to call upon the House to declare its opinion en this question before the Right Hon . Baronet assumed office ? Was it not the best mode of instructing the minister ? Was it not the best mode of guiding the sovereign in the selection of ministers , that the House of Commons Bbould declare to the sovereign their -opinions on great constitutional questions ? A powerful minority bad divided against the

      Conservative amendment to the Address—a minority which , if disposed to act for the People ' s Rights , must ultimately extort more or less concession from any ministry . I aafc , -was it sot proper to test tbe principles of that minority ? To ascertain whether they were impelled by an honest zeal for those rights , or actuated by tbe leas dignified object of retaining place and power for a party . Was it not right that the people should understand whether those members of the late ministry , who wonld be now looked up to as leaders of the new opposition , persevered or did not persevere , in the declaration of the finality of the Reform * Act ? 1 admit it might not be convenient for tbe purposes of party that this test ahoalA be applied . But I submit to my constituents , that in the course I adopted , I acted strictly and faithfully in conformity with my declarations to them . .

      Another objection raised to my proceeding on this occasion , by the Honeurable Member for Sheffield , was , that " no five men in the House had been consulted . " 1 do not understand my dnty as a Member of Parliament if I am to be precluded from acting on my own responsibility ! If I am to be compelled to place myself under the control of any clique of Members , whether larger or smaller ! If a Member , acting on his own responsibility , makes a motion deserving of support , is bis proposition to be quashed because he had not consulted certain individuals ? Why abomld it not be opposed or approved on its merits ? I admit that if an organisation were effected among the Liberal representatives for the support of popular questions , It might be useful , and indeed necessary , that individual Members should sub-

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      mit to the general arrangement , as far as might bo possible without dereliction of principle .- but , I think tadividBal Members ought not to be bound by the regulations or opinions of any section of Members , farther than their own judgment determines to be right I hate stated these points for th * eonsideratioa of my constituents , because I * consider'It ¦!• desirable that the representative , and the constituent body he represents , should bave a common feeling on the coarse of conduct to be pursued on other occasions of a similar nature , ^ litaYvi fe \ m van ¦ umIuM . m-.... -at- — .

      The next Important question , was the Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . Fielden , to the effect , that it was the dnty of the House to enquire Into the distresses of the people / and the remedies , before any supply should be made . On this amendment , I felt it toba my duty to divide with the Honourable Member for Oldham , and having done so on this occasion , I conceived it was only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty ' s Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated examples of the distressed condition of Rochdale , I again divided the House against voting the Supplies , till the condition of the country should be investigated .

      In opposing the supplies , I had no wish or Intention to exhibit a factious opposition tc her Majesty's Government ; bnt I am of opinion that the wholesome practice skould be asserted , of looking to the condition of the people , and the means of paying taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . . The means of the country should be first ascertained , and then the expenditure should be made , as for as possible , to correspond with these means . There are many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous revenue , which might be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that they should be discussed with due consideration to the pe wers of the country to discharge them .

      The last question which I desire to refer to , is the Poor taw Continuance Bill . Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at Bome stage of thi « Bin be ¦ would divide the House against it in toto . In this I concurred with him ; but being perfectly satisfied that our opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought the next best course would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of the Commissioners which were most productive of practical eviL My constituents are aware of tbe amendments which I moved , in both of which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against the BUI on the third reading . I naed not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on the Poor Law have been stated on io many previous occasions .

      The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form during the late Session of Parliament—a course of proceeding which , I must say , I regret Sir Robert Peel was pressed on -various occasions to declare bis intentions on that question ;—but I am of opinion , the fairest and most effectual mode of eliciting taia opinions , as well as those of the House of Commons generally , would have been to have brought them to the test of a distinct proposition , and a division on that proposition : —but an objection was raised to this course—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party are divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibitionxjf weakness would be the result;—on the ether hand I think it might be fairly argued , if these two sectio is cannot agree , is it

      reasonable or fair to press' the Minister ? The argument , I think , is unanswerable In m > opinion the question never can be advanced t 11 a decided course of action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly / The anti Com Law League are bound to the principle of tota extinction—I , ask then , can they have any moral weight with the country if they shrink from the bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only so urea at success , it they consent to permit that principle to be put ! n abeyante , in order to acquire a fallacious appearance of strength , by a union with the fixedduty men ? It appears tome that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-dutyV have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers .: —they are really and substantially monopolists as well as their * opponents ; they differ chiefly about the mtfst expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It is a delusion upon the

      country to frame evasive motions for the purpose of catching such useless votes . It is better for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of the nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this subject But it may be asked , why I did not act upon them in the late session , by moving myself on this question ? I answer , because I considered it rested more properly in other hands—I mean those of Hon . Members more directly connected with the anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should not be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which had not their concurrence ; this -was a case in which , as I conceive , an individual member was properly called on to defer to the opinions of other members , especially gentlemen representing tbe views of so influential a body as the anti-Corn Law League .

      It is right I should state to you that I disagree from many Members in the allegation , that questions affecting the rights of the people should not be pushed to the test of a division , unless & large minority could bo rallied : —I consider that if the question be one which is in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a BinaU division tban by Waiving the question , or by debating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting tbe advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by the excitement of a moral power out of doors ;— and I hold that this moral power cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless the leaders in Parliament prove their own

      sincerity by saving the moral courage to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few members struggling under adverse circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are discussed out of doors , and , if worthy of support , an enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may be termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious extent in former Parliaments . After hours speut in speeches , we have often found the result , " Motion by leave withdrawn . " I think this practice tends to bring the Parliament into eontempt with the country , and leads to no useful result

      There is one other subject to -which I wish to draw the attention of my constituents , not strictly forming a portion of nty parliamentary conduct in the late ses sion , but at the same time intimately connected with it . In my address , I state as follows : " With reference to Ireland , I claim . for that portion of the United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , and franchises with Britaiu , and I desire to incorporate the interests of tbe two Countries by the communication of mutual advantages , through the meaus of just and impartial principles of united legislation . " There were no

      measures introduced in the last session which had particular reference to separate Irish Legislation ; but since the recess of Parliament , I have deemed it right to publish my opinions on the present Bybtem of agitation carried on by Mr . O'Connell , in Ireland , with the professed object of repealing the Union . Aa I think it proper that every part of my public conduct should be uxis . de known to my constituents , I enclose herewith , copies of the letters I published on that subject—which , being placed in your hands , any of my Constituents who desire it , may have an opportunity of referring to .

      I * , is my intention , previous to tha next session of Parliament , to appear personally before those whom I bave the honour to represent , namely , the constituency of the Borough of Rochdale , —and then to infoTm myself more fully of their wants and their wishes , and to receive such observations as they may think fit to mate , upon the communication which I now take leave to address to them . I am , dear Sir , Your 8 incere friend , Wm . Sharman Crawford . Crawfordsburn , Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 th , 1811 .

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      fO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Sroxrer Chartists , —A National Petition haa been drawn ap , and approved of by the Executive , and they have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected en its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of the industrious classes . This , then , being decided on , it is incumbent on you , as well as every Chartist throughout the British empire , to be active and industrious , in getting as many signatures to it as possible .

      Will yeu , then , Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indifferent to the call of your fellow countrymen , and cowardly shrink from performing your share of duty in the effort of a glorious redemption of your class from political slavery ? I know many of you are ( and I cannot but sympathise with yon ) shackled by the despotism of yonr masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyian&y . Yet for all this if you are inclined to do that which the distressed state of your country requires yon should do , you can do it , and In a manner witheut injuring either yourselves or families . No rational man would expect you to do that But where there is a will there is a way in every case . So there is in this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other means , you can in a pecuniary way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid which you require , without endangering yourselves .

      Yet , notwithstanding this persecution which you suffer , can yoa independently lift your heads Aloof , and not feel the indignity of your situation ? Can you supinely lie down under such vile oppression , and not make an effort to release yourselves ? No , rather chum the rights of freemen , and stand In the image of your Maker fearlessly advocating the truth , and under every circumstance determined to maintain it , than stain your sonls with such foul degradation by submiting to it Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am without a donbt a stranger to many of you , and known but to a few . It might be thought presumptuous in me in thus addressing you . Nevertheless , I cannot be inactive , and suffer the cause to remain in the state which I unhappily find it in this place .

      I therefore appeal to you to arouse and do yonr duty , he tune is come when every solitary Chartist must be t bis post , not quarrelling about tbe superiority of this

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      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOB , ESQ . " My Lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that no human being , has a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I hare , whether be be Whig , Tory , Radical , or Chartist , except be has some great social object in view . Lockup the land to-morrow , and I wonld not give you twopence foi the Charter next day , because you would have deprived it of its jeweL "F . O'Connor to tha Landlords of Ireland , ¦ third letter . "My maxim , to day is the same , whieh I laid down for you in 1831— 'A fair day's wage for a fair day ' s work . ' Give that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man ' s holiday instead of being man ' s curse . "—F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , second letter .

      Sir , —The great error of allreformers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense of right Is their own personal aggrandisement To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by which they ever could command consideration or respect . They who contend for either mote or less than justice awards , are reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that principle is , can alone bejustifled . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to compromise is to desert them , and to leave any part

      covered is U betray thorn . To reject or agree to dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles us to , is to reject the goodness of God . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than is really necessary . No followers of justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it- as regardless of all consequences ,

      Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now is the time to submit its tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartism from the Malthuslan Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it This much is necessary to make it consistent and intelligible ; and without which itcannet be consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice ; and this must be the case before it succeed . Then why defer enquiry ? since what must be , shall be as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task for a friend to strike within the limits of & concentrated move ; nor would I , -were it not to avert the certain ruin that must result from following delusion . As truth leads to truth , so error to error ; therefore the sooner all e r > rs are expunged the better .

      " Repeal the Corn Laws ; have high wages , plenty te eat , and plenty to do . " So say the Whigs . ?« Down with all monopolies , repeal all nnjnst taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day's work . " So say the Chartists . These statements are similar in their nature , and I hesitate not to say that those who assert either have as yet much to learn concerning the nature of the consitution we live under . Be it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers . Destroy the one and you annihilate the other . I know a system can be promulgated where monopoly can be

      dispensed with ; but men in that case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Whigs considered the nature of that system . I will not follow either party through the labyrinth ot nonsensical twaddle by which they support their views en these matters , but shall rest contented with one plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider them just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but because the people have not properly considered the results that will follow , nor are prepared to meet them .

      It has been said , repeal the Corn Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge tbe national debt , and the balance will be in favour of the landholders , which propositions are quite good ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be the employers of those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall the labourer go with his only commodity ? It is quite dear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as none , of either party , bring money into the world , so can neither have it but by monopoly j in some shape , destroy these , and it is of no use to look for employment in that quarter . Under such circumstances , what shall become of those whose only dependence Is labour ? I know ' though all existing monopolies were repealed ,

      others' might be substituted ; say that every one above six feet high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , or that all above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these would become aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked up to , and become influential , the game as the aristocracy now is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , the same as is done at present , only differing according to tbe different nature of the monopoly ; under such regulations , the system of governing now pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justice , as at present , and any other similar scheme may be adopted , and the same results will follow . But this much know all —without a privileged doss in some shape , the present

      Constitution cannot exist . It is a system of servitude , and those who employ servants must , in the first place , be provided with the means of paying . them , along with the appropriation of the means whereby men can live otherwise , which must be enforced before a system like ours can be brought into operation ; but being understood and faithfully maintained , the system , as a system , of master and servant , may be turned as you will in all other respects ; but if the present method of carrying on that system is done away , and nothing of a similar nature substituted , then down the system must come . And I ask the question seriously , are tbe people prepared to undergo the very material change that must follow , and if not , is it either prudent or safe to destroy tbe present order of things ?

      Those who would have a proper view of the effects of machinery on our legislat ve system , should compare the positions of parties among us at this day with what they were 100 years ago . We ' know the great change since then is attributed to the revolutions of France and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as the National Debt and the Corn Laws , all of which might have been gone into indepandent of either , and we shall find the only part they had in the matter was , that they furniBhed a pretext for creating these . Why did mechanical skill slumber in the arms of our artisanB before then ?—Where were our numerous ships and fair cities ?—Why were merchandise so cheap and wages so low ?—Wliy did our population not increase ? all for the very palpable reason , —we had no field for the display of our

      energies ; the monopoly of land then existed , and no more of any note ; and the great body of the people lived the feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not landholders , the opportunity of calling forth those energies , the influence of which has created the present state of things . At a rough calculation the ascent has been since 1780 ; since fhentherevenuehasdoubled and quadrupled ; the priceof land , and all connected therewith , population , demand for labour , and mechanical skill , have risen in a corresponding ratio ; and were it not for the introduction of machinery , by raising the revenue ten times higher than now , all kinds of property would rise also , and the result would be an increased demand for labour , higher wages , increase of population , &c . &e . ; this to any extent ( keeping the exception in view ) , as often as the means were applied .

      That whose blighting influence will damn the present order of things is machinery , as its effect is to paraljze manual labour ; in this it not only threatens the annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise those who employ it . Machinery consumes not . and by supplying the place of those who do , must curtail the demand for articles of commerce ; add to this the extinction of all monopolies , and who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart ; though partly seen , this is but slightly felt , as yet : let the preparations now going on be completed ; and we shall know more of it However

      many idlers , and whatever the rate of wageB now are , we shall then have more of the one and less of the other . The manufacturer will not derive large profits from his speculation among the working part of the community ; and what are his prospects on the other sWe ? If he chooses to give the aristocracy money in the shape of monopoly , and then succumb , and cringe , and become a tool In their handsthen they may be Induced to become his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo tbe rest in these particulars , and eves this when they hold their monopolies , and no

      From these considerations , there is enough to stimu late all the active part of mankind , to look ont for a system whereby they may mutually benefit each other . Strange that these should use means to straiten each other ' s paths , for the mere purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , and eventually give their substance to these merely to procure a market for their produce ; yet , however extraordinwy , such Is the meaning and intent ; and ail that can be obtained by the present ¦ ^ tem- * ¦ -

      y .... __ _ _ As these things are necessary or not , that system may bejustifled or not ; one thing I . am sure of , none wiJl say it is just ; none will say that harmony or peace axe its results ; and from bearing the statements of all parties , I see little to recommend it to consideration of any kind , in preference to any system , having the least shadow of justice ot benevolence to recommend it Still this much is necessary to be known eeneeming tbe unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we cam with any degree of

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      certainty or safety number it with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a privileged class ; While it exists , that daw mast exist In some shape ; and if it is to be discontinued , tbe more numerous that elass , aad the more they , receive , it will be better font those wbo work . It signifies very little bow they receive their Incomes , M all monopolies are nnjnst . Still , if we are to understand from the agitated state of the pnblic mind , ' that the pe « ple are . wearied of a state of things when justice haa no part , in God ' s name , are they prepared with a substitute ? If so , and if it is satisfactory and sufficiently understood , down with , the present system ; bnt if not , be aware of palling down that , however detestable , on which onr very down that , however detestable , on whicn onr very

      existence depends , if yon . would not see all buried in its ruins : if-you are inclined to fall back to the state yon were in before , the Corn Laws , National Debt , and the circumstances therewith connected existed , prepare to do so ; draw the preamble of an act for parcelling out the land , in small allotments ; bave it passed , and retire under ! U provisions , and take your living from the soil , the mere serfs of the landowners , as you then were , then farewell improvement and all our sanguine hopes ; and along with these liberty , and justice , farewell . . 1 bave the honour to be , Sir , your obedient servant , Chables Duncan . C To be continued in our next . J

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      PUBLIC MEETING AT PAISLEY . BREWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OF HIS OWN MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , the 17 th inst ., a public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was held ia the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev . Gentleman , for the purpose of hearing him deliver a lecture on the best means of obtaining the Charter . The price of admission to hear the lecture -was one half-penny , which jfave very great offence to the majority of the working elaases , thousands of whom are out of work at present ; and , when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which was about an hour after the time which he had appointed , -he was met by a most indignant volley of hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent us from getting in . " After order was restored ,

      Mr . Robert Cochrane , a true blue Brewsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr * James Paterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous cheers . The Chairman having read the bill for calling the meeting , Mr . Bbewstbb , in his usual way of sowing the seeds of diggenBion , instead of proceeding with his lecture , said tbat be was afraid that some physical force men had got in amongst his Committee , and had altered a word in the bill , or perhaps it might bave been a physical force printer who had done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of " get oa with your lecture . ") The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with his lecture , the opening part of which was to

      the effect that we , as Chartists , ought not to oppos * any class of Reformers , whether they were going for a repeal of the Corn Laws , or for any other measure of reform , but let us steadily persevere for nothing less than the Charter . It soon became evident , however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring in deep water , caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being able to carry their Chairman , for he soon left off reading his lecture , and , io a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whom were present , stating to them what was the law of nature in regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not provide for them , although he would not advise them to follow the said law . But all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals not to the taste of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediately turned round , and , in the most ungentlemanly manner ,

      charged them with being wrong in their garrets or upper stories , alias the brain , and denounced them as spies and traitors ; and in one instance he became £ 0 exasperated that be drew himself up like a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the audience , said , in a voice of hysterio passion , " These are the hungry wretches whom I have fed , who have come here to-night to oppose me , " At the conclusion of this sentence such horrific murmurs of just and strong indignation took place as would have appalled any other than the living bronze statue who s' . ood before them . Still the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , and launched out into a tirade of abuse against a certain portion of the Chartist leaders , and when he alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became so uproarious ^ that he was obliged to © ut his lecture short . At the conclusion of which , to our utter astonishment .

      Mr . Robert Cochhane rose and moved a resolution to the effect , Tbat the thanks of this meeting be given to the Lecturer for his able lecture , coupled with a vote of censure on some of the Chartist leaders , who had not gone along with Mr . Brewater in all his crotcheter John Campbell , Esq . one of the members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved the following amendment , " That this meeting has no confidence in the Rev . Patrick Brewster as a Chartist . " ( Tremendous applause . )

      The Chaihman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as his opinion that the amendment was carried by a most decided majority . Mr . Brewster , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and the Chairman , to humour him , said he would put the vote again , and called on Mr . Wm . Campbell and the Rev . Mr . Kennedy to act with him in deciding on the vote . The vote having again been put , tbe Chairman adhered to his former opinion . The Rev . Mr . Kennedy said tha ^ he had some difficulty in deciding , but he rather thought that the majority was in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . VVm . Campbell said he had no difficulty whatever in giving his opinion , and that was , that the amendment was carried by three to two .

      Mr . Kennedy said that he was of opinion that one of the objects for which the meeting was called , had still been overlooked , viz ., that something should be done to heal the division that existed among the Chartists , for which reasons , he would submit a few resolutions . The resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three in number , were the came in substance , aa the rules and regulations of the Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire Political Unions . At this stage of the proceedings , Mr . Polin read the rules of the Renfrewshire Ijniversal Suffrage Association , and said that he saw no use for Mr . Kennedy ' s resolutions , as they were just about the same as those he had now read , and that the said resolutions had been acted on since February last , by the only political union in existence in Paisley . Mr . Brewster said that there was a very great difference between the resolutions read by Mr ,

      Kennedy and those read by Mr . Colin , and that ho ( Mr . Brewster ) intended to move an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw his resolutions so that they might all be unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , he would not press the amendment , which he intended to move . Mr . Polii * at once agreed to the suggestion of Mr . Brewster ; when , telf it not on the Calton Hillpublish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not in the ear of the Lord Major of Dublin , that the Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , "Well , we will have one quarter of an hour of it yet , " and forward , he came . After a speech of fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amendment of " Under no circumstances whatever as aa association , will we resort to arms . " Now , said the Reverend Gentleman , do you not see the force of such a resolution ; if yon are attacked , dissolve your union , and then you are ready for your enemies , seeing that you are in an organised state .

      After a considerable pause , the Chairman asked if the amendment of Mr . Breweter was seconded . ( Cries of" no , no ") Mr . Bbewster then leaned over the side of the pulpit , and asked some of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon principle , he could do no such thing . Mr . Brewster then , in an imploring manner , requested the Chairman to put it to the meeting , if no one would second his amendment . , The Chairman replied that he had asked the meeting three different times , bat that he would do it a fourth . '

      Having done so , an individual in the gallery said , not that he approved of the amendment , bnt that they might get the proceedings brought to a close , he would second it . , The amendment was then put , when all the bands which we saw held up vrere only six , each individual holding np both hands , the principal acted upon during the whole of the votes that were taken . A forest of hands was then held op fo * the tesoluiions of Mr , Kennedy , which appeared to us to be an unanimous vote , with the exception of the three who voted for the amendment . ¦ „ rt _ Three -cheers were then given for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A unanimous vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for his impartial conduct in the chair , when the meeting broke up about two o ' clock in the morning . The above is merely an outline of the meeting , we would have given the speeches at length , but it would have occupied too muon space in yonr valuable ptuper . ^ -From a Correspondent .

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      Thk thbxk poor law unions comprising tbe manufacturing population of the boroughs of Manches ter and Saliord , with , their immediate neighbourhood , contain altogether no lees than 354 , 142 individualst —Liverpool Standard .

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      or tbat plan , but unitedly struggling to obtain their r ights . The plan as laid down by the Executive is a good one . Pursue it with energy and spirit ; it must ultimately succeed . In the first place , you must obtain a place to meet in , for it is only by meeting and public discussions that yon can create tbat unity of sentiment so desirable to a just and firm union . This J hope will be done-shortly , and that we may have in this plaoe as many aignatorea to the National Petition as any place , in proportion to its inhabitants . ¦ ~ Sincerely hoping you will attend to this , I remain , yours , aBAETLBTX .

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      THE NORTHERN STAR . - , ¦ r :, ¦ ¦¦' - '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1137/page/7/