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THE NORTHERN ST*4.R SAfURDAY, MAY 1, 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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FREEDOM OP DISCUSSION-. CORN LAW . ^ - '' . LEAGUE LIBERALITY TO IHS EDITOR OF TBS KOB . THEKH STAB . 8 ii , —To give the country some ides of the nature of the anti-Corn Lxw party , I will relate to 70 a the procexLing * of a meeting held in Addinghain , on Monday evening last , for that purpose . ¦ I attended u a speaker at a Chartftt public meeting in Silxdea oa the cam * day , and at the conclusion of businea * I -was invited to go to Addinfham , t » asrist in arguing the merit * of Cbaztism in opposition to the Corn Law bnmbdg , at a meeting oj the middle-class men , in the Odd Fellows * Hall , of that town . Thinking it only right **»* the inhabitants should hear both side * of the question , I accordingly -went there , accompanied by a few Mends bom Keigbley and Siladen .
On entering the room , which is capable of holding fire or six hundred , I perceived a few-middle men in one corner talking the thing otst in evident alarm ., having beard that there was a prospect of opposition . Tery aooa after my arriral the room iras -well filled , when a carton * looking fellow , said to be the constable , walked into the chair -without consulting the meeting . He then got up and read the cry calling the meeting , and announced his readiness to hear any person who ru tifrs »«—«< to address the meeting on the subject TbJs ^ iiTiiation -was no sooner made than a person , acting i » tb * double capacity of a Methodist parson and eobWar , fot np and said , 1 propose that the petition ¦ we ban . got up be adopted ; and before he had tqoeezad the words oat of his m « nth , another grimloeking fellow in a corner bawled out , I second the motion ,
With this brief introduction—without a word having been said tithe * pro or eon—they were on the point of potting it , when I stepped forward and said , " Mr . fftujmym , I wish to make a few observations before yon try the motion . " " You have no business here , " cried oat the panon , " we shall aUow no one to speak here bat those who will sign the petition . " I said " The Chainnaa ¦ wilt perhapf allow me to speak , " " No , you am » Chartist , " bawled out the puaon , " and you shall not apeak hen . " The bulk of the meeting , consisting of woridng men , said they were determined that I should be heard ; " for , " said they , " if truth is jtobt object you should hear every one speak . " " We wQl bear 00 person speak , '' said the Corn Law men , who is a Chartist . " Here the confusion was beyond daaadptkm . " Come and sign the petition , " sheuted
the pszsw as he stood upon the table , " andthrow t *» e Chartists < wt of the room . " This was answered by the people calling out , " Sign it thyself , thon cobbling panoB-, tfaou wants to get thy living without working . Thou applied to be a policeman , and the governor of Skiptoa Bistile , and they would not have thee- " Another person , whom I took to be either a pazsoa car a doctor , peeped ofi at a corner * Dd said , «< the Oartfata will aU go to hell , they are a lo-, of tUevvsV sad away be ran down the steps as if Beelaebub was after him , to take him home . Another fellow , of the same party , got bis mouth to my ear , aa 4 bawted oat till he almost split his mouth , " you n come here to pick our pockets . You are come to ruin us , you thief , you -, " while another of them got boM of me by the collar , and said , " you will get put
ia prison if yon do not get off out of this room . You bare spoiled the esoeern , you d—d raseaL You are a paid Chartist , to make mischief . " I continued to speak amidst aU this uproar , till I was nearly exhausted , and had gained the general approbation of the meeting with the exception of the few in the earner .. At this stage of the business , the parson again mooted the table , aad said , " the motion was carried Taanimoosly . " Not willing to allow this falsehood to pus , I got up also , and said , " Sir , you are mistaken ; " his answer w&s , " you are a liar . " " Wdl , the * , " said I , " to prove the matter , ail you who are in favour of Universal Suffrage , and against the Con Law League , hold up your hands , " when the Whole meeting held up their hands with the exception of the otd bah * dozen . The parson then got off the
table , aad teasing it by one end , threw both table , inkstand , and myself , on to the floor , shouting in a rage , " then , take that , yon sinner , for your impudence , I would do acre if I durst , and 1 wish aU Chartists were at the deviL" As soon as I recovered from the flooring effect * of the saint' s strength of body , I got up agate , tad told him I was much obliged to him for . so masy proofs of bis Christian charity , bat they atwnkl not deter me from speaking the truth , and exposing their hypocrisy , ami that I was willing to discuss the question with any man they esuld find , either then or at any other time . " We will not hear you , you scamp , " said the parson . Oa asking the meeting who the fellow was , " O , " said they , " he is a cobbler , but he does not like to work , and will rather preach or do any kind of dirty work
like this than stick to h -s last and bristles . " . Through the exceedingly crowded state of the room , and the uproarious conduct of the half dozen , I was by this time nearly suffocated , and by way of finish , I taid—Ail those who want the Charter , follow me-, , snd let all who waat to bant after a repeal of the "Cora Laws , stay with , thaw blackguards . I then left the roem , and got into the street , and in less than five minutes I had the whole meeting at -- ' my heels , with the exception of eight solitary individuals , who were left to mourn on the . failure of their ^ Hwnw Just at this time , the Addingham band of musicians' made their appearance , and assisted , by theji excellent abilities , in celebrating our glorious Tietory ovez the knot left behind in the building . As I wished to explain to them the principles of the Charter , which I had been in a measure unable to de
before , I addressed them to the effect that the object of the Corn Law-Leaguers was not to benefit the working people , and that the middle-elan men were their greatest enemies . That if they wanted to benefit themselves , as working people , they should assist in getting the Charter , and never depend' upon whit others would do for them , but place themselves in a position to work out their redemption ; for what this Government gives to day , they can take a wsy ^ o-morrow . At the conclusion of my address , three cheers were given for O'Connor and tae Charter , and three groans for Daniel O'ConnelL After frequent solicitations I promised to pay them another visit The band then played another march , snd the people went lo their homes eying Hurrah for the Charter . Thomas "B . K > owles . Keighley , April 27 , 1 S 41 .
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« . _ MR . SPURR . TO THE SD 1 T 0 B OP THB SOUTHERN STAB . Sib ., —As one of the delegates who met at Manchester in July last , when tha original plan for a national organisation was demised , and feeling , as I-do , deeply interested in its ultimate success , by which the united powers , energies , and resources , moral , philosophical , and intellectual , as well as pecuniary , of the enslaved millions , were to be called into active operation against the citadel » f tyranny and corruption , I cannot in terms sufficiently strong express my sorrow that anything should have occurred to prevent the accomplish ment of an object so desirable to erery lover of liberty and justice .
Sir , I am free to admit , I am wiliing to acknowledge , and ready to confess , that that plan was not altogether Each as to arrest the attention , and secure the hearty co-operation of the leg&Uy-fearful and physically-timid professors of our creed ; and , therefore , such , under the fear of courts of justice , giooniy prisons , and cl&uking irons , had an undoubted right to Btand aloof ; and , if they thought proper , to propose . a plan of their own , as Lovett and Collins have done , in my opinion , this right is inherent in every individual in tvery country and-in every elime ; but it dots not follow that every man exercising hia own indiviau *! right , in his own way , would be acting a wise and prudent part either to himself or his fellow-man ; nay , quite the reverse would be the case , for , if every Chartist was to come forth with his own individual plan , there would be 2 S many plans as there are Chartists ; and , therefore , the union which Messrs . Lovett and Co . profess to desire , would never be found to exist , and consequently our object never obtained .
The great fundamental principle contained in the Charter is Universal Suffrage . And as the consistent , though humMe advocate of that principle , I feel bound to reject every plan and mode of action which has not been , submitted to the universal test of the people * opinion , obtained through the medium of the peopled delegates elected at public meeting ? . And while 1 ¦ would abstain from denouncing as traitors , thieves awl conspirators the men vfbo prepar&d , issued , and ngnad the doeaaeat , ( believing , as I do , their iaability to justify their proceedings in accordance with their own professed principle . ) I will iot fail , under anj consideration , in aa honourable and digniaed manner to express my belief of the error into which they have fadea , and to-pr *«» t , to the utmost of my ability , the enlargement ot the wound which they hava inflicted on the Chartist body .
Success will never attend any undertaking for the advancement of our cause , where unity of action , as well as unity of object , is not found to . prevail ; and onity of action can on ! y exist where the majority are allowed to direct Will it be said that , by going with the majority I do wrong , because the majority are for Feargus O'Connor , and have established a sort of man-worship ? Be It so j but tkey are mistaken . 1 will never be one to cry , I am for Paul , Apollos , or Cephas , O'Connor , Loveti , or Collins . No , no , I am for liberty—universal liberty . Who is 0 Connor ? who is Lovett ? or who is Collins T V * a they get the Charter , either the one or the other , orthathree combined ! Certainiynot Then , Sir , I have anindependent right to follow the dictates of my own mind , and remain © n board the good ship Charter , which has weathered bo long the
battle and the breas , " and refuse to risk ray noble carcase on the new eonstructed raft , in a boisterous ea , without being guilty of paying a devoted homage , or yielding a blind obedience , to O'Codbot , orany other Of the officers appointed by the crew . Away with all silly nonsense and flimsy subterfuges ; tie ignorant working classes are throwing aside their leading atnnga ; and I hail with feelings of unutterable pleasure the present aspect of the people ' s determination no longer to be duped by leadera crying " lo here and lo there ,- and it is my firm belief , that if Feargus O Connor was to attempt to act in an arbitrary manner in the position in which the people have placed Mm , from mat moment he would cease to command their respect and esteem , and would be thrown overboard , as others cave been before Mm .
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There is no despot ism or tyranny in giving an opinion , or holding oat a recommendation ; " although some hate attributed it to O'Connor , in recommending certain persens as fit to sit on the Petition Convention . 1 do not , and therefore beg to recommend to the Executive Council the propriety of getting tha articles , or general laws and rules for the government of the National Association printed as soon as possible ; as also to call their attention to the necessity of immediately taking measures for the establishment of a daily evening Star , which two things , especially the papar , would produce , in my opinion , greater results in one year , than Mr . Lovett's plan in twenty . Longing for that liberty for which I will ever contend in union with the millions , ' I am , Sir , Its feeble Advocate , Richard Spurr . No . 91 , St . Jobn ' s-street , Smithfield Bars , London , April 26 th , 1841 .
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TO THE EDITOR OP THE NOBTHKRM STAB . Sib , —Permit me to present my sincere thanks for the prompt and fearless manner in which you have exposed and denounced the conduct of Messrs . Lovett Collins , and Co ., and in doing which I am persuaded you will receive the support of every really honest Chartist in the kingdom . At the conduct of Mr . Lovett I am by no means surprised , having long expected some saeh result ; but that he should have sufficient influence to hoodwink a man like John Cleave is matter to me of the greatest astonishment : his name is the last which I should hare expected to have seen appended to such a document , as I have always considered him as fine a specimen of a genuine John Bull , and of as sterling a character as any in existence , and most earnestly do I hope that he will yet retrace his steps .
As Mr . Lovett can no longer be considered a member of our body , I wish to know how you intend to proc » ed in rapect to hia promised portrait ; if the plate 1 b not begun , I trust it never will be , as you will probably not get many thanks , and less money for it : if , however , it be in progress , allow me to suggest some little alterations—cannot you direct the engraver to give it two faces—from the mouth of one proceeding the words " No vote , no musket , " and from the other " No education , no vote ; " and as a finishing touch , to be branded across the forehead with the word " renegade . "
While on this subject , allow me to state a fact in illustration , of the nature and prospects of union among the projectors of this new move . A day or two after the address was published I had some conversation with one of the six gents whose ' names are affixed to it , and on my making some remarks on the political character of one of them , namely , Mr . Rogers , my worthy friend replied , " Oh , I can ' t say much about him , I am too Radical for him . " Here , then , is a valuable admission in the outset , and if such is the budding of the tree , what may we not expect from the fruits 7
In conclusion , allow me to say , that if any thing can work repentance in the mind of any of those men , it is the unqualified manner in which they have been praised by the whole Whig press , and above all by that incubus of political iniquity , Daniel O'Connell , whose commendations , as I have often heard some of those six gentlemen declare , would damn the most righteous cause that was ever brought before the pnblio eye . I am , Sir , Yours , Ac , Hbkry Kitchin . London , April 25 , 1841 . 14 , Charlotte Terrace , White Conduit Fields , Pentonville .
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Death op the America * President . The British Q'leen , Captain Franklin , reached Liverpool on Wedneaday ,, bringing New York papers to the 12 th , Baltimore , Boston , and Philadelphia to the 11 th . The arrival of the British Queen puts us in possession of the important announcement of the death of General Harrison , the new President of the American Republic , after the short reign of one month in the high office to which he had been elected by the citizens of the United States . The gallant General breathed his last on the morning of the 10 th , and the Vice-President ( John Tyler ) was installed in the Presidental Chair of bib predecessor on the Sth . The prevailing opinion at New York is , that President Tyler will carry out the views of General Harrison ' s foreign policy , but that the question of a National Bank will not meet his encouragement . — The political and commercial newB from the United States is unimportant .
The Northern St*4.R Safurday, May 1, 1841.
THE NORTHERN ST * 4 . R SAfURDAY , MAY 1 , 1841 .
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THE " NEW MOVE ; " ITS OSTENSIBLE CONCOCTORS ; THE TROWBRIDGE CRITICS j AND THE "NORTHERN STAR . " Elsbwherb we pnblisb , at the request of the sabscribing parties , an epistle from certain Chartists , members of the General Council , residing at Trowbridge , first published in the Sun , and addressed u to the Chartists of Great Britain , and more particularly to Hr . Hill , the Editor of the Northern
Star , and Mr . William Lotbtt . We admit the right of all Chartists in the Empire to criticise the style and manner of our pnblic advocacy of the principles of truth , while we insist eqnally on our own right to choose our own Btyle , provided always that it be joEt . We ask only that , in criticising us , our friends shall act on their own principles—that they shall avoid the fault they attribute to us— " intemperate language" and unjust assertion . We deny emphatically their assertion that
" In the Northern Star « f the 17 th instant , there is an editorial article abounding from first to last , and in every variety of low phraseology , with charges and imputations of fraud , falsehood , and trickery against Messrs . Lovett and Collins . " Oar observations were directed not against those gentlemen individually , bnt against the new national project , which they have published , and the mode of its publication" We -ask the writers of this letter to read again the article referred to—to read their own letter with it , and to tell us the Bingle "
imputatation" contained in our article that is not borne out and sustained by their letter . In the first article we wrote on this subject , we say distinctly these words : — " Let us not be misunderstood . We make no charge against the six gentlemen whose names are appended to the document . We know some of them to be men incapable of any thing dishonest or dishonourable ; and tee know nothing to the contrary of any of them ; but v : e say that the scheme is capable of being thus perverted ; and that , therefore , it it not one which the people ought to take any steps for bringing into operation ^ . "
Is this , then , the " scurrility , the " every r&riety of low phraseology , " the "imputations of fraud , falsehood , and trickery , " of which our Trowbridge friends complain ? And yet we defy them to point oat anything in our article of the 17 th , inconsistent with this , or any "imputation" against either Lovett or Collins which is not equally strongly brought ia their own letter . We adopt most fully the very language of our Trowbridge friends , and we use it as the justification of the language we have ourselves uBed
throughout the whole of our strictures on this " New Move . " "We concur with that address [ the address of the ' New More' gentlemen ] that we [ that is , the people ] must become our own social and political regenerators , or that we shall never enjoy freedom . " And , therefore , vre denonnce the system of a self-elected board of management , into whose hands the people are modestly a 9 ked by the "New Move" gentry to put the application of £ 256 , 480 ! without having a Bhadovr of controul over its expenditure .
Iv ow , do not let oar Trowbridge friends again misunderstand as . We are not speaking of persoas , but of a plan . We do not call Messrs . Lovett and Colliks " Tbieve 3 , liars , and traitors ; " we never did call them 60 ; though our Trowbridge friends have so adroitly introduced these pretty epithets into their objurgation , as to make it seem as though we had . We do not say , that if Messrs . Lovbtt and Collins were entrusted by the people with all this money , they would cot honestly apply it ; but we say , that the " New More" plan puts no power of controul into the people ' s hands ; that the plan is thus capable of being made into a flimsy cover for dishonest purposes ; sad that therefore the people
ought not to countenance it . We beg our Trowbridge friends to read the published documents of the " New Move" carefully ; they will find them all in the Slar of the 10 th , and they will then see whether we cast upon it any " imputations " unduly . Again we adopt the language of oar Trowbridge friends in reference to this " New More " most cordially : — " District halls , circulating libraries , missionaries , tracts , and so forth , all seem to us well calculated to encourage and ensure an enlightened public opinion ; to fortify and consolidate the strength of our friends ; and to mitigate the fears of those who oppose us from not understanding our objects . Bat then—and here > we oome to the
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point to which we alluded , M the . outset , and on which we altogether differ from Mr . Lovetxand the four other gentlemen actiig withhknin theaddressthey propose to establish an Association to carry out their plan . In this we see them altogether wrong . We do not call them—our injustice would be greater than their deficiency of judgment if we were to call them 'thieves , liars , and traitors , ' but we think that they have committed a great error , and the sooner they acknowledge it the better we shall think of their sincerity and consistency . We have an association—the National Charter Association—choBen in the most fair and public manner , and all but universaUy recognised as
the Representatives of the Chartists of Great Britain , Already has this body met and acted in its representative capacity ; and we may refer to the zeal with which one of their laws has been carried out—that of enforcing on every public meeting the Charter and its principles—as a proof , and a strong one , ot oar faith in its wisdom . To these our representatives—the National Charter Association—Messrs . Lover , Ate , ought in our opin | on ^ irst to hare submitted their plan ; it would have been received and discussed with all the respect and consideration it so well merited ; and , if there adopted , would thus have been girded with amoral strength that would have gone far to secure its success . "
Again , then , while w $ thank our Trowbridge friends for the expressions of good opinion contained in their letter , we would seriously ask them to shew us the just grounds for the censure with which they have seen fit to visit us . Our fault seems , however , in the- estimation of our Trowbridge friends , to hare extended beyond the range of our own fire . We are censured for not oen-Euring others—for not having taken the whole country to task in reference to the stTongresolutions of opinion come to on the subject of this " New Move" by a great many portions of the people . Our
friends talk of " holding up a man in triumph on a Tuesday , and knocking < fitm down on a Wed- ; nesday ; " but this is really knocking , its down both Tuesday and Wednesday , They complain of having lately observed in our paper what they " cannot but consider a spirit of intolerance towards every opinion but that of its editor ; " they remind us very properly , that the day of dictation is gone by f and then they find fault with us for not dictating to . the whole people the opinions they shall form , and the manner in which they shall be expressed !
For oureelves , we say at onc $ -that any men totarse as oar Trowbridge friends seem to point to us for adoption would , as we think , be highly " despotic ;" and much rather would we incur even justly the censure of our Trowbridge friends for being , now and then , intemperate in our own language , than assume the right of moulding publio opinion to our own will and pleasure , by commenting upon every resolution emanating from meetings of the people , which did not exactly squaro with our own critical notions of policy .
So much , then , for our share of tha Trowbridge objurgation . We now turn to the reply of Mr . Lovett to this same latter ; and which we also publish in our third page . Mr . Lovett says : — " Our plan for obtaining the People ' s Charter by peaceful and moral means—by the erecting of balls , the establishing of schools , the formation of libraries , and by every means seeking to raise the intellectual and moral character of onr brethren , while approved ot by
the press in general , as well as by the thinking and reflecting portion of Chartists , instead of being made a legitimate subject for discussion , was only made the subject of contempt and ridicule by the people ' s organ , the Northern Star , the editor of which designated national education as a " national jackass , " and without condescending to review or rebut the arguments we had adduced , hinted that our plan was altogether worthless . "
Now to those who have read what we have written on this plan , it is scarce necessary fot us to say a word in reply to this . We believe that no , disinterested man , who has read those articles , will say that we have not made the plan a legitimate sub : ject for discussion . If the result of the discussion has been to make it also the " subject of contempt and ridicule , " we are sorry Mr . Lovett should have been so unfortunate in the selection of his plan ; but cannot help it . Tfre assertion that the Editor of tho Northern Star called National Education a "National Jackass , " is false .
Mr . Lovett speaks of his and Collins ' s declarations at the several meetings which they attended , of their intention to form the Association now proposed . We can only say , that this is the first we have heard of these declarations . Mr . Lovett attended no meetings ; and Mr . Collins never mentioned the plan as proposed in the secret circular ; at least we never beard of his doing so . The next question to which Mr . Lovett refers , is that of illegality ; and to this we pray attention . Mr . Lovett says : —
" Mr . Collins called the attention of the Editor of the Slar to the subject of illegality of the Charter Association , and the necessity of cautioning the working classes on the subject . The persons engaged on that paper subsequently wrote to Mr . Place of London to ascertain the state of the law on the subject , which that gentleman readily furnished them with , but several weeks were suffered to elapse before any notice was taken or warning given , when Mr . Place ' s article appeared without the least -acknowledgment of the author . "
Now , supposing this statement to be correct , what would it prove 1 What inference could be fairly drawn from it t We were long aware of the " Secret Move . " Various parties were very importunate with us on the matter of alleged illegality in the Constitution and Government of the National Charter Association , which they desired us to lay before the public . We knew well , and at once , that the object was just that which has since appeared , namely , to engender fear of the law , aud suspicion of the leaders . The matters objected to by the
" New Move men had not escaped our notice ; we knew them all ; and we have here Mr . Lovett ' s own confession , that so far from adding fuel to the flame , we tried , by every means in our power , to remove all just cause for fear or suspicion , and to disarm the opponents of the established Association of the people of every weapon ; insomuch , that knowing we could not be too secure within the law , we even asked Mr . Place to furnish us with such acts , as he feared we should bring our friends into collision with . And what do we then
do f Why , give Mr . Place s opinion all the value which would attach to an editorial article . Such we maintain to be the conclusions legitimately resulting from Mr . Lovett ' s premises , about " 3 Vlr . Place" and "illegality , " supposing the premises to have been correct ; and we ask , does this prove a disposition to quarrel , or to use all means to conciliate ! And did the legal plan recommended by the " oracle" destroy the only pretended obstacle to Lovett and his party joining our Association ! But the facts are not correctly stated . We are not aware of having over held any correspondence with
Mr . Place . We never made any Buch application to that gentleman as Mr . Lovett speaks of 4 nor did any other person employed at this office by our authority or with our knowledge . We know nothing of the article which Mr . Lovett speaks of as Mr . Place < s , and as having been inserted without acknowledgement- ; but we suppose it to mean an article on the law « f organisation whioh we iirst inserted in the Star , the week before the sitti ng of the Delegate Meeting , fcy which the National Charter Association was organised . Some months previous to that period , some person sent us anonymously
a placard of the Political Union cl 1832 , or the law of political societies , and though it contained no new information to us , for we had in our possession the Acts of Parliament to which it referred , yet , as it gave a valuable digest of their provisions in brief space , we felf obliged . to the party , and reserved it for use , if needful—that placard we used as a ready written articleat the time above ctated . Wehavesincelearned that it was sent by Mr . Place , though we did not know it then . We suppose that to be the article to which Mr . Lovett alludes , and in respect of which he seems very desirous to insinuate some charge of
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plagiarism against us ; He is quite welcome to all the benefit of ( Aafmeve . > ' r ; Mr . Uovett would hint that the illegality of the Association was his reason for not joining in it , and yet declines to say that he thinks it illegal now . It union was , in truth , the object of the * ' New Move " gentry , and if supposed illegality was the only preventative to that union , " so devoutly to be wished , " why did Messrs . O'Nbil and Colliks refuse , when asked , to attend a meeting of delegates called foi
the express purpose of making' the ground sure about us . They were within four hours'journeythey were invited , but they declined , and , having declined , the shout of illegality is still kept np ; Mr . Collins professing that he waits for Mr . Roebuck ' s opinion previous to making up his mind . Now , has he received that opinion 1 if yes , why not publish it ! and if no , is it not dear that Mr . Roebuck has nothing pleasant to Bay upon the subject , and that , nevertheless , his want of Bcruple fails to remova Mr . Collins ' squeamiahness ?
Again , Mr . Lovett would fasten upon us an assertion which , belongs to his own friends . It was not the Editor of the Star who announced , in the first instance , the fact of Messrs . Hume and Roebuck being in collusion with the present association , but Messrs . Hume and Roebuck . It was those gentlemen who prematurely divulged it at Leeds . Then with regard to the secrecy . Mr . Lovett , very artfully , would make the step analogous to the manner in which the Irish address was got up . How silly ; how very foolish—was the object of the
Irish address to form an association ! Were the signers to constitute themselves into a self-elected provisional committee for the sole management of English political movements 1 As well might Mr . Lovbxt say that the total abstinence pledge , which we most cheerfully signed , was analogous , because we were requested not to publish it , till it had received a certain number ot signatures of men who had assumed the right of controlling THEMSELVES , and not others , in the use of intoxicating drinks .
But Mr . Lovett says that they would admit Peel , Russell , and Wellington , if they chose to join us . Now , we would not , at any price , and for this reason , that their object would be to disunite us , to divide and conquer us . In conclusion , then , we ask the Trowbridge Councillors whethertheyarenow satisfied by the reply of Mr . Lovett , that legality or illegality was a mere trick , as Mr . Lovett says , distinctly , that the legality of its present altered form is a question upon which
he does not feel himself called upon to oner an opinion . We ask them to take that as the ultimatum , as the determination , of LovETt and Co . to proceed in that course which the Trowbridge Councillors bo heartily deprecate , and to avert which they would do so much and make such concession , —and then let them say whether their bland and soothing phraseology has gone further in convincing obstinate men against their will , than our fiercer denunciation and unsoftened publication of a people ' s just and reasonable sentiments .
Let our course be travelled over , from the commencement of the plan to the present , and we defy the Trowbridge Council to oome to any other conclusion than that we hare discharged our duty honestly , and with as much mildness as the circumstances would admit . If they imagine that calling high offences by pet names is likely to correct error , they will find their mistake . We defy them , in any one single instance , to point out a case in which the Editor of the Star
has been scurrillous , dogmatical , or vituperative ; but when attacks are made upon the people ' s cause , we care not from what battery the shot comeswhether frop Whig , Tory , or sham-Radical—we shall fire metal , the heaviest in our store ; and , inasmuch as we see no reason , upon , reflection , to retract , alter , « r qualify what we have said , upon the one hand , nor yet censure what the country has more boldly said upon the other ; we cannot now doubt but we shall have the co-operation of onr Trowbridge friends .
In conclusion , we cannot refrain from thinking that the publication of matter reflecting upon us , in the Sun newspaper , will at once show that the open censure upon us was intended as disguised praise for those with whom it professed to find fault . However we have great pleasure in referring our readers to the subjoined letter , addressed by Mr . John Mooke , one of the Councillors , to Mr . F . O'Connor . " Trowbridge , 34 , Mortimer-street , w April 28 sh , 1841 .
"Honourep Sib , —Most probably you have seen our address iu the daily Sun newspaper , of the 22 d inst . The reason of our sending out that address in the manner we did , was , we thought that there might be some misunderstanding between parties , and not wishing to see any bad feeling or split in our ranks , we thought that it might be the means of doing some good , by pointing out to Messrs . Lovett and Co ., where we thought they had done wrong . We also made some remarks respecting the warmness of some words of the Editor of the Star ; but , on seeing your letter in the Star of last Saturday , we are led to believe that it is a Whig scheme . On Monday evening we had a publio meeting , when the question was well discussed , coolly and deliberately . After some time the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to : —
1 . "' We , the Chartists of Trowbridge , in publio meeting assembled , do deprecate the new-fangled scheme propounded by Messrs . Lovett and 60 ., and do consider that the present plan laid down by our representatives that met in Manchester , in July , 1840 , and February , 1841 , is quite sufficient to cause the People ' s Charter to become the law of the land , and are resolved to join no other league , unless first recommended by the Executive Council , ohosen by the people . " 2 . " 'Aslongas Feargus O'Connor , Esq . remains the unflinching advocate for the rights of the people , we , in return , will remain the faithful supporters to the cause of justice , for which he is now suffering . "
" Sir , since the above were passed at our meeting , we have seen Mr . Lovett ' s answer to our address , which is more Whiggish than we expected . " Trusting , Sir , that you are in good health , " I remain , " Yours , in the cause of justice , : v " John Moore , sub-Treasurer . " Another word is needless .
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O'CONNELL'S MEMBER FOR NOTTINGHAM . During the fever of a contested election is not just the time to judge either of the relative fitness of the candidates , or of the motives which may induce many honest and consistent electors to vote with apparent inconsistency . The meddling morning and evening drabs of the metropolis , however , judge only in the midst of excitement , knowing that their only chance of catching anything is to snap it actually out of the fire . The Whigs cannot , indeed they do not , expect anything from sober judgment . The mere
bubbles of excitement themselves , they still Jive in their native element . But now , perhaps , Eabthope , Young , and Co . aud the remainder of the conspira tow , will have time for reflection ; if , in truth , they ever do reflect . Perhaps they will now have discovered that Mr . John Walter is not the Chartist , but the O'Connell Member for Nottingham . Walter is the O'CoNNBixMember for Nottingham ; and , from that fact , let his servants at Downing * street learn to estimate the full value of his name as a permanent partner in the firm of Melbourne ,
O'Conmell , and Co . It does well enough for a booby , with the means , to enter into partnership with a sharper having the ways , now and then . The firm may thrive for a season , but , in the long run , the chap with the ways will Bwamp the chap with the means , and then the odium must be equally borne by the innocent and the guilty ; though , in truth , in the present instance , neither of the parties appear to have the slightest advantage , beyond that w , hich a superior knowledge of his trade gave to the old juggler .
The misfortune however is , that the Whigs , a a firm , are ruined , and for ever ; their promissory note , bond , or I O U , not being worth thv ^ ir wei ght in paper ; while he with the ways will set' up fresh business upon his own account ; thefrau . dawhic
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he practised uponiifs old partners , the Whigs , being hia principal stock-in-trade . Yes , the man whose unprincipled support of an easy-going faction , who has been the means of returning Mr . Walter , and of arraying all Eng land againBt the 7 tnur < -serving ministry , will go to the Corn Exchange and make money of his own delinquency . O'Connell returned Waltrb , because , had the Whigs relied upon Rood works , instead of upon the corrupt support of the xnostprofligate , di 8 hone 8 t , iinprinoipl « d , eold-blooded politician that ever lived , they would npt have been so hard pressed of late ; neither would they have been deserted , in the hour of need , by those upon whose backs they rode to office and whose bellies they pinched in return .
Mr . O'Connor has very often , and very trujy , told the people that the existence of three political parties in a state is incompatible with the existence of good order and harmony , and that we should anihilate one of them before we could be acknowledged as a distinct party . We have been told that we , the Chartists , are no party ; that we may be quelled with a breath and courted with a feather ; and if the Chajrtists of Nottingham bad so far for * gotten their own dignity , as to have strengthened the " base , bloody and brutal" faction , Easthope , when next making merry with the hospitable Premier , would have said— "yon see my Lord , A wife , a Chartist , and a walnut tree . The more yon beat them the better they'll be .
We can abuse them for six days in the week and frighten them upou the seventh , by the magio of Oh ! fie , fie , naughty , naughty children , would you unite with your natural enemies / " We have now shown that we would , and will again , against our " unnatural friends . " But the Whig scribes have gone npon the wild assumption , that support of Mr . Walter proves the Chartists to have turned Tories ; as well might they say that support of Larfent would prove them to have turned Whigs ; and , laoking all otherljust cause
for congratulation on the event , being spared the ignominy and disgrace of being called Whigs * of itself suffices . No , but the fact Jb , either Whigs or Tories must bid for the Chartists £ 10 , £ 9 , £ 8 , £ 7 , £ 6 , £ 5 , £ 3 , £ 2 , £ \; Universal Suffrage ; that ' s their price ; and as to any hope from , or affection for Mr . Walter , the Chartists of Nottingham have none whatever . Indeed , they consider him so thorough a political rip , that they look upon their triumph as being complete in proportion to hisunworthiness .
Whoever supposed that a Chartist wonld have voted for Walter against a working man ! Not one in Nottingham ; so they have sent poison , deadly poison , "night shade , "if they will it , among our virtuous rulers . Walter is not the representative of the people of Nottingham ; he is O'Connell's child , his own legitimate offspring , begotten by Dan , upon the body ; of Whig folly ; while with the Chartists he is " a choice of evils . "
Coalitions are things most whimsically spoken of , according to the whim and caprice of those affected by the act , and out of small causes great results sometimes Bpring . The result of Walter's return for Nottingham will be a Wellington , Peel , Melbourne and Russell coalition , highly approved of by the Chronicle as a means of getting rid of Dan , ; and thus will the Chartists of Nottingham have deserved the principal glory of having destroyed both factions , by making them weak in their strength and jealous in their union .
Suppose Walter , Easihope , and O Connor had stood for Nottingham at a general election , with two vacancies , how , in such case , would the poll stand i Walter 4 , 100 , Easthope 4 , 000 , O'Connor 400 ; not a Chartist would vote against O'Connor , while Whigs and Tories would unite against bim .-i But to prove the great reaction in the public mind . If the Whigs were asked , Bome two years ago to what constituency it would be most safe to " commit" a Minister t the answer would have been , "Oh ! to Nottingham of course . " Where now will they send Sir John C . Hobhousb ! who we are assured was fairly staggered J > y the announcement of Walter ' s return . '
There is not 4 better Chartist town in England than Nottingham ; in proof whereof we merely state that we anticipate a greater number of signatures to the National Petition from Nottingham than from any other town in England , Scotland , or Wales , in proportion to the number of inhabitants , with the exception of Glasgow , Barnsley , and Huddersfield . The Chartists of England have just reason to be thankful to their Nottingham brothers , for the noble manner in which they have triumphed over Whiggery .
Will Lord John Russell now believe O'Connor's petition , that the people would oppose every man who either voted for the Starvation Act , or who did not pledge himself against it ! Will the little fellow now say that a meeting of poor people , met to petition against the damnation law at Manchester , were unworthy of consideration because they were not reapeofcable , or persons of note , that is notorious persons , we suppose , like his Lordship ? Will they now dissolve ! that ' s the rub ! If they do , hurrah for the resistance and no surrender 1 Then we will show them whether or no we have power .
Oh 2 what a glorious minority of about 180 her Majesty will have in the next Parliament of torch and dagger , physical force , fire-eating . Destructives —of every-thing-in-the-way-to-the-Treasury Chartists ! We never had the ball fairly up before ; we must now keep it moving . In order to shew the real feeling of the Irish people upon Whig clap-trap , we insert the following , upon the Nottingham election , from the Dublin World , certainly the most Radical , honest , and consistent paper in Ireland : — -
" There is warm work at Nottingham , where Mr . Walter of the Times , and a Mr . Larpent , have entered the ring . Which of the two will obtain the seat seemB to be just now rather a matter of doubt . The opposition given by Mr . Walter to the infamous Poor-Law Bill has rendered him extremely popular amongst the operative class ; and it is a remarkable sign of the times that his . cause is espoused by Tories and Chartists . The Sun , somewhat of an erratic public guide , which started by praising Mr . Walter , and wishing him success , notwithstanding that in twenty-four hours afterwards fiercely abused himand the Cork Southern Reporter r-as abominable a
literary hack as can be auy where found—have both denounced any Reformer who will vote for Mr . Walter , in consequence of his connection with the Times . It would be much the more honest and sensible plan to show what sacrifice of principle a Chartist makes in voting for a moderate Tory , instead of a Ministerial Whig . We have read the addresses of the two candidates , and it strikes us that that of Walter is by far the most democratic , and therefore we cannot blame the Chartists if thev
are a little partial to him . Mr . O'Connell pronounced an eulogium upon Vincent , the Chartist leader , at a late meeting ; and we observe that he is fighting the battle of Walter at Nottingham . The masses have taken up the view of the Conservative gentleman mentioned in the Times—who refused to subscribe money to swell the Carlton Club stock purse , upon the score that ' nothing could be gained by turning out Ministers , as their places would be filled by another set of scoundrels equally bad '—and hardly care which side wins . "
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THE SHORT PARLIAMENT . THE CRISIS . It is , in some instances , a great misfortune to be compelled 10 register weekly opinions npon an unsettled state of society , which , though in part true , and now and then prophetic , are ever and anon liable to be made fly in your face , by the caper of a clown , the wheelabont of a Jim Crow , or the turnabout of one having authority .
With aU these fears before us , however , we can safely appeal to our registered opinions in proof of the little we have ever expected , or led our friends to expect , either from the strength of their parliamentary friends , or front the weakness of their parliamentary foes . We have endeavoured to turn * attention wholly and altogether from the parliament to the people ; and we rejoice to say that we have not failed in our undertaking .
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We have published" meagre reports , " aud aj > reports , of the heresies , ignorances , insults , ^ follies of ' the House ; " and our readers have jud ged of the sack from the sample , " and felt most pleased at seeing our space aUtgether unencumbered by parliamentary juggling , traffic , and thimble-ri g . But if we have hitherto been sceptical , we do now * as vouched by our heading , see a change , and a vast and mighty change ; and at no great distance * . A change which must be for . the better for the people as worse it possibly cannot be . As to what that change shall be , now mainly depends upon the
exertions , unanimity , firmness , and resolution of tho " Short Parliament . " We do not mean the chaps who have been sitting , and lying , and crowing , and eating , and drinking since the 26 th of January till now and who have merely provided for" phyricalforoe " to collect rents for fund-lords , land-lords , mill-lords king-lords , queen-lords , and the Lord knows who No ; we mean the "bakers * dozen "—the thirteen--the cheap bread parliament , which meets in London on Monday next , the 3 rd of May . To these men we now look , and we can assure them the country looks , with an anxiety even greater than that whioh was felt upon the assembling of the old Convention
It is for them to prove whether or not all that waj then done was done for good or for evil . It will be for them to ray whether or no we are to start from that point where they left off , or to pull all thai has been done to pieces , with a view to the motf masterly arrangement of the parts . In theirdeli Derations they should bear in mind that the party which they now so creditably represent has sprung from contemptible ; notice into univenal observation . That at the period when the old Con vention met , they were looked upon as the mere bubbles of disturbed waters , while those who bo » represent us will be considered as a part of the vaj | current of public opinion , before which all mutf sooner or later Field .
It is true that no minute guns will announce the opening of their deliberations ; no throne will arreti I the attention of gaping fools ; no fool will sit upon it ' to be gaped at j no military will line the streets V add to the pageant attendant upon the opening of the annual " raree show j" no usher , or gold stick , i or Sergeant at arms , or Mace , or Purser , or ' Speaker , will obey their command in summoning ( 1 m i easy and pliant servants , who grant us" ways and ! means , to " our" presence ; but yet , those who pay f « 4 all will be there in spirit , while the muscle , Binew - bones , and flesh of the whole country will look with becoming anxiety for the resolve * ; of their honest , though not numerous Parliament >
Although a certain line Of conduot may have be « a chalked out for them , yet ; apart from the routine business , we shall await their opinion upon what has been done , and their advice as to what shall be done , with great anxiety . . With them we feel assured that our honour , our country , and our cauBe are safe ; bnt j more than that we require . We require an ¦ ' unequivocal expression of their opinion as to the . J best mode of strengthening the hand of the Execu- ; tive Council of the National Charter Association , We require their advice as to what is to be the
next step , in the event of the liberation of the ¦ . prisoners being refused , provided that the national V petition is as numerously signed as we have every- reason to anticipate ; and here let us observe , thai v upon the working classes themselves will V much depend the tone which their representatives ¦ . will feel themselves justified in taking . If the \ ministers shall be able to say , " Is this the peer j few who look npon our treatment of Chartirt . 1 prisoners as oppressive , after one death , three *
transportations , and nearly 500 brutally treated victims 1 " then indeed will the whole labour have been lost ; then would it have been much better not to have shown the national indifference to our enemies , and then well may the delegates be warranted in keeping civil tongues within their teeth t but should the petition be numerously signed , then the country will have imposed upon their representatives the imperative duty of gjfing some council and advice , In case of the rejection by " tbi House , " of the people's just and reasonable prayer
We have often- known much more good , to be done in a fortnight than in a twelvemonth ; an 4 that not a single opportunity of . serving the cause may be thrown away , we throw out the following hints for the consideration of the Executive Council . They should by all means provide a sufficient number of cards of membership for each delegate to dispose of ; and we think that much good may be done by holding several meet * ings in different parts of the metropolis , for the . purpose of enrolling members and of passing some spirited resolutions , which should be prepared with care by the delegates , in order to preserve uniformity of action .
If the thirteen delegates arranged matters so as to hold four meetings each night for the twelve nights of their sojourn , at each of which meetings three delegates could attend , they would , in the short time allotted , hold forty-eight meetings ; and suppose one hundred members to be enrolled at each meeting , we should have added four thousand eight hundred to our Association ; perhaps more than an equal number wonld enrol , during the day , at the bar of the House ; so that admitting 10 , 000 , the Executive by these means would at once be furnished with funds to the amount of £ 250 ; and supposing onr calculation to be over-rated by one half , there would be raised a fund of £ 125 to commence business with ;
Now , we ask , could time be better or more profitably disposed of ? Again , we ask of what avail to appoint an Executive , if that body is to be left breathless , nerveless , and paralysed for want of tke proper means of carrying out the views of the body of the people ! A good push made just now , in London , would cause an instantaneous demand from the country lot association tickets . An address and recommendation to that effect , would , we hesitate not to say , enable the Executive to furnish every county in England , Scotland , and Wales , with talented , able ,
and trustworthy lecturers , whose duty it would M to arm themselves yrith all the legalitt in their power , by addressing the several constituencies a » candidates upon a dissolution of Parliament . That places them , at once , upon a perfect equality as regards the right of calling electors and non-elector together , with either Whig or Tory ; and , indeed , even now , we would most strongly recommend all missionaries , but more especially those who aw either under recognizance for good behaviour , or to receive judgment when called upon , to h * v « instant recourse to this mode of canvassing public
opinion . ' We shall publish all that transpires in our own "House ; " aud should any unforeseen accident happen to our representatives , we shall instantly publish w " extraordinary Star ? to announce the fact to the
country . Of one thing we feel convinced , that we shall not get an order for a counter march , or for on « single step backwards ; while we trust that it ww be forcibly impressed upon the country , that th « Chartist party is now the most powerfiil party in the state ; and that , come what will , the Charter a to be the law of the land . u The Charter , the trhoto Charter , and not an atom less than the Charter . "
That the delegated will do their doty , we have W dread ; that the country will do theirs , we have little cause to fear . However , let no man s ippo ^ that the withholding of his name will be matter « f indifference , as many such believers would lead to * sad result . It will scarcely be believed , but never-Iheless it is fact , that infernal demons , belong ing to ^ he working classes , are actually at work to prevent the people from signing the petition . *«* seconds for each man or woman is all *** £ required to make their will a command . Letfto * done , and at once , ¦
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_ 4 THE N QRTHERlSf ^ S ^ A . ^ , . - ^^ _ ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1107/page/4/
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