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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th November 1841, Edition 1 of 6, Page 4, THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1841.

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1841.
    • 2To 3$ia&etrg antir Correggoffijettt*
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      Untitled Article

      LOWBON . DISPATCH , BRIDE LANE—MEETING OF THE COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE CHARGE BROUGHT BY MR . BENBOW AGAINST DR . M'DOUALL . Mr . BnowHwas called to the ehair , andI it . was Mretard that Messrs . Benbow aad M'Douall should be allowed a quarter of an hoar alternate ]* , to state and reply to the charge ; and that , if possible , the proceedings should be confined to one honr . Mr . Bknbow then handed in , in writing , to the Chairman , the following charge : — ° I present that Peter Murraj M'Doaall , late of

      Chester Castle , being a reoogmsed leader of the Cfcarrisrs—that the said Peter Murray M'Donall , late - M . C ., used his influence to excite discontent in the minds of the persecuted Chartists ; and did urge then , by persuasion and representations of terror to a breach of faith with their brethren ; and , in notation of the sacred cause « f justice and freedom , traitorously advised such Chartists to plead guilty to certain falBe alleged charges , to the disgrace and great scandal of all good men , and the eril example of eiheT 3 against the sacred cause of justice and freedom /'

      The Chaikiuk inquired whether this was the whole of the charge or charges he had to bring against Dr . M'Douall , to which Mr . Be > -bow gave an evasive answer , but ultimately said that the charge he had handed iu contained all that he had * to advance against Dr . M'Douall— : hat he had none other . Mr . Cxtpfat inquired whether he was prepared , by documents or evidence , to support the charge . Mr . Bbkbow—I call upon Dr . M'Douall to say

      whether he is guilty or not . l nave not tee wnole ol my documents with me , but when I had them and the v Unesses , Dr . M'Dooall was non ett invmius . I need no witness ; I call upon the Doctor to answer xny charge of advising John Bro&dbent , of A ? hton , John Wright , Annitage , Peeling , Essler , of Stocktor t , Bamett , Stable , Savage , Weavers 01 Maceleselc . Rober ts , of Liverpool , Deegan , of Stalybriiige . and Rawson , of Bury , to plead guilty of the criait ; of which a vile Government accused them ; there are others whom he likewise advised .

      The Chairman here asked for the whole of the names to be Btated . 5 L-. Benbow—I cannot at this moment think of others , bat these are sufficient for my purpose . Dr . M'Dodall said it was a strange course for him to be called upon to plead guilty-to this cliaxge , when 210 evidence had been &d < luedd . Of these men , -whom he was charged with advising to plead guilty , one was dead , and three were in America . The only part of the charge which was correct was regarding the man Savage ; and how singular that Mr . Benbow had forgotten Robinson and Lowe , who ivere associated wiih him in the same indictment . I acknowledge advising these three men 10 plead guilt v . I gave them-a public document to give to the

      men of Maccknfield upon their release , stating my reasens for bo doing , 'f o these reasons tho men of Macr . ssfield never objected ; if they hare sot done so , tDwisitthat Mr . Benbow has taken so much trouble in the matter ! I advised tL ^ se men to plead guilty , because they had already snffered six or seven months' imprisonment for want of bail , in the small aom of £ 25 . 1 was preparing their brief for ihe Assize when a message came from the pro 3 eentors , that they would be released if they would plead guilty , accompanied with a threat that if they aid not they would be more harshly treated , which , in the case of Wearer , who would not plead guihv , was carried into effect . His bail was doubled , and he was . sent \ o hard

      labour in tbo neighbouring workhouse . I stand on the case of these three men ; I never advised others . To these nun I gave a public document , which any one can procure by writing to Maeclesfield . I saw that they were starving on skilly , that they could no ; get bail—that being unknown no gymTithy was shown for them ; that only 26 s . wa 3 eoll&eted for them while in prison . I saw they could do no good to the cause , and much injury to themselves by remaining ' in prison . I did not plead guilty myself . If 1 adviBed- ^ if I ex cited men to acts which led to their imprisonment , I had ought to be iha sufferer . I deny the right of any working man to suffer through me—if I can eonsistenly pre-Tent it . It wns no disgrace to them in . accepting

      tVis compromise . They did not succomb ; the offer came from the progenitor—they vrere not shackled with unj bail or recognizances—tbey are men who are now active in the cause ; men whom 1 respect . It was eight months after my imprisonment , when they came out ; the excitement was then gone by . If I -rvaa placed in the same circumstasces , I would act in precisely a simi ' ar manner ; with respect to the other names , Mr . Deegan acknowledges that Mr . O'Connor advised him and others to plead frniHy . "Why do « 3 not Mr . Benbow also accuse him % ' Is it because I am the weaker party . Essler was going to be married , and from the first determined to plead guilty . Rawson also did so , and came back from America to answer a charge of felony that had

      fceen preferred again * : him . Mr . Eesbow—He had forgotten to mention RobinEor ; snd Lowe ; but these were not all he had adyised ; car prison was like a leves with persons coming to Tisit , anu ask the doctor ' s advice , and who , by Ms persuasion , plpaded guilty . Esslar pleaded jguilty . but before the doctor persuaded him to plead guilty , they were at daggers drawn ; bat when he came to that determination , they were the best of friends . The doctor lent him his slippers , and thought he could not do too much for him . I only mention this to Bhow the feeling which existed . I 7 efer you to the noble answer made by Weavers to the Jndge on his trial . " My Lord , the seven men who stood in the dock with me have been charged with

      fcejng wicked and atrocious characters , they have pleaded gttilty ; they may b « so . but I am not guilty , " and the judge complimented him for hiB conduct . The Doctor and I were oh the best of terms until he advised these men to plead : guilty . He has asked why I did not charge Feargus O'Connor , who was also s- ' -lty of the same conduct . It was my determination not to be drawn into alluding to Mr . O'Connor ; but does it exonerate the Doctor , because another has acted the same \ Is toe crime improved because another follows it ! Tlie folio wing ib an exu-act from a letter written by Feargus yConnor , at the time the physical force men were figuring in London . Mr . Benbow then read from his written documents aa extract from the Northern Star of April 10 th , 1841 . He meant to abi ; ain froza this subject , unless driven into it . Can a man be honest who connives at dishonesty in others , who gives advice which be will not act on himself ! such

      eonduct was infamous . Mr . Benbow then dilated on the infamy of perjury , giving an extract from St . ChryEosiom , stating that the nan who committed perjury was guilty of a greater crime than ha who committed murder . Leng before his trial , Dr . M'DonaU had stated that he ( Mr . Benbow ) would be harsaly treated , wo Jd meet with cwere punishment . How could ie be aware of this , unless he was a tool in the hands of the vilest faction that ever disgraced a country ? I respected , I honoured Dr . M'Douall for his eonduci , pre-rious to his giving that advice , "but ever Einee then I opposed him , which begot a sournes ? between me ind bia friends . Robinson and Lowe were good honest men ; iaen of superior attainments to the generality of -working men , and I believe they , and zA the other prisoners , would have got off with clean hands without pleading guilty . How could Dr . M'Douall know that they would be discharged , unless he had some compromise with their prosecutora !

      Dr . M'Doxjall . — I w ill noi detain you by referring to what must be plain to you—the motives which prompted my advice to these men . I was one of the earliest -rictims in the cause ; I defended myself on that occasion , and you saw but Lttle in my conduct that might tempt y 6 u to accuse me of either treacbr ry or cowardice . I got the information that these men would be discharged if they pleaded guilty , from Mr . Clarkson , of Bradford , who was employed on the beL At of most of the Chartist prisoners ; he ac-? iired the information from Mr . Jerris , Member of arliament fcr Chester . If Lowe and Bobiiison were good men , and of such superior abilities , is it not strange that they should be so readily satisfied with t ( traitorous advice 1 Previous to giving thcai

      this advice , I had -written to Feargus O'Connor , that they might be allowed to have a portion of the money raised for a Defence Fund ; it appears that Mr . Benbow was jealous of my levee as he calls i ; . Many persons just before and during the assizes , were admitted to the prison , and many of them wiled upon me iu regard to Mr . Benbow ' s punishment . I do not recollect Baying that he would be severely punished , bat I know that from his bein £ known to the Government in ancient times , it was my impression that he would be so . Dr . Maginn told me I should have two or three years imprisonment . 1 met him the other day and tola him he w * 3 wrong in Ms judgment ; he informed me I had only to thank myself that I got off so well . I might with equal reason call h ™ a government tool . I have ever done my duty both in prison sad oat of prison-. I advised these men to plead guilty . I would do so again under similar circumstances . Mr . Benbow of

      said he meant to abstain from speaking O'Connor . Why , then , had he prepared a case against him in bis written document ! I was first io be attacked , as the weaker party , and Fe&rgus O'Connor was to be shot at through me ; but if I am a bntt to be shot at , I know , white I do my duty , I shall have the support of the pubHo , of that public , who have placed me in the high position I have the honour to hold , and if Mr . Benbow thinks that I & . & the weaker party , he will be mistaken—he will find that while I oontinue to perform my duty I shall meet a nation's support . Why did sot Mr . Benbow bring Ibis charge immediately on his release from prison ! why delay it ! It was then moved , w That both parties having been heard , the Committee do decide . " - Mt . Bkkmw . ~ I have cot yet been able to go into the whole of . my evidence iu support of the charge . Mr . Benbow was then allowed three-quarters of an hoot , or longer if uoc ^ sseiy , that he might have a ta } l opportunity of proving his case .

      Untitled Article

      Mr . Bettbow occupied the time in a reiteration of his former statements , and stated that he had seen the same charge brought against the Doctor by Mitchell and Davis , in the Stockport and other papers ; that he bad attended on the Manchester Council , on his release from prison , and urged them to investigate the subject , and had stayed eight weeks in Manchester at great inoonvenieace to himself , thinking the ; would do bo ; the / wished him to state it ti * pablio meeting , bat this he declined , thinking the Council could best investigate . From die commenoement I reasoned with him againBt this adrice , and told him that instead of advising mea to plead guilty and-jjet released , we should have endeavoured to fill to excess the jails with victims , that governrnent might see the folly and wickedness of their

      conduct , and be compelled to change it . Ever since the Doctor had persisted in refusing bis advice he had not exchanged a word with him . He eould not even sit in the same room with him , not even with friends . I told him emphatically I had done with him . I also charge him with writing letters to people in London and the country , pr < jadicing them against me . ( Mr . Benbow being aeked for names , said a Mr . Hogg , of London , had received one . ) I have not seen the letter , but it stated that it would be well to get np a demonstration for O'Connor or for O'Brien , but Benbow was nil . I am willing to meet the Doctor at any publio meeting . I wish to hare the names of this Committee . I wish you to do justice to me and injustice to no one , but act as men in the sight of God and your country .

      Dr . M'Douall , in an eloquent address replied to Mr . Benbow , and said he felt oonjinoed they would return an honest verdict , one which would exonerate him from , even the suspicion of being a traitor . Mr . Goodfellow then moved the following resolution , " That the charge of being a traitor brought by Mr . Benbow against Dr . M'Douall , is , from the evidence before us , frivilous and unfounded . " Mr . Knight seconded the resolution . Mr . Watts agreed with the resolution that the charge was unfounded and frivolous , yet Mr . Benbow was an old veteran in the cause , active before many of us were born ; he should therefore , to endeavour to allay resentments , move as an amendment , " That no charge impugning the character of Dr . M'Douall has been proved by the evidence that Mr . Benbow has adduced ; but that Mr . Benbow has acted under the influence of mistaken motives . "

      A little discussion ensned on the propriety of amalgamating the two , but the original resolution was finally carried , and the whole of the nine Committee men—namely , Messrs . Martin , Goodfellow , Knight , Drake , Wilkinson , Rogers , Cuffay , Watts , and Brown , hiving appended their names to it , handed it to Dr . M'Douall . The investigation was carried on in a calm , deliberate manner , whioh did great credit to the men who conduoted it ; and we trust the affair is for ever set at rest .

      The Northern Star Saturday, November 27, 1841.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 27 , 1841 .

      Untitled Article

      OBJECTIONS TO THE NATIONAL PETITION MET AND REPLIED TO BY THE EXECUTIVE . We displace , with muoh pleasure and satisfaction , an article which we had written on the objections of some of our Scottish brethren to Borne points of the National Petition for the following temperate , wellreasoned , and conclusive document , issued by the Executive and received by us on the day of going to press : — " TO OCE BRETHRF . N , THB WOBKIA'G USX OF SCOTLAND .

      u Bbothkb Chabtists , —We , the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , have read the Rej * ort of a publio meeting held in Glasgow , on Monday , mo 8 ; h of November , in whioh a resolntion to the following effect was carried bv a majority ; viz . * That the inhabitants of Glasgow oppose the introduction of such questions as Repeal of the Union , and Repeal of the English Poor-Law Amendment Act , into the Scottish Petition for Universal Suffrage , and the other Five Points of the People ' s Charter . ' " We do not presume to interfere with the powers of the Central Committee of Scotland , and far less with the jusi prerogative of the people of Glasgow . We simply address those who voted on that occasion , and the people of Scotland generally , to explain away any canne of difference , and reason upon the justice of the position we have adopted .

      " It is our sis < : ere and ardent hope that the lamentable effects of division may be averted between twonationBBtrugginginthe same cause during the most momentous crisis of Chartism . Brethren , we are the servants of a powerful association ; our first duty is to act according to the will of the majority of its members , and we feel jasfcly proud that oar exertions hitherto have secured the respect , confidence , and support of oar constituents . " We doubt not but your adopted Council have acted from the same motives , and that their exertions have been rewarded in a similar manner , and that their exertion have been rewarded in a similar mann . r , and it is because we believe so , that we look with considerable apprehension upon the slightest difference which may arise between the leading Councils of two great people , hitherto united ; and

      still we fervently hope to be one in mind , in measures , and in Chartism . " We should have been rejoiced , had the leaders of the movement in Scotland favoured us with their advice , and accepted of ours in return . We conceive that every shadow of difference would have vanished , and this address been entirely useless . We address you now in the name of the English people , who have , withont a dissentient voice , adopted , and aie now ripiiug , the National Petition , prepared by the Executive oouncil , which has likewise been adopted by several important meetings in Scotland . Let our reasons be maturely weighed , and may our Scottish brethren give their decision , not tor the sake of England and Ireland , but for the sake of that cause of justice , which recognizes no distinction between men , and permits no prejudice to exist between nations of oppressed and insulted

      bondsmen . " Brethren , those who have differed with us are men of acknowledged talent , men whose rectitude of conduct bas excited the admiration of their English friends ; and we imagine that zeal in the cause has originated their watchfulness , lest any agitation should arise , shor t of that which has gloriously existed for the People ' s Charter alone . We respect such justifiable jealousy of purpose ; but we stand second to none in steadily pursuing the one grand object of our agitation , and in battling with factious opponents and cunning designers of half measures , calculated to delude and divide the people .

      " Our Excellent friends , Ros 3 , Thompson , and Cnllen , we suppose to have mittaken the objects and aim 3 of the National Petition , and to have acted under the supposition , that other questions were to be agitated besides the People's Charter ; we do not complain of an opposition , which a brief explanation , ¦ we feel confident , will rectify and remove . " The National Petition is divided into three parts . Firstl y , we describe and prove the Government of the country to be in the hands of an irresponsible class , in other words , we begin with the cause of misery , miBgoverument , and slavery . Secondly , we proceed to point out the effaces , and enumerate , amongst many othtr grievances , the New Poor Law and the Irish Union . We have even mentioned monopolies of every kind , so as to anticipate objections . Thirdly , we petiton for , and demand the only bekedy , which is tho People ' s Charter .

      "It is , therefore , qiite clear that the relation of grievances is a mere preamble , or pleading , before the petition ; and we distinctly declare that those signing the petition are not pledged to an agitation for the removal of any one evil , but solely to the adoption of tho People ' s Charter , as the graud remedy for alL The last clause of the petition explains this fully . We there say as follows : — ' Your petitioners , therefore , exercising their just constitutional right , demand that your Honourable House , to remedy the many gross and manifest evils of whioh

      your petitioners complain , do immediately , without alteration , deduction , or addition , pass into law the document entitled the People ' s Charter , &c . &o . ' " The great question , in our up . nion , is as rollows : —Is the relation of grievanoe 3 iathe petition just 1 Every Chartist will answer—Yes . Then no Chartissc&n refdaeto acknowledge it by his signature ; especially when that act does noi bind him to agitate for or give precedence to those separate questions , whilst the great one of Universal Suffrage ia unsettled . .

      " The petitioner pleads his case , first , to make it stronger , and concludes with his demand for political power , to remedy now and protect for the future . We will suppose that Scotland objects to the grievances of England and Irelaad being mentioned in the preamble of onr petition . If it be so , then that measure whioh is oppressive to labour in England , must be a question of interest and sympathy in Scotland , and vice versa . Wherever labour ' s wrongs and burdens are augmented , labour ' s rights must oe violated , and we have yet to learn that the selfish spirit of oppression has ever bound the Englifih , the

      Scottish , and the Irish heart to their own narrow interests , when the cries o [ suffering brethren came beseeching aid from afar . Perish suoh unworthy distinctions between the Bister kingdoms 1 and let labour at least reserve to iteelf amidst its degradation and its ruin that holy and sacred sympathy which has ever been exehang&d between tbe oppressed of all nations , that ennobling feeling which the rich may envy but never imitate , that exalted spirit of jnstice which seeking an immortality of its own , rises superior to the selfish pursuits of classes and the savage fends of nations .

      Untitled Article

      " Brethren , we must avoid the fatal error of two petitions and two Conventions ; oar cause is common and onr measures should be the same . There cannot be one Chartism for Scotland , and another for England . We cannot have England , Ireland , and Wales , pursuing one course , and Scotland another , without placing ourselves wilfully in the power ot the enemy , and inviting them to crush us in succession . This is not a time for difference , but a time for action ; and if individual quarrels have brought injury , weakness , and ridicule upon onr cause , w > w much more must national ones distract tbe attention of oar supporters , and strengthen and encourage our enemies 1

      " Brethren , we must strive to create and preserve that confidence in' each other which will secure mutual oo-operation on all questions affecting tbe rights of industry ; and we cannot deny to Ireland that cordial support which we are so anxious to receive from her . Neither can England and Sootland consistently differ upon the Poor-Law question , after the continued onion which bas existed during tbe past , whether the question was the Charter or the Corn Laws , the Glasgow Cotton Spinners or the Dorchester Labourers , whether it affected the patriots Gerrald or Moore , or the more recent victims , Frost , Williams , and Jones . The latter ease we could not avoid enumerating in tbe list of remarkable injuries inflicted , and we are confident there is not a Chartist in Scotland who would withhold his name , because that oppressive case was recorded in the list of grievances now being endured .

      " Brethren , we have been actuated by the best of motives , and whilst we in the spirit of truth declared onr detestation of all oppressive laws , we were not thereby bound to adopt the crotchets of enthusiasts , or look for a panacea in the repeal of the Poor Law , the Corn Laws , or the abrogation of the Union with Ireland ; at tbe same time we saw no reason whioh could condemn the mention of our sufferings in a petition for justice . We feel satisfied that there is wisdom in stating reasons why we should have the

      Charter , and no argument cau be more effectual than an accredited list of atrocious enactments , disgraceful alike to human nature , as they are destruotive to human kind . We urge our grievances in public meetings , in lectures , and in the press , why not in a National Petition f Do we admit at one time what we deny at another ! or are we afraid to acknowledge that oar intention is to abolish or amend all enactments grievous to humanity or oppressive to labonr 1

      " Brethren , we have embarked in a just cause our stake is a large ene , and we shall never cease to urge its importance upon the public mind , justly conceiving the greater the prize the greater exertion will be required to poasess it . ¦ " Let it be understood , that we urge no man to agitate for repeal of the Poor LawB ; lor the abolition of any one monopoly or injustice ; we are bound to the great question of questions—Universal Suffrage . Our measures point forward , not backward . Brethren , let us have your support , calculate safely on ours in return ; and in conclusion , let it be firmly impressed upon your minds , that our sole objects in drawing up the Petition , have been to direct public attention to the cause of our national misery , embarrassments , and political bondage : to

      enumerate grievances which have excited the greatest sympathy , and deserved tbe most unwearied attention , and to rear , above all , tbe glorious and enduring principle of the People's Charter . The standard of cur cause is where it was , undiminished in its supreme importance and unshorn of its national interest . Brethren , we shall keep it there : aid us then , as you have done , und let union , peace , and energy characterize onr united and inseparable exertions in the great cause of England , Scotland , Ireland , and Wales . " Your brethren in Chartism , w P . M . M'Douall , " R . K . Philp , "James Leach , " Morgan Williams , " John CAMrBKLL , Sec "

      We trust that the reading of this document will remove every shadow of a shade of difference of opinion , not only from tbe minds of our Scottish friends , who regret the introduction of those particular grievances , the English Poor Law , and the Irish Union , but also from those of other parties who have written us expressing their regret that more prominency was not given to those subjects in the Petition . The Executive hare no easy task ; the anxiety and care attendant on the mighty interests of the masses demand more wisdom , energy , and prudence than are commonly to be met with ; they exhibit an amount of talent and patriotism equal to their work , and with such a head the movement must progress if the people do their own work and beware of falling out by the way .

      Untitled Article

      OUR PRESENT STATE AND PROSPECTS . Never within the period of man ' s reoolleotion was the social condition of the people of this country so deplorable as now . Nor do we see the least prospsot of amendment so long aa the demented holders of a position , which already trembles under them , continue to keep their footing on the people ' s necks . We have become objects of contempt for our immediate neighbours , and of compassion for our sons and brothers across the Atlantic . Our heart sickened as we read the following truthful , feeling paragraphs from an American iiaper : —

      ENGLISH LIBEBTT . " The last papers from England , held np the curtain of a scene of horror , such as the annals of the world , full as they are with crime and misery , can scarcely parallel . While the table of expenses of the Engliah Sovereign are given at 300 . 000 dollars a-year , it is Btated that- ia one manufacturing district there are 100 , 000 of that Queen's subjects without work , in a state every hoar verging nearer starvation , ¦ without the remotest prospect of relief . " By day and by night this terrible talo has been ringing in our ears—thl 3 picture of horror has been constantly before us . We have seen the madness ot the father , tbe despair of the mother , and the pale , beseeching faces of mourning babes . The sun shines en them from the ezure heavens , the gentle rains fall round them , and they live upon the beautiful earth , denied the privilege of toil , with nothing before them but tbe prospect of a horrible death .

      " Here , in one district , within the compass of a few miles , is a population larger by thousands than that of New York city , which has been sinking by slow but certain degrees , lower and lower , till human woe and wretchedness seem to have found its lowest depth , and there lieshumanityjHelpleH . hopeless—ihegr&Te yawning alike " for the old and the young—all enduring a common fate , and that the most awful that ever scourged the world" C an anything be done ? pur commiseration avails not—our alms conld not reach them , and if they could it woula bs but a prolongation of misery . What if we remonstrate 7 Will the haughty aristocrats who now goTern England and aspire to the supremacy of the world listen to remonstrance ? They , on whose ears tbe groans of millions of the down-trodden fall idly as the whirling of the autumn leaves—they , whom the moa . ig of women and children , famishing for bread , cannot soften—will they thus listen to the faintly whispered reproof that comes across the Atlantic ?

      " Tbe thousands ot priests who , by a huge establishuunt , fleece the natisn of a tithe of its productions —the thousands of the rich and titled who hold in their unclenching grasp the wealth—with the law and the sword for their protection , will they let go their hold , « r give up one of the privileges which their lawless bandit ancestors seized and they claim and defend , —will they rescue poverty from starvation ? " When the negro sIsto is sick , be is nursed—when old and infirm , he is fed and sheltered ; infancy is cared for . age protected . If there is famine , the master kills his cattle , sells his property to feed bis slaves . In England the white slave labours longer and harder for a poorer living than the negro , and when provisons are dear , and bis work not wanted , he is left to starve . This England sends her Thompsens to declaim on the sin and curse of negro slavery . In the eyes ol the Almighty the southern slaveholder is less guilty than the English capitalist .

      " What of liberty has the English artisan to boast ? He has not even the liberty to labour , the liberty to eat tbe bread of tolL England is no country « f liberty . The slave who sets his foet upon her shore is free—to starve . Does he ask bread , he is told to earn it When he asks for labour , there ia none to be had . If he attempt to kill game in the forest , or cateh fish in the stream , he is sent to jail . England is a country of priTilega . The nobility , the clergy , * U wlM > compose the great machinery of her government , have privileges to

      —prmlegei oppress , to monopolise , to crash , to starve . In all the tyranny of privilega England abounds . In all the freedom of . democracy and equal lightM it is wanting . It is governed , taxed , pillaged by privileged classes . Millions toll from infamy to agehundreds of thousands lire in want and starvation , that their sovereign may enjoy a thousand costly luxuries A world ' * wealth is hoarded around London . We can form no adequate idea of the grandeur that is concentrated upon the few . God looks down calmly from above and sees tbe many starring .

      " Can this be always ? . Will generation after generation pass into eternity , after a life sf horrible destitution here , leaving wealth and privilege still in the enjoyment of the few , and toil and want still the lot of the many ; or will the spark of humanity , not quite stamped oat , revive , and brains and muscles assert the tights they wete Intended to protect » ad eojoy ? Will all the brawny artisans of England cringe under the awful power of purse and swoid for ever ? There is no hope of reform . Wealth does not relax its graappower does not give up ito privileges , and when did either care for right 7 Erary day tbe ease of the Eng-

      Untitled Article

      lish labourer and the Irish peasant grows more hopeless . If , this year , then are 8 , 000 , 000 of the Irian , with not enough even of roots to eat , in ten yean more the number will be increased . If at this moment starration stare * in the face of millions of English artisans , where is the hope of better times . ? For years they bare been hoping for reform . In allowing the Tories to gala the ascendancy , they tried the very last experiment No temporising policy will MTve them longer . ' ' - '' : ¦ . ;" ¦ ' ¦ ¦ " ' ' . "¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . " - ' . . "¦ ' .. , - ' - ' "'• ;¦ , ¦'

      •• The day that the people of England rise tip and with their own strong hands take tbe rights they can never peacefully attain , that day shall we think better of humanity . Endurance of wrong ia no virtue . He who submits to fraud U its accessory . Man has no right to be wronged . A ¦ mall evil may be endured , as the only means or attaining a great good , as for the sake of a rare we may submit to an operation , but then theevilbecomes a portion of the good . "It is unjust to the people # f England , the descendants of our common ancestors , to , suppose that ten years more tan pan without a revolution . Heaven grant that it may be a bloodless one . "

      It would indeed , as oar transatlantic friend says , be an insult to the people , to their sense of feeling , and their discernment of moral right and duty , to suppose that another ten years could pass without seeing an end of the system of iniquity which has brought us into this condition . The revolution must come—it will come : and we have all confidence in the long suffering which has so far stayed the arm of vengeance that it will be bloodless . The people are not now to be led in the wake of the " base , bloody , and brutal" panderers to outrage and arson for the support of party . The tocsin has been sounded

      more than once by the villanous Whig press ; but it has met with no response . They have hoisted the standard of bread or blood ! " They have cried " hurrah for the barricades ? " and would sow " egg on" the incendiary to a career of madness , pointing oat Buckingham Palace and the British Museum as proper objects for his destructive agenoy ! and all for the last desperate hope that out of tbe wreck some plank or oaak may be seized hold of , on which the drowning rats of Whiggery may float again Upon the surface of the troubled waters . Their demoniacal devioea will be frustrated . The people

      will not be thus befooled . They will pursue unhesitatingly and incessantly the one object—the Charter of their rights ; they will meat , expose , and trample upon , all the syren sophistries of faction ; they will concentrate their energies , unite their efforts , and make known their moral might . Tyranny and all its manifold ramifications of oppressive legislation and social injustice shall be made quietly , speedily , and permanently to give place to justice and its consequent equality and prosperity , by a moral and enlightened people who have learned wisdom from the harshest but the most efficient of all teachersbitter experience .

      We never remember to have seen faction so fairly at its wit ' s end as it seems now to be . All that rampant malice and ruling hatred could effect , has been tried and found wanting of the required force to beat down the rising intelligence of the people . Cunning now takes its place ; and while the Sun , the Globe , the Chronicle , and all the crew of dastards seek artfully to urge the starving people to violence under the banner of a big loaf ; their

      agents and co-partners try an opposite diversion , by labouring to resuscitate the cry of physical and moral force ; and so divide our forces . The one experiment is just aa futile as the other ; the Chartists of 1841 have left both schools far behind them . We fancy , from a report given elsewhere of Mr . Brewstkb ' s "last struggle" in his own town , that he has found the truth of this observation to his no small chagrin .

      Ne « v accesssions to our moral powers are every day made , and despite the undeniable aggregate of Buffering whioh now exists , we look forward with much confidence to the advent of liberty , in the establishment of just principles of legislation , as a sure remedy , whose operation on tbe body politic shall be permanently , if not suddenly , reviving , and Bhall bring back the wonted healthy and powerful developement of character in " Old England—the land of the brave and the free . "

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      THE LAND I THE LAND 11 THE LAND f I f As mankind become more enlightened to know their real interests , they will esteem the value of agriculture ; they will find It is their natural—their destined occupation . —Menial Recreations , Article B . We have often been astonished at the indifference with which all matters relating to agriculture , and tbe land , are received amongst the population of our manufacturing towns . This indifference , no doubt , is in great part owing to the studious efforts of the anti-Corn Law League , whose constant effort and aim it is to draw the attention of the people from that most vital subject the capability of ihe soil , of giving employment io the surplus population created by machinery .

      Any one would suppose from the utter want of knowledge and contempt of data displayed by the manufacturers , and their lecturing agents , in their crusade against agriculture , that they had never seen a gieen field or an acre of wheat in their lives . How often , and how perseveringly it Is asserted that" England can never , under any circumstances , grow enough corn for her own consumption . "—that she must always remain sn importing country , and " that corn can be produced cheaper and better on the continent than here . " These and many other like statements have been published by every Whig paper—repeated by every spouting anti-Corn Law lecturer , and enlarged upon at every

      hole-ani-corner demonstration , until some people have actually begun to look upon them as ascertained facts 1 Mr . O'Connor ' s letters have done much towards exposing the falsanessand hollowness of these fallacies , but a great deal yet remains to be done ; a vast amount of prejudice has yet to be removed . One of the chief points urged by the advocates of a repeal of the Corn Laws , is "the impossibility of the limited soil of this country producing enough food for an increasing papulatioc . " They refer us to the yearly importations of foreign grain ( averaging from one million to fifteen hundred thousand quarters ) and ask "if these are not strong proofs of the impracticability of England ' s growing enough corn for her own

      consumption ? " New , with all due deference to thase gentlemen , we must beg leave to inform them that they prove no such thing . Our not having hitherto produced enough wheat for our own consumption , does not prove that we cannot do to ; but that there is something deficient in our system of cultivation . It is well known that for years past the principal part of the land has been gradually getting into the hands of the large proprietors ; these think it their interest to let the land in as large portions as possible ; these large farms are of ten taken by persons without tho requisite capital , and consequently are very seldom half cultivated . To show the present condition of agricnlture in England , and what it might be under a proper system , we will here give an extract from a well-known pamphlet , * reviewed in Tait ' s October number . : —

      " Of the seventy-six millions of statute acres in the United kingdom , there are about twenty-six millions remaining in waste and sheep walks . Of the other fifty millions there are about thirty-two millions in natural grass , and only eighteen millions in tillage ; that ia to say , little more than one acre in tillage to two acres in grass ; or , in other words , that in every three acres only one is cultivated . We know , in a general way , that in the populous parts of Germany , the proportion of grass-land to the arable is about one acre in seven or eight acres . We know also , in a general way , t int in tfet populous parts ol Italy , the proportion of grass-land to the arable ia about one acre in

      every twelve or fourteen acres . In France , statistics have bean more studied , and we know from the official cadastre , or modern Doomsday Book , that the proportion of land cultivated by tbe plough , spade , or hoe , is even acres in eight , leaving only one acre in natural grass . The Duke of Buckingham estimates the products of land , in Ullage , at five-fold what the same land would yield In gran . His Grace , unwilling to overstate Ida argument , has , in fact , understated it ; for five-fold , six-fold , or more , might be stated on land * of superior quality . Much meadow land , if broken up .

      would yield , with less expense of culture than a poor soil , thirty bushelf of wheat per acre ; on other product * , of proportionate value , whether in either corn , in pulse , in not */ or in artificial grasses , such as clover , linseed , and others . This supposes about four thousand pounds of bread from the ploughed acre , against somewhere about , or less , than two hundred pounds of meat , or it * equivalent , in cheese , butter , Ac irom th « same acre in grass . But we will adhere , for the present , to the admitted estimate of a four-fold proportion , the amount will then stand as follow * : In England , thirty acre * of gran land { produce thirty-

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      two parts , and eighteen acres in tillage , etumated to yield four-fold , produce ¦ eveuty-two parts ; in all , one hundred and four part * from fifty aenc In France , one acre of gras * land produce * one put , and seven aere * Ia tillage , estimatod to yield four-fold , twentyeight part *; in all , twenty-nine part * from eight ae ««; that to to * ay , one hundred and eighty-one parts from fiftyaereaT ¦ . '¦/ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ .- ¦ ; .. ¦''¦ . " ; ' To prove that tbi * writer ha * not over-stated tbe relative proportion « f grass to aiaMe land ia thii eountoy , we give a few farm statistic * , which have been received from practical agriculturist * in different part * ef tbe oountry : — ' , , \ ., ' ..

      . , In a farm ot 800 acre * - , Rugeley , SUffordahire , the relative proportion of wheat , Ice . stood thus — ' Wheat ... ... ...... ••> ... 24 acres . Bailey and oat * ... . ' .. . ' . ' . ... 30 , ' Turnips , cabbages , and potatoes Iff Fallow II . In gran ... , 120 200 This is the general average in this and the neighbouring counties .

      SECOND . A farm of 100 acres , Ballam-in-Weatby , Lancashire Wheat ... 13 acres . Oat * and bean * 36 Turnip * and potatoes ... 14 . } Fallow ... 15 Pasture 63 § Clover seeds ... ... 18

      160 1 HIBD . A farm ef 91 acres , Lytham , Lancashire . Wheat ... 10 acre * . Oat * and Barley 20 turnips and Peas ... , % Fallow 0 Grass ... 34 Clover seeds ... 19 91 The tenants of then toms gained prices at the ]*** Lytham agricultural meeting , so they may be taken a * very fair specimens of the farm * in Lancashire .

      FOURTH . A small farm of 23 acres , Syleham , Suffolk . Wheat 6 acres . Fallow , 3 Barley 5 Clover , 3 Beans and Peas 5 Grass l Total 23

      From . these statistics ( and many other * of the nine kind , which it would take up too much space to insert ) it appears that , in many cases , one half of ihe land farmed is left entirely cut of cultivation , and that as the farm increases in size so does ihe quantity of wheat grown diminish . If the farm of 200 acres , in Staffordshire was divided into farms of 20 acres each , the land would produce 56 acres of wheat instead of 24 , or more than double ; the farm of 160 acre * in Lancashire would have 42 acres instead of 13 , or three times as much . This statement supposes that the present system of cropping and fallowing was continued ; under an improved system the land might be made to produce sixfold and sevenfold what it dots at present .

      To prove that the system adopted in England is bad , and that a much better one might be carried out , we close this article with two ' or three extracts from Chambers ' s Tour in Belgium . The extract * are rather long , but their importance will , make amends for the space occupied . After portraying the manner , custom * , dec . of the inhabitant * of Belgium , Mr . Chamben goes on thus to describe the state of agriculture in that country . " It has been ascertained by minute statistical inquiry that the agricultural population of Belgium are at this moment among the most contented , virtuous , and generally-comfortable peasantry in the world . The farms are for the most part of a . small size , just sufficient to pay a moderate rent , and support

      a family in a humble but decent manner . The greater part of tbe inhabitants are renters and cultivators of land to the extent of five or six acres each family ; and this with a cottage and garden , is quite enongh to render them comfortable . They are all Roman Catholics , and are exceedingly devout . Their piety , h owever , does not render them gloomy and morose ; they have fifteen holidays throughout the year exclusive of Sundays ; and these they partly devote to dancing , and out door amusements . The food of this cheerful , industrious , and religious people is of a very simple kind . It consists of coffee with bread early in the morning ; bread , butter , cheese , at nine o ' clock ; potatoes with lard at noon ; in the evening , a salad with bread ; and sometime * a little beer . "

      Conversing with M . Ie Compto Arrevebend , on the state of crime in Belgium , Mr . Chambers was informed by that gentleman , ¦ " That he had resided for eleven years in a village called Guesbeck , in the province of Brabant , containing three hundred and sixty-four inhabitants , and that during tbe whole of that period neither a crime nor a culpable indiscretion bad been committed . " Mr , Chamber * here goes on to quote from the report of Georgs NichoUs , Esq ., the parliamentary commissioner sent out by the Whigs to inquire into the condition of the l . - ibouriog population of Belgium : — " Mr . Nicholls , in his third report to the House of Commons , says : —

      " The extensive manufactures which at no very remote period flourished in Belgium , appear to have congregated a numerous population of artizans in and around the great towns . As the scene of manufacturing industry changed , this population was deprived of its means , of its handicraft employment , and was compelled to resort to the cultivation of the soil for subsistence . This seems to have been the chief , though net the nole , origin of the system of the small farms , vhich still prevail , and which are cultivated by the holder and biB family , generally without other' assistance . The farms in Belgium very rarely exceed one hun-. ' . red acres . -

      " The number containing fifty acres isnot great ; those of thirty and twenty acres are more numerous ; but tho number of holdings from five to ten and twenty : cres is vary considerable , especially these of smaller extent ; and to these I chiefly confined my inquiries . The farms of from five to ten acres , ¦ which abound in many parts of Belgium , closely resemble the small holdings in Ireland ; but the small Irish cultivator exists iu a state of miserable privation of the common comforts and conveniences of a civilised Ute 7 while the Belgian farmer enjoys a large portion of those comfort * . The houses of the email cultivatois in Belgium , are generally substantially built , and in good repair ;

      they have commonly a sleeping-room in the attic , and closets for bads connected with the lower apartment , which is convenient in sizj ; a small cellarage for the dairy , and store for the grain , as well aa an oven , and an outhouse for the potatoes , with a roomy cattle-stall , pi g gery , and poultry loft The house generally contains decent furniture , the bedding sufficient in quantity ; and , although the scrupulous neatness . of the Dutch , may not be everywhere observable , an air of comfort , and propriety pervades the whole establishment . The premises were kept in neat and compact order , and the family were decently clad , none of them were ragged or slovenly , even when their dress consisted of the coarsest materials . The diet consists , to a great extent , of rye-bread and milk , the dinner being usually composed of potatoes and onions , with tbe

      addition of some pounded ham er slices of bacon . ~ The quantity of new wheaten bread consumed , did not appear to be considerable . In the greater part of the fiat country of Belgium , the soil is light and sandy and easily worked , bub Us productive powers are certainly inferior to ihe general soils of Ireland , and the climate does not appear to be superior . To the soil and climate , therefore , the Belgian does not owe bia supexorlty in comfort and position over the Irish cultivator . The difference ia xaAtaar to be found in tha ftyatem et cultivation pursued by the small fanners of Belgium , and in the habit * of economy and forethought of the people . " The cultivation of the smallfarma in Belgium differ from the Irish—1 st , in the quantity of stall-fed slock which is kept , and by which a supply of manure is regularly secured :

      u Sd—Jn the strict attention paid to the collecting of manure , which is mostskilfully managed ; " 3 d—By the adoption of a system of rotation of Jive , six , or seven success ive crops , even in ihe smallest farms vehich is in striking contrast with the plan of cropping and fallowing the land prevalent in Ireland . "In the farms of six acres we found no plough , hone , or cart , the only agr icultural implement besides the spade , fork , and wheelbarrow , . which we observed , war a light wooden barrow , which might fo dragged by the hand . The farmer UaeVno as . sistanco beside . ** ¦* ni 8 ^ J ^^ J ^ excepting wmetime * in harvest , when we founTS oflcar ionaUy obtained the assistance of a neighbour , or hired a labourer at a franc a day . The whoteof the tandis ^ dug with the spade , and toenched yery deep ! but as the sou U light , the labour of diggfai U ? ot

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      " The stock in the small farms which we exanuW consisted of a couple of cow * , a calf or two , oneortwj pigs , jiometimes a goat or two , and some poultry , xhs cows are altogether stall-fed , on str « w , turnips , dov » rye , vetches , carrot * , potatoes , and a kind of soap nu ^ by boiling up potatoes , peas , beans , bran , cut hay , 4 , into one mess , and which , being given warm , is nid t , be very wholesome , and to promote the secretion tf milk . In some district * the grains of the breweries w distilleries are used for the cattle . No portion o » THE FARM IS ALLOWED TO BE FALLOW , but Hi , divided into six or seven small plots , on each of which 9 system of rotation is adopted , and thus , with the aid o t manure , the power * of the soil are maintained unejJui ^^ in a state of constant activity * . ''

      " The order of succession In the crops is various , bit we observed , in the several farms which we visited plots appropriated to potatoes , wheat , barley , c 1 ot » flax , rye , carrots , turnips or parsnips , vetches and m for immediate use as green food for cattle . The fiaj grown is heckled and spun by the fanner ' s wife , * * ehich during the winter , and we were told that three weety Iafcour at the loom enabled them to weave int * doth d the thread thus prepared . " The weavers an generally a distinct clan from tbj small farmer * , though the labourers chitfly supported bj the loom commonly occupied about an acre of land , son times more , their labour upon the land alternating toft their tcork at the loom . -

      " It was most gratifying to observe the comfort dl * played in the whole economy of the households of the * small cultivator * , and the respectability in which tba lived . As far as I could learn , there was no tendene to the sub-division of tbe small holdings . I heard tf none under five acres held by the class ef poutg farmers , and six , seven , or eight acres is the more cog > mon size . The common rent of land is 20 s . an acre . If a Sick Club or Benefit Society were established amo * these people , ao as to enable them , by mutual xsgnrana to provide for the casualty of sickness , there woulj BK L 1 TTLB LEFT TO WISH FOR OK AMEND IN THXn SOCIAL CONDITION . " So ends Mr . Nichols ' s report . It proves most dei dedly that the system of small farming is not otl ; practicable , but advantageous ; and when conduct on proper principles , has a great influence on the monk and condition of the people .

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      • Action of the Corn Laws reviewed on the prtod pies of a sound political economy , and of Comma Sense . By the author of letters on " The Time ** which , more than twenty yean since , so mainly contt buted to awaken public attention to the subject London : —Saunders and Otter , 1841 .

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      O'BRIEN PEESS FUND , LEEDS . £ : *• u * Received of Mr . Hobson , treasurer of the Demonstration Committee , being part of the prooad * of the Soiree given to O'Connor ... 12 7 " Received from the Chartists of Horbury , per Mr . Hick ... ° '

      2to 3$Ia&Etrg Antir Correggoffijettt*

      2 To 3 $ ia&etrg antir Correggoffijettt *

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      The National Petition . —Our publishery Mr . R& son , has printed the National Petition for 1842 , on a neat sheet , for the purpose of being exten sively distributed amongst those from whom signt tares are asked , thai they may know for what thg are signing . He is ready to supply them to ( if Associations and to individuals at the following charges : —100 copies for 2 s ; 1 , 000 / or 15 * . P& tition sheets , of good strong paper , ruled infovt columns , and holding two hundred names whn fi lled , may also be had , price 2 d . eaeh The Petition and sheets map also be hoi from Mr . Cleave , London : and' Mr . Hq . wood , Manchester . But in all cases the montj must be sent in advance—the price being so km as to preclude credit .

      faT * Messrs . Paton and Love , of Glasgow , apprixt us that they have made arrangements with Mr . Hobson for the supply of our Scotch friends with sheets and petitions . Those in Scotland , who rtquire them , will do well to make early application to these gentlemen .

      TO AGENTS . The Pabcels of Medals and of Portraits .-. During the next few weeks we shall have to send parcels nearly io all parts of England and Scot land . In each case we shall endeavour to tad by the cheapest mode of conveyance ; and shall be obliged to any agent who will point out the best and cheapest mode of reaching him , 1 ft beg to call attention to this , that there may be no complaint afterwards . Those who will

      experience any convenience from having Petitioni , et Sheets , or Poor Man ' s Almanack , or Mr . O'Qm nor ' s Pamphlet , or any other of our Publisheft Publications inclosed in their parcels , had better apprize him of the same in time . In all svth cases , however , he desires us to state that money must be sent with the order . The price of Ik petitions and sheets are known ; and the allowance upon the other goods to vendors , it 25 per cent ., therefore they can easily calculate what the amount will be ; and in all cases goodt to the amount of cash received will be sent .

      John Thomson , Pastor of the Christian Chakusi Chubch at Grkenock . —His letter shall apptax in our next . BlKMINGHAM . —HaMPTOX WaSD ChaBMSIS . —F « received no report from them last week . O'Brien ' s Press Fcnd , Huddebsfield . —We m requested to stale that the proceeds of the O'Brien Festival , at Huddersfield , yxn £ 21 19 s . Id ., from which the expences being deducted , leave in hand a balance of £ 7 17 * . 6 % , which was handed over to Mr . O'Brien and his Press Fund Committee . Beighton O'Bkibn Pbess Committee . —Those per sons having collecting books for the O'Brien Press Fund , are requested to deliver them to tht committee on Wednesday evening next , with

      such monies as they may have collected , pre paratory to the books being audited , and the amount collected transmitted to Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., the general treasurer . O'Bbien Press Fond . —Mr . S . Marling , of Brighton , acknowledges the receipt of four shillmgt from Arnold , near Nottingham , and 2 s . id . frm Calverton , near Arnold , for the O'Brien Prett , per Mr . Wm . Emmerson . The Poets must really give us a little respite ; we have loads of their obliging communications vnlooked at . James Collier . —We cannot insert the strange story he has sent us of a silk-agent and a female worker . If the circumstances be as he states , at advise him to send the letter to the employer of the filthy wretch , who is clearly unfit for his

      situation . Chris roPHER Wood . —We have no room . , An Artizan . —His very long letter "To the Brituh Youth" would occupy far loo much of our space . Wm . Wildgoose . —The Chartists of Mottram mat remember that we have only 48 columns for the whole empire . Female Signatures to the National Petition . — In reply to many letters upon this subject , ue advise female signatures t $ be kept on distinct sheets . Mr . R . Nicholls , Bradford , Wilts . —We cann » find space for his letter to the Cornish men . f «

      speaks highly of their spirit and intelligence , bit concurs in the general outcry for a missionary . Messrs . James B . O'Brien and Henry Yikcekt are requested to communicate immediately vtta Duncan Nicolson , 37 , East North-street Aberdeen . Chimney Bribery . — . 4 letter from Northwkh tttm that an overbearing Tory , whose chimney « " ** an annoyance to some of his neighbours , promise one of them to build it higher if he would vote for the Tory party . The vote was given to the Tories on the faith of this promise , but the chimney has not been raised . Our correspondent wishes for our opinion as to whether this was a

      case of bribery . We should say yes ; and aamse him te prosecute . If he succeed the Tory uitUM punished for bribery , as he ought to be . jJJ fail , he will be punished for accepting the onoe as he ought to be ¦ . Dvfpield . —We cannot insert the attack " ^^ r policeman sent us . However true it moy-O ' -w fact , it is a gross libel in law . „ Charles Davies , Stockport , apologizes to hu cMfa friends for disappointing them on the olh «»• Sickness was the cause of his doing to . . . ¦ . W . Pedley ' wishes to impress upon the Chartist boat generally , the necessity of supporting the Exect % tive . He says , and very properly , that . » « this il is only necessary that the rules oju National Charter Association should be camp

      out tn every locality . , York Fjemale Chartists . —Mr . Stallwooi tewisw the following note . —** Sir ,-The **«* ' $ York do not think you are quite so gallant as yw > should be , seeing that you neither inserted tnetr communication , or announced the recepton V , ^ last week . —Truly yours , Edmund Staliwoo ^ Weknvonot to what communication this my refer . We have received none ; nor canwe uam that any such communication has been receive at this office at all . r ' Toady Cajpfkrkt , Bauaghadbrbimb , / ri Mayo , Ireland , begs to acknowledge the recet ^ of some Stars , on one of which werethetnuwn * W . B . Darlington . " , „ , . „ . Cranburn .-In the notice of Mr . Powell ' s k £ ™ " / at this place , inserted in tntr last , the »«?» %$ the audience was accidentally printed IBM instead of 1200 . . . imfiut EwuTCM .- / n Mr . Hartley ' s letter , given tn ourM > for " Ashby Poor-house , " read « Ashmer Pow house . "

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      4 ' ^^^ THE NORTHERN STAR . ^^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1137/page/4/