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Northern Star (1837-1852), 3rd April 1841, Edition 1 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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  • Departments (2)
    • TO THE CHARTISTS OF DURHAM COUNTY.
    • }.. #rimnal Correspsittenr*
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      Untitled Article

      A < oKy 0 B OK CHURCH CHABTISM , TEETO-< L chartism , jdtowleixje chabtism , litD HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE CHART 1 SJL ir ^» TIA 5 ED , B LUTBBED , TfaSHOBS F-RIEJfDS , « j ^ i » principle is once agreed upon , the safe , the ^ k « Bd the speedy meant for its accomplishment *~ y be the one great and never abandoned object of ^ Ljroeates ; w * ' therefore , the labour -which I hare *? a « iafren becomes narrowed to the simple considera-T ^ ths fact , whether Clrarch Chartism , Teetotal J ^^ ca , Kuowk ^ S Chartism , «• Household Suffrage St isii , ire , eisi or » H . « » ay of them , likely to be \ rf Twire , and a speedy means towards the achievemaa of the Charter . tsAJw ft . thit unless the four sections form of ^^ jjj gje first instance , a quadrogle allianoe , r ?^ jj ftan dUtinct and different means to an end , t ' V jj jjjjj gnd be identical and the same , constitnte a •" y ^ , ^ j jye against them , and is calculated to ^ to iea * &a P * *? dispute , and , ultimately , to

      j ^ s aisdacaon . 1 cestead further , that even if consolidated into one ^ jjBSi , lariii ^ but one object in view , th ? t in the _ jmr i £ tJ of ttat alliance a large majority of the ^ T niust join , ib « rwhe it also becomes but a jUjgoBsI » 2 i » nce , with a four-fold strength , and ten-fold vsta of doing mischief . But -when 1 fiad that the to parties recommend distinct and separate means for aeMeomp <ment of the same end ,. then the c&se ,-aaJ estb becomes stronger and stronger . I s > ail Sat caaaik * the Church party , under the jjaiioni , denomination which it has assumed , the * Ga&Ssn Chartist Church . - party .

      Sot , in the outset , That does the tiUe " Christian (^ a- > j £ i-m £ snJ or has it any meaning ? We mast , tohcfc of explanation , take it literally to mean a new . gj&as of ChirtiEt Cbnrchism , to be ready cut and dry , Binbe&cte for a State establishment ; of tiis there ast * no doubt , because religien cannot , like politics , fe mi m and off according to expediency . In thia -ftt ftEB . wei * V 8 * Substitute for the great grievance di&& » B parties , save these "who pocket by it ,

      ggnaaaPwtestotism , or State Church , in its'infttP , merely struggled for toleration ; but -when it get 1 rutf ^ i streagth , it looked for equality , and , when j jFwtpolitical superiority , it took spiritual ascendancy , ; SBlaasraed political supremacy ; but , in its infancy , ' it w jut u tolerant as the Christian Chartist Church a v ? w , ana , in its power , it is not a -whit more j ti&sx&oi , tyrannical , and exelusiTe , than a Chartist ;

      Curds weald be if once sanctioned . Sate Church is the Christian Tory Church , and i Gajam seeks , as one of its great and ns * f ul ends , the j iB sjaation of the domination erf thai Church ; and the ' EBEBOia whkh Chartists are called upon to test their : jbtHifj in a desire to put down a State Cbuich , is j by p fr ^^ g one of their own in its stead . [ q ] woi » Ti Dijsentism is the Whig Church , ¦ which ; »• tot 'nits foi a su&zie-Qcy of political poirer to '

      nab Dr . PoDpotts end Mr . Barnes , the church-rate ' wdjt , a ? he is called , change places . There is no j nuance upon record of one church being even chari- i f-uj ta mother church ; tie strong is alwaysj tpmsol , the weak Is al-wsjs tolerant , till its torn ' CCBB , asd thea it justifies its own intolerance upon ' -Qts tfeif retribution and religious Tengeance for past ^^ f H _ g £ 2 g £ TZUU UUil i&UU fdl ^ iUUd lUigCAU W 1 UX pOO ^ ~~

      ¦ ff i *'«^ ' ] alrBJH- - ; , I Aj » j » &isa ] engine , Jet us now test the means by ' « Ud wit ue ^ -lijht Chartist Christians are to serve -a » padple far winch they profess to contend . I > oes : ihesr jneorpDrataoD weiken the enemy and strengthen : Ibaudm , and does their increased strength , if they deriTemy . idd to the general strength of Chartism They cannot ' weaken the enemy , because the State

      Cfonrth wQl haTs-. its daes ; and If they recruit their j cttuch trxn the Dissenters ' ranks , they become but the toundati < m cf a new dissent Beet They cannot , there- ; lore ; saeagtbEB themaslTes , as they 3 d not weaken the , enfimy , tsd , as a cocseqaence , they f * n give no addi- < feonal strength to Chartism gendally . i TVfcU , buX , ssys aPastor or Deacon , we ean strengthen oarsslres without weaJKning the enemy ; we can Sre our disciples with religions ectbusiasa , and , like all

      martyrs of old , breaiije spiritual life into cm political body . Then , I answer , job are fanatics , and not '[ Ucirersal Christian ^ bsoase tot admit an opposite e » = d to those with ttiwas you contend , while the Tery t « BEB « e of Chartiinn proclaims ci-ril equality to lead to tke naiTersal right of religions worship as each BfctH&emfit . TTell , go we mean , say the Christian QartaU . Then , 1 ask , are all Chartists , who are not COEsnniicaEts of your church , infidel Chartists ? and if

      yonridigitm is so pure as to be universally adapted by aH , you mast differ in faith from all existing sects ; thetfat prodnee yoar articles of religious faith , beaase htring founded a Church , which is even a mere exisaiTe t ^ m than a sect , you must haTe some peculiar fcJUi « yoa are anrn &ojs . "STdl , bat you aas-srer either that you have no creed , « 4 at ywa creed ^ uniTersal that all men outht to ^ ' & & ? va bare no creed you can haTe no ** & * & i aai , if yoa have a creed , and if that creed 480 * t embrace Citholicism , Protestantism ,

      Dissentiss , Qaakerisa , and all the minute ramifications of ih » « TenU paient stocks-, do you not exclude all lH « fi u canseteaiiGus Catholics , and all England » weieaticrtB Protestants , Dissenters , Catho"f * JcSdels . ' So that if you have no peculiar " * 7 ca hsTe ro title to fce designation you f'H tata ; and if you have a faith , and if " ** » bodxre-podge faith , a faith which con"MSOn c hrisUansi will not suhscribe to , yon become ^^^ b sect af poEUcO-religious ad-reutarers , ™ 07 f cft joar picTis loaf to pop into the Chartist oven Sfleect it Kconies heated .

      t ua ^* * ' Wou ! d aiaadon the Chartists and Ciar-^^ wow , if I thought that the noble political j ^?* . l « wluch I hare suScrad so much in mind , ^ sr * der . aie , was , M 3 first rider , to be Baddled ¦ 7 peculiar c-eed , faith , or chnrch ; or even if O ^ toj ^ thiag eaUed " a Chrktun Chartis : ^ jj ? ^^^ though mild in i » name , and toler-« BK ? fe e ?* IBae ™ ita infancy , would gain pre-« .-. VT"" ^^ raen ^ th , sad increase in tyranny " - *»« s 9 d ini » w « . 011

      Toia S ^^ f ! 113664 C ^^ at all , and are ^ ***? t o " . eSWas ' 7 e aad P rimiiiTe as you profess ? * ad P « aA " ° ' P ° 5 ' onr honest industry , t oioZ nTf ^ 01151 " 5 time ' fathe Muket-place , * % t ^* ' ^^ earr ? '!! Pith J " " neither pnr » e ntr » T ^ fcrL ? °° C ; ilI 1 le y dnti 6 S ^ s ^^ e spirit Wate ^ lJ wiaai » ced your calling , by creating jbJTTV " *""* . sad strife , instead of ¦• peace * «? 0 (^» ni — ' Iinie ' msieaa or " peace 3190

      ftne jj ™* * ^ " You hare dons more , in ^ * w «^ T ^ "^ " ^^ disimi 0 I 1 » than in a whole ¦ ¦ faa gh * fiat - IOar P 161011111 ! ' tea 1 - Do you Wbieh- ^ j « 1 iFa ' Mt fOT ? DU to ^ und a creed in pujg . f commence in strife acd end Baioa aajj ' k ° ^ 7 its foundation in disii sa oda ^^ , ^ P ^ structure in harmony ? Tours ^¦ waaj re . aSin 2 ' m reli ? ion ; a kind of spiritual te 3 * ta « B « BiT tOT * ' Tlle P 60 pU ^^ ^^ ^ flesh im ^^ ^^^ > ^ many ^^^ c * . ^ ey 'lridi 5 * 9 ^* ^ dOWa ons tK > d y of shopkeepers , W thii efe * ? 3 TOd 8 ^ esta ^ ) lia ^ S a new sect

      * eSaea »* L , ^ b M ete "iTe . 7 et a well-^•^^^ ^^ i gnstioa of a political partyit * a e ^ 2831 ' thoasil a PP *« n « y , all-embracing •* t « i ^ Cames ^^ "elusion of an other ^^ w ! ** ? < * I ^^ ol aid . The Catho-J < a to s *^" ^ bIfctetest ^ laies if we aUow * d 411 MS / " * herWy ; ^^ ^^ ^ ff 6 ^ from < Ona « a «^ r ^!! . " ° TOTl < id « ad 7 on ; so with the ^ S ^ ICW ^ ^ Di 88 « « " ! » bile those of Bb * - * S ' ^ T 0 Illd » go ^ ith us for dTfl * » J > a »!> t y * any . which is me -srorrt of an BBi , h » ^ S ™™* of your Chri » ti « n Chartism f * ^ " ChS' PK > test * g&init y 0 M aasomptiom of K ^ a . ? " * - Ch «« o » rtL » Firstlya . n

      , , B ^ - CTS : * . tock : * "" - - - 1-^^• ft not J ^ cion of infideHty upon P ^ it eyj ?< na creed ; and , fourthly , because toha ^™ Bdaaafaa that the ertabliahment of t " ^ JHSf" * & ^ ^ ° UoWed b ? «» -tab-^ . k ^ T * ^ 8 ^ Jj ^ isiffi ' amik «*^ IcoBsiderafairand ^^^ Jk * ^ ' ^ ^ Wisfcment of 2 ^ ^^^ l ****** ° ' them a great " ^ ** « 52 S * ? enemy fa «» ^« point : , - ~» ey ; aad , farther , many of the in-

      Untitled Article

      terested tupporters of the voluntary printiple are onr greatest political enemies . Again , it is a well understood thing that in Scotland all the ptwers of Europe could not establish a Christian Chartist Church , or any other particular ascen dxney Chareh , through the instrumentality of the Charter . ^ The preachers in Scotland strengthen Chartism , while they weaken humbugUm . The preachers at Birmingham weaken Chartism , while , fortunately , they do not muchstrengtkenhumbugisnr ; but no thanks to them . In Scotland the preachers tssuroe no distinct religious beating ; and the best proof of the difference between Scttch

      j and English Chartist preaching is this : In Scotland it I unites the people , aid weakens and disunites the enemy ; the funds go to advance the political principles , while no peculiar religious faith is preached or attempted to be enforced . In Birmingham , Christian Chartism tends to disunite the great body of the Chartists and to increase their opponents , while it only j unites a knot of mouthing , mumbling , preaching , gasj conading hypocrites , who are already liting up » n ! Church property , and -who , I will hold a trifle , are beginning to dress clerically and to turn up the whites j of their tyes like a duck in thunder , while they aie ; comfortably fleedne the dupes and doing the flits .

      Of course this ¦ will be all contradicted and anim&dj verted upon . I expect it fully ; no mancrieg " stinking j fish . " But , however , 1 call upon every honest Chartist i throughout the land , to put the extinguisher of honest ¦ and unsophisticated political principle , upon this Chrisj tiau Chartist new-light humbng , which has , in so short ! a time , shown us so much darkness . I tell th « m that i no sound principle ever has been or ever will b « hatthed j under the winj of fanaticism ; and , in the name of ( justice and of be&Ten , if we are to be beaten , d » nt let ! great two-fisted , starving , working men , at all events , i be beaten by old women in breecheB in the nineteenth 1 century : I say down with all humbugs , and the humbug of fanaticism b « ing the greatest of all humbugs , down with that first .

      I object to Teetotal Chartism , because all who do not join in it , and I fear they are many , will be considered as on-worthy their civil rights . I object to Knowledge Cbartunn , because it impliedly acknowledges a standard of some sort of learning , education , or information , as a necessary qualification to entitle man to his political rights . In fast , the Whigs think opposition to Whiggery , and the Tories think opposition to Toryism , a perfectly good and valid ground , whereon to establish popular ignorance , and a consequent political disqualification . I object to Household Suffrage Chartism , because it is not Chartism at alL

      In fact , I loek for the Charter to promote Christianity , to insure temperance , to inculcate knowledge , and to give the House and something more , while the use of those several qualifications , as a means to an end , will but place the Charter , year after year , farther from our reach . The Christians will say , " you havent your Chaitist catechism . " The Teetotallers will say , " you're drunk . "" The teachers will say , " you ' re ignorant , " and the Householders will say " you ' re houseless . " So that yon need not one qualification , but / our qualifications Abstinence , knowledge , and a home will lack the still great essential , in ths estimation of the p&stors and deacons of Mother Church . Christian Chartism , Teetotalism , and knowledge will lack the House . Christian . Ghartism , knowledge , and the House will lack the abstinence , and Christian Chartism , Teetotalism , and the House will lack ths knowledge .

      So believe me , my good and Trorthy fustian jackets , blistered hinds , and unshorn chins , that no one of the cTOtcbet-mtsgBn win abate a pin ' s point of his dogma to carry the Charter ; and the more each Bection of do £ mitists thrive in their several vocations , by so much the farther will they take care to shove the Charter from you . Treat man as man , and if they fall down , Christians Church and all , and swear by the steeple , dont you believe one of them , that they -would rather work , witfi the Charter , than preach and live fat and in idleness without it It is not in hnman nature ; and if they tell you it is their nature , laugh at them . It is well enough to be kept down by the force of eannen and Bight Reverend Fathers in God , but it is rather too bad to be held in chains by froth and flummery , and Right Reverend Fatiaers in the I > evil .

      Believe me , if you allow those fonr sections to mix np each their . peculiar tenets with your cause , you will have raised unto yourselves four powerful enemies , mild as sucking doves while looking for power , but savage as roaring lions when they find your power likely to overcome theirs . We shall then have washing and cleansing Chartists declaring you are too dirty for enfi anchUement . I am anxious to see every Chartist a good Christian , a good meighbour , and a good friend . 1 am desirous of seeing every Chartist sober , industrious , and honest , full ef knowledge and filling house *; and it is because I belieye , in my soul and my conscience , that a hypocritieal use of those inestimable blessings will impede , or altogether destroy their possession , that I thus array myself , single-handed , against the quadruple alliance .

      There never wis a more patriotic , or useful agitator than the glorious Fathsr Mathew , who has produced a moral revolution in Irel ^ nJ , making it the sound fouaditioa for any temple that shall be raised upon it , anrl , as a first-fruits , we find the Charter working its way in sober Ireland . ^ S ' ow , if th&tf hristians will go absut as he has done -, if the Teetotallers and knowledge-mongers will do likewise , inculcating religion , abstinence , and knowledge , as a means to any end which they may unitedly produce , without establishing m 3 n \; adhesion to any of them , as a political test , then I -will give them my blessing and my every assistance ; and I am sure that each and all will lead te the

      accomplishment of our civil and religious regeneration . But once make nsneonformity ground for exclusion , and you establish sscU and sections , instead of one universal corps of regenerators . My frienda , get your Charter , and I will answer for ths religion , sobriety , knowledge , and house , and a bit ef laud into the bargain . "Cpou the other hand , foster your Church r . ad you nurse a viper in your bosom . reviy to sting you . to death , rather than allow 50 Q to thr ive to brer detriment .

      I did fondiy hope that of all humbugs a Chartist S ; ate Church would be the last tried , but there is nothing like a great effort to preduee a startling effect , and , I doubt not , but many who have read the trash of the "New Jerusalemites , " will hat-e already sai'i , " TThat fools we were to have aik > -wed them to get a moment ' s footing amongst us . " If Cinrujsts you are , Chartists remain ; you have work enough without entering into the icw mass prepared for you , by tha bishops , priests , eiders , pastors , and deacons , of the suckiag-dove Chartist Church .

      I should be much more populir if I would lend myself to the wiles and machinations of the poor man ' s enemies ; fcut come what will of me , you shall not be lost with your eyes shut , while I tare a half on » open ; and , in truth , they are now nearly both closed frem Chaetist ssoke . My friends , bear in mind that I speak as a Chartist-I hare a perfect right to repudiate the jgnomace , insolence , and intolerance of any parties who dare to make traffic of any portion of a general palitical principle , of which I am 3 disciple , to serre any sinister purpose .

      The name is what I object to . > o party in the State except a majority of the Chanists , has any right t ^ assume a religions designation , which may lead the irorld to suppose was to be the new creed of Chartism , which , I trust , has no set order of spiritual faith beyond loTing God and fearing eviL Let them call themselves the Hokey Pokey , > "ew Brummagem , er old Jerusalem , froth and flummerites , and preach Southey and Shelley , and play the Highland bagpipes , as a Tngarm of regenerating man , till they axe black in the face , and they shall neTer hear more from

      Your faithful and watchful , though walled-up friend , a sober , knowledge-loving Christian , AND A Chartist , Fexb . « us O'Co > > -oiu

      Untitled Article

      THE POWER OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES . Lancaster Castle , March 4 th , 1841 . My Dear M , —In my last , as well as I can recollect , I endeavonred to show that the middle classes constitute the supreme power of the state ; the power which now-a-days rales the destinies of the kingdom . They have absorbed the national representation , —they elect all our municipalities throughout ttie kingdom , — they compose oarvestries and Boards of Qnardians ; aad , having the appointing of all parish officers , are a& abso-

      Untitled Article

      lute in parochial affairs aa they are in the corporations From these clawes , too , are all juries selected , and by them are all issues tried between the sovereign and his lieges ; so that , in the last resort , they have every man ' s life or liberty in their hands . Add to this , the power of what h * a been called— " The Fourth Estate "— alims the power of moulding publio opinion through the periodical press—( which is almost entirely in the hands of the middle classes)—and I think you will agree with me that , no matter who may be < mr ostensible rulers , the real practical Government of the country resides essentially In the middle classes . Through the Home of Commtns they

      contronl the other two branches of the Legislature , and hold the Crown itself , or ^ Executive , in the bonds of dependence . They can get passed , or repealed , what Uwb they like , or stop legislation altogether , by stopping the supplies . They can starve the King or Queen into compliance with their will , having made the Sovereign entirely dependent for his maintenance upon a vote of the House of Commons . Through the Municipalities , or Corporations , they exercise the same absolute sway in local government that they io through the House of Commons over the general Government . Through the administration of th * laws relating to the relief 0 / the poor , they not only hold in their hands the

      issues of life or death to the unfortunate paupers themselves , but indirectly command the destiny of the independent labourer ; for , in proportion as they degrade and maltreat the pauper within doors , do they terrify the poor labourer out of doors to accept any wages offered him by his middle class employer . Even Mother Church kerself has not escaped their clutches ; for , through their -vestry meetings , they have her sacred edifices , and the materials of her worship , in their keeping . They may cut off her bread and wine , stop her bell ringing , leave the parson without a surplice , &ud let the Church tumble down about bis ears for want of repairs . Ail this they

      can do by simply refusing a rate ; for , as to the remedial power of the Queen's Bench , God help the parsons when it comes to that with them ! So JOU B 66 , my friend , that nothing , sacred or profane , has escaped the unclean touch of these harpies . Yet all their powers , enormous as they are , would not suffice to consolidate their empire , if they bad not also extended it over trial by jury and the press . So they hare taken especial care to establish such qualification for jurors , and such shackles for the press ( in the shape of surety bonds and stamps ) as have rendered these two great institutions mere instruments of oppression in , _ their ( the middle classes ') hands .

      " The whole machinery of » ur laws" says a high judicial authority , " hoWver ., vast « nT complicated , ultimately resolves itself In | o jtweive jurymen in a box . " " Only give me a ^ fTJJj ^ HfH *^ press , " said Brissley Shurid&s , " and do j&ft&ie KUig * Lords , and Commons , with army , navy . ' ^ ifef w hdl ' else you like , and I will undertake to beat you sfad ant you down . " These secrets did not escape our prudent middle classes . They knew , the rogues ! that

      a power to make laws is nothing without the power to execute them ; that a power to create new crimes , and to enact new penalties , would be useless to them , unless they could obtain convictions ; and that the only way to ensure that was to usurp the Jury-box , as they had usurped the Commons . They knew , also , that unless they could monopolise . Me expression of public opij&m , thair monopoly of the Government would be but the " baseless fabric of a

      vision . " These state secrets , I say , did not escape our prudent middle classes , and the consequence is , that in no other department of publio affairs , is the power of the middle classes more absolute than it is over trial by Jury and the newspaper press . Jfow , M , all these powers have been usurped by the middle classes . They are , every one of them , the work of usurpation . Our Constitution knows nothing of a middle class . Magna Charla says nothing about them , or about property qualification * . Even the Bill of Rights ( modern as it is ) makes no such invidious distinctions to favour one part of the Commons at the expence of another . Our Constitution

      knows only three estates—King , Lords , and Commons Every man , not a King or a Peer , is a Commonerhe is only one of the Commons ; and , In the eye of the Constitution , all Commoners are alike -, all born to the same rights , all equally eligible to to offices of public trust , whether Parliamentary , municipal , parochial , or otherwise ,. Whatever political privileges , then , the middle classes possess , to the exclusion of the working people , aro but usurpationsimpudent , fraudulent , felonious , traitorous usurpations

      They are every one of them the offspring of statute law , which has effected them by property qualifications , and that , too , in very recent times . There waa no electoral property qualification , for instance , before the reign of Henry VI ., when the forty-shilling freehold franchise was first established . In Ireland tbat franchise dates ouly from 17 S 3 , and it 13 now only twelve yean * since we saw it demolished by a new statute , to give place to other and different qualifications , which last another statute is now about to set aside , by the substitution of an entirely new and different electoral

      system . Oar Parliamentary quaHScation , you know , dates only from the reign of Queen Anne , and to the present day you have no Pirivamentary qualification at ail in Scotland . Are not most of the present electoral qualifications for Great Britain the work of the late Whig Reform Act of precious memory , that \ i to say , tb * offspring of a law ten years old . And was not eur present jury law , that which determines the qualifications for jurore , passed in the reign of George IV ., only fifteen years ago ? And were not all the malignant laws , which have converted , our newspaper press into a rank monopoly , all-polluted and all-polluting , passed

      in the three reigns immediately preceding the present reign of Victoria , the last and worst of all dating only from the late king ' s , and passed by a reformed Parliament ? Thus , you see , my friend , that the middle cla ? s 3 are not only masters of our Govenruent and institutions , but that they have acquired their mastership by a series of usurpations , every one of them of recent origin , every one of them the work of modern statute law , every one of them anti-constitutional and anti-national , every one of them in the teeth of Magna Charta and ( he Bill of Rights , every one of them destructive of our constitutional rights , and every one of them hated , cursed , and disavowed by ninetenths of the British and Irish people .

      Xow , ia it likely that parties who have thus invaded all our rights , and usurped the controul of all our institutions , to our utter and entire exclusion ; is it likely , I say , that thtse parties -will unite with us to annul their own -work , and to demolish their own usurpation ? If they arc disposed that way , have I not said enough to shew you that they have the power to do all we want , without our forming " Unions" with them for tliat purpose ? If they are not so disposed ( as is manifestly the case ) , what other than perfidious and mischievous objects can they have in view , in demanding to unite with us ? Would it not be committing

      political suicide to abandon our present independent position , and throw ourselves into their arms , knowing , as we do , that whatever power and influence we have recently acquired , has been won and conquered without them—aye , in spite of them ; knowing also , that we should , ere now , have accomplished the deliverance of the nation , had it not been for their intrigues , their bribery , and for the traitors they had sent ainengst as ; and , above all , knowing , as we do , that they have but to trill our emancipation to carry it , and that , if they do not will it , our business is to unite against them , and not with them ?

      Hitherto , M , I have spoken of the power which the middle classer possess through the organisation oj the Gavernmeni . i have said nothing of the power they possess in virtue of their social position , alias through the existing organisation of society j & power independent of any and all forms of Government , and which , alone , would render them virtually masters of any Government whenever they chose to make common cause with the working classes . Yes , M , though I the middle classes did not possess a' single political I right or a single representatfv * in Parliament , they I would still , I contend , be more tkan a match for any I despotism , in virtue of the . social power they possess as superintendents over the production and distribution j of wealth , and as the directors of our national industry , i that is , provided they chose to make common cause with the workingmen . But 1 will reserve my okservaj tions on this head , as well as on the subject glanced at in your letter of yesterday , for a future comminanJcfltion . Meanwhile , 1 remain , &c ., Jahes B . O'Bkien .

      To The Chartists Of Durham County.

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF DURHAM COUNTY .

      My Friends , —O'Connor has called upon you now to do your duty to yourselves , your country , your imprisoned and exiled patriots . He has pointed out the means by which you may speedily , cheaply , and effectually do It You have nad or are acquainted with his earnest feeling and wdl-tiiucd lui-iress . His plan you must have discussed , and I think almost , if not quite , unanimoualy approved . You have said , " Aye , that's the plan , " — ' -it ought to be done ;" well , will you do it ? You cannot , hesitate , unless you have prepared to abanrion the Charter , to submit to oppression tamely , to leave tho imprisoned to perish , as Clayton has already done , as many otb'TS are now doing , under the hellish system of mental and physical torture , by which Whiggiau has sought to crush al ) manliness of charact er , or patriotism of sentiment .

      You cannot hesitate , unless you have willed that Frost and his illustrious fellow-citizens are unworthy of their native land , fit only to associate with murderers , robbers , and the most degraded of their r ; ice . This can never be ; you bave asked me " will they ever return ? " I have heard many of you exclaim , you would give all you possessed to secure their restoration to their native laud . I believe thtse words were the sentiments of the heart . The hour of trial has then come . TheCharter , the liberation of yourchanipionsand victims , and an honourable restoration of the exiles , all depend uponyou , and youv Chartist brethren . Havwyouany better plan to propose than that offend by Mr . O'Connor ? You have not ; thentateit . Prove that you are what , you were , by providing the funds to send a delegate to the proposed Convention .

      Suiiderland alone cannot do this , but the brethren in Newcastle are willing to co-operate with us . Now , then , let us see the work done instantly . Here is a list of places , in which Chartism has long been preached , where its disciples are numerous , and consequently where the means to carry out the plan must be , and . will , 1 hope , be found , if they respectively subscribe , according to the following moderate estimate , the money will be raised , the delegate sent , the Convention established , the work performed , and the objects accomplished . Say , £ s . d . Sunderl&nd . „„ 2 0 0 Darlington ., , 0 10 0 Stockton ... , i 0 Middlesborough- X 0 0

      West Auckland .. 10 0 Bishop Auckland ..... 0 15 0 South Shields . _ 0 10 0 Gateshead ..... ,.. [ 0 10 0 Hartlepool , „ , 0 10 0 Winlaton , Swalwell , &c 10 0 South Hetton , 0 10 0 Cornforte and Coxhoe . 0 10 0 Downea ...... „ . 0 5 0 Easvugton Lane 0 5 0 Thornley . 0 5 0 The country now looks to you to send a delegate to the said Convention . I have she-vra you the importance , the pressing importance of your duty , and the above is sufficient to shew , that if willing , it can be done—say that it ahalL

      I am , Faithfully yours , J . WILLIA 7 AS

      Untitled Article

      O'CONNOR'S DESPOTISM

      The-following correspondence between Mr- Bternett , of Bradford , and Feargus O'Connor , ha * See handed to us for publication ;— BratfoKHSib , —I should bave written previously , sinca- oar meeting oq Wednesday evening lost , if I had ha * any time . Nbthing but poTerty , and being consequently obliged to * work , would have prevented me . We mek for the purpose of disensttug the merits or tfemwMs of the plan > proposed by you , and which appeared ia the Star a fortnight ago , for a Political Prisoner *' Liberation , and Charter Petition Convention , to ait in Londoa for the space of two weeks . The objections raised are the following : —

      First . Part dissatisfaction has existed in consequence f yon naming the men whom you think fit to constitute this Convention . To write all which was said , on both sides in analysing this would occupy too moan space , and , I think , be unnecessary . The greatest ¦ tress was laid upon this . Mr . O'Brien ' s recommendation will be sufficient It was said you thought no less of your own . It was considered despotic—limiting the Suffrage considerably more than at present—allowing the Executive , * r a public meeting in Manchester , to have exclusive power of electing teui from the number nominated by the country . There were some who declared if it was so , they could na « e eight , if not the whole of the ten , among the numbermamed by you , who would be choseu as competent persona . It wa 8 argued -that every district or locality was beat ble to judge of the fitness of men to hold aaoboMce . Yon have , 1 dare say , seen the resolution in the Star respecting this .

      The next objection was the time you had appointed they should meet—Easter Monday , when SfctUsuneat is not met . Several thought they would bare been producing more good by visiting ; the Members of Parliament , and jetting then , if possible , to sapport the prayer of the petition , tha * they would do with agitating Londtn . We were given to understand that the Londoners would take little or no Botiise of the harangues of country people . They were unanimously of opl » ion that some good might be attalasd by a Conventlon meeting in London for a fortnight , but no more , to receive petitions , and see that they were presented , as it would create a Bpirit of inquiry , and cause seme agitation in the country . I remain , your ' s , dec , Henkv Burmett , Sec 13 , Refonsk-street , Bradford .

      P . S . —I have had at my bouse to-day the mother of John Riding , a Chartist , in Wa&eSeid House of Correction . She says be is nearly dead ; his head and neck are much swollen , and filled with sores that are continually running ; he is so deaf that he can hear nothing , and appears almost insensible . The poor woman is U a very distressed condition ; he is her only son , and was a healthy young man previous to being imprisoned . York Castle .

      Dear Burnett , —I cannot give you half thanks enough for your letter ; it is just what one man , looking for a certain object , has a right to expect from another , looking for the same object . If , instead of nibbling at me behind my back , every honest man would take the trouble of thus reasoning with me , and censuring me when in the commencement of error , I should be A more useful public servant , even than I have been ; because I am not dogged , and I sever would persist in . erroi , neither do I consider myself by any means infallible .

      I yrill now repiy to each objection in your letter , and , Firstly , as to my naming the men who were to constitute the Convention . Here I must refer you to my letter as a whole , in the first instance , and also to the circumstances under which it was written . You will bserve that it waa written in a . hurry , under the most excited feelings , and with a view to have it ready for any cruiser that presented , for it * safe convoy ; that the object was to- do as much as could be done , ip a hurry , to atop heart-sore , disease , suffering , and death , and that such course , from its adoption to its completion , was suggested by the possibility of the Star , and other Radical papers , communicating the result of each meeting in that week ' s paper . Thus , the adoption one week , election another , selec * tion a third , and convention the fourth .

      Well , I did not name the men , but I contend for my tight to have named some of tha very men , and I never contend for more than my right Now , bear iu raiud that the Convention was to be a " Prisoner ' s Liberation Convention , " and that I was a prisoner ; that I had a perfect right to state , at all events , in whose safe custody I would repose my liberty and character ; because I wouVi not sacrifice a particle of tha latter for the possession of the former . And , as to O'Brien ' s recommendation being sufficient , I etiU say soj . asijelg anoth «» priaoaer , ~ who knows Chartists in districts with-which I am unacquainted . In fact , if ibe prisoners could have been consulted , I have no hesitation in saying that their recommendation of men should have been conclusive with the country , and would Lave been conclusive , not only as to their own release , or endeavour to procure it , but also as to the furtherance of the Charter ; for every man who will honestly strive for the release of the prisoners , will as honestly struggle tor the Charter .

      Again , observe , I went upon a previously adopted principle ; Moir and Williams were previously chosen , and , in order to effect all at once , their attendance would save time , and then the election of one of the Frost , TTUiiams , and Jones" Restoration Committee became indlspensiblo . These three , then , wer » previously elected ; and bear in mind , that the only person . whose appointment I thought indispensible , was that of Piikethly , and even that was but a just and fair recommendation . In fact , I said there were thoa ^ nds of others ; and when . I omitted such men as James Taylor , of Rouhdale , Woodhouse , of Leicester , and Black , of Nottingham , and . yourself and others , you must be aware that I wa ^ i in a hurry . This , you Bay , " -was considered despotic . " Then is it despotic to nominate a candidate at an election—then is it despotic to " give honour to whom honour is due , " or to declare confidence in whom you truly repose it ?

      Then , as to allowing the Executive of Manchester the exclusive power to select from those chosen . Now , here again , I centend that such a power must be vested in some body , and in what body more satisfactorily than in the only one recognised by the whole nation ? but they had no such power ; for in the event of a public meeting preferring another , the meeting had a power of over ruling ; and , observe ths necessity . Ten were as many as we could pay ; many more have been already chosen , and , suppose twenty or thirty to be chosen , must not some means be taken of selecting the proposed number from that body , or tow are they to be paid ? However , Mr . Hill has very properly put this in a bettor view , for which I thank iiiui . You say that it was deemed that each locality was most fit to judge for itself . Exactly so ; and hence each locality choosing a good man , the Executive could not go wrong , and if inclined , a public meeting of the men of Manchester would not allow them .

      Then as to the day or meeting in London , the 12 th , ( Easter Monday . ) Here I admit , and plead guilty to a charge of despotism , of the very worst of all despotisms , " iifitonince ; " for , believe me , Burnett , that when I wrote that letter , I no more thought of such a festival as Easter than I thought of the man ia the moon , liulted , I would have been mad to name that day , for the very reasons stated in your letter , because I think the week , from the I 2 tU to the 19 th , while members were absent , and the London people smusing themselves , and the country people difficult to be got to petition meetings , would have been just bo much tinno thrown away . I acknowledge it , and , therefore , to Bradford the country will owe this correction of my blunder , as of course it will be remedied .

      Now , as to the effect of country delegates in London , you were never more mistaken in your life ; nothing gives the London Cbartists half ao much pleasure as being able to show their provincial strength to the enemy , and hence one great reason I had in recommending men who were speakers , and men who who were already known to th © whole ChattiBt patty , and , bear in mind , that the metropolitan Chartists are very suspicious , and aa the time waa short , enly two weeks , the whole would have been wasted in strangers forming an acquaintance with Chartists in the metropolis . Had it btea n Conventiou to sit for two or three months , they may devete some time to introducing ; themselves ; but twelve days was short enough , without any portion beiog thrown away in ceremony . I never contemplated the sitting of the Convention would exceed one fortnight I think it osght not

      Now , tuy dear Burnett , to shew you and to prove to you that I merely suggested the plan , and avoided all further interc ^ arse , I have actually appeared rude and negligent , by not answering letters from Edinburgh and several other places , asking me for an opinion upon details , n / t one of which have I even replied to . Believe me , Burnett , that the greatest » f ail despotism ia a dread of making a bold stroke for the benefit of a juat cause , from the apprehension of being called a despot . If my conduct lias been despotic , we live in a nation of despots , for I rejoice to tell you that I have a pile of letters , four feet high , from England , Ireland—aye , Ireland , Scotland , and Wales , is which , throughout , there is a spirit of noble feeling breathed , and not one dissentient .

      However , I thank you for the just " censorship ; " it is to censorship of public men 1 have ever looked as a means of keeping them honest Censure me , and scold we , when you think me wrong ; and -when you convince m « of error , I shall not be obstinate . I conclude with a sentence from the splendid letter ofT , F ., a Scotch Chartist , to the Editor of the Scot lull Patriot : — " Many boasters are now quiet ; and many determined fellows' have slunk from the battle . Then trust not all new comers . "

      Now , my good friend , it wm because I did not Wish to trust the nhort work of a fortnight to _ new comers"'that I exercised what I thougfet a legitimate nrivilege , in naming men in whose honour , seal , and icnesty I was ready to iifsfc the lifemd liberty of sell and fellow prisoners , and the furtherance of tbe cause . The more I reflect upon the project , tbe more certain

      Untitled Article

      I I feel that £ «• , or £ 69 » , was never so beneficially spent in the cause of Chartism . It is the Very nick 4 f time , and the very way of meeting it Those who wilt . not , when at . liberty , work for those ; ia bondage , < fo » n ot know the use of the blessing , ox deserve its , pos st ssion . . . \ Of one thing you will acquit me—"» elf interest ;" foi , believe me , that if nine millions of signatures wen sen * to " both Houses and the Queen , 00 my behalf , thea' would not procure for me a day ' e rtmissionol Whig tyranny ; bat , I feel confident , it will have th effecv . of setting many free , and bringing mall nearer tbe h ; wen , by adding a thousand-fold increase * strength to the Charter . Agj . in , I tbank yon , sod in the best spirit I thapk you , And remain , your faithful friend ; Feargus O'Cmumul .

      Untitled Article

      . RELEASE OF F . O'CONNOR , ES&

      TO THE CBARTISTS OF GREAT BBJTAIW . Brethren , —As the time ia now approaching whea tbat unflinching ; and incoiraptible patriot ,. Feargu O'Connor , Esq ., will be released from the fa « g » of hl » merciless and tyrannical oppressors , we deem it onr duty to give yottttmely nefciw of onr intention afhaving a public demonstration on that occasion ; and'we call upon you tojein with us ht shewing to the world our admiration of hre-patriofisw- and devotion to the cause of suffering humanity , and eur detestation aad-abhorrence of tbe base tyrants by whoae unjust decree be ha » been so long consigned tosottteary confinement xia&Ion ' s duneeon .

      We view witb great pleasure the determination of eeveral of our Condon brethses to honour tbe- " nobld patriot" by being present en his emerging from bis " living tomb , " » 4 we eatt npon our brethren of tha east , the west ,- and the north , to join with tbe brav * men of the south , 'in their bmdable and prabeworthydetennination , by sending oa 1 fe * tday delegates-front aU parts of the kingdom toswiOitheranks of feeadom . Brethren , we kail with delight the approach of that day , when our glorious chief , restored to th « -aras of a . grateful people , shall again breathe the pure air of heaven , again tobattle in the cause of freedom against tbe bydra-headetf-inonster tyranny ; again to raise his powerful voice in behalf of the oppressed raillions , and show to his and our oppressors , that although heh »* been so long immured within the walls cf a dungeon , he is still their enemy so long as the systsm of oppression exists . '

      Brethren , if there beaught that can sdtetantlate cur claim to your notice more strongly on this occasion , ife is , that we are living , and he is imprisoned within the very sink of corruption and priestly dominion , vfher * the voice of freedom is seldom heard , ? ut which only requires to be once raised to arouse ita inmates to a sense of their ignominious and degraded position , to tear aside the veil of prejudice , and embrace the principles of truth and justice . Fellow-countrymen , although our nnmerical strength be small , yet there ia amongst us a determination to ba free . Public opinion is fast increasing in our favour , and we hope the day is not far distant when the walls of our ancient city shall ring with the echo of indigna tion which shall burst from its inhabitants ,, at the baa * system which batu held them so long in thraldom , and persecuted their truest friend ; that have treated with contempt the petitions of the sufferer and given hear to the " shallows' * who are unworthy to-be his elavfcs . /

      Brethren , we are aware that many calls have , been made upon you , which must have necessarily detracted from your funds ; a jtid . as further calla will have to be made upon you to carry out the forthcoming agitation , we recommend you , as the easiest method , to imitate the example of our London brethren , Jby having boxes made to place upon , your association tables , for tbe pur * pose of receiving voluntary contributions , to defray the expences of your delegates , sent on that day to show your attachment to that great and good man to whom we are desirous to do honour j and as the place of his Bconfinement , was the plaeo of bis trial , bo let It ba his tarting post to a fresh career ; let us see thousands assembled on that glorious day to raise their voices in exultation of the event , and to convince him « f your love of the glorious principles for which he has so unjustly suffered .

      Brethren , we now leave you for the present , in the hope of bearing your favourable response to our calL Hoping that what we have above stated will be a sufficient excuse for addressing you at such an early period , We remain , Brethren , On behalf of the Committee of Management , Yours obediently , Edw . Burley , Chairman . W . Cordeux , Secretary . York , March 29 , . 18 « . -

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      LONDON AND COUNTRY CHARTISM . Ca « . Tell me , can yoii see your face ? Buu . No , ——Save by-reflection from other things . " Julius Cesar . London has been much blamed for its apathy in the Chartist cause . The country has gone on struggling and suffering , and often looking anxiously to London , not so much for help as for encouragement ; but London , like the monarch-sire of the Black Prince , at the Battle of Cressy , looked on as though it were willing that the country alone should bave the honour of tbe

      victory . It is true , many good battles for auxiliary causes have been fought and won in London , as , for instance , the battle of the unstamped ; but the greatest and best of all—the battle for the cause itself—for the chahter , has yet to be won , and London must not remain » spectator ; it must aid—it must do more—it must lead . Inactivity in London is the more to be deplored ; as many people in the country wait till London rises ; they want its example to animate them , for the name ot London , like the name of a king , would be s " tower of strength" to all those who require the prestige ot a name , as well as the justice of the cause , to rouse and encourage them .

      Let London come down , and the victory would soon be gained ; let it stand' aloof , and success must be protracted , though it " will not be prevented . With or without London , the cause will be won . This is tha critical period—now , Or never ! London ! take the lead , or thou art distanced for ever . What am I talking about ? same will say . Has ndfc London come forward ? — waa it not the first ?—IS it Dot the foremost ? I answer no j The c « untry took the vanguard—the post of honour .. Nor . do -I rest upoa " empty volubility ; " I bring proofs . Since I came to London , many contests huve I had with the Londoners on this subject . They of course stand up for the town , I for the country . They deny that the country is in adyan c * of London ; but what is the fact ? Our miesiles are words—the engine that shoots them , the presseditors are our engineers—writers supply ammunition .

      This is our physical force ; thus we fight . Well , What great guns does London bring into tbe field ? In London there is but one avowed Chartist periodical , and it is a halfpenny one . . It is called the English Chartist Circular . Why not gire it its proper name—London Halfpenny Chartism ? It is an Imitation of tbe Glasgow Chartist Circular , which , however , bears a more modest title . Now , thero is not a town in the country but would be ashamed to contribute no more to the cause than a little weekly " halfpenny book . There is the Northern Star ; wliy was it not instituted in London ? Because the spirit of Chartism was not strong enough to Bupport a star iu tlie south , -witness the Southern Star . The north—aye , the north—the ' glorious north is the land of liberty ! it was in Yorkshire that Chartism was born and bred ; Chartism was cradled oh our moorland hilla—rocked by our ocean winds—reared like a giant amid the Btornis of the north .

      I do not say there are no good Chartists in London ; praise be blessed I there are many who are all the better for being so , in spite of the evil circumstances that surround them . A good Chartist is a superlatively good man—a Christian . There is Cleave , tbo chief ! Chartist publisher in London—the sound-thinking lovt > tt—imprisoned Hetherington— Messrs . Neesom , Boggis , Wall , fee . &c , all good men and true . The wonder is that , with such leaders , London is not more " up to the mark . " But there are causes for the apathy of the working men in London—di&jraceful causes , as they must be , perforce—causes which ought to operate as a removal of their own consequences , for , in this instance , the effects ought to cure the causes . . In 5 future paper , I will endeavour to trace some of these , and to hold up to the Londoners a glass , wherein they may see the inmost part of them . Tbe recent meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , when Cleave cleft the heart of Walter , but could not persuade him

      " To throw away the worser part of it , And live the better with the purer half ;" The spirit at that meeting gives promises of better " life in Loadon . " Yes , there is hope tbat the " dayspring from on high" will' shortly visit the metropolis . Methinks I see the " Morning Star" arise ) when O'Connorcemes forth from his living tomb ; will be not animate London ? will not her resurrection be conjunctive With fli » ? ' " His form and cause conjoin'd , preaching to stones , Might make them capable ! " . Eloquence such as hla , might , in the word * of Republican Milton— " create a sobI Under the ribs of Death . " John Watkibs . london , 22 , Chadwell-street , Middleton-B « piare .

      }.. #Rimnal Correspsittenr*

      } .. # rimnal Correspsittenr *

      Untitled Article

      COLLIERY WAB OF EXTERMINATION . TO THE EDITOfi OF THB NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —There Is no lack of facts to prove that whatever be the nature of the power which the strong can , without responsibility , wieM over the weak , thatsueh power ever tends to despotism . The slavery and oppression of the millions are not to be rectified by the possession of the franchise alone , unless tbat franchise be so used as to realise a state of iweial equality , to arrest the individual accumulation of wealth , the monopoly of knowledge , and destroy the classificativas which those ore the means of upholding . Tiae labour seller fa the slave of the labour buyer , and ever wilt be so , until labour shall be deemed and felt a privilege and duty equally agreeable to , and binding upon , all . Ab it is , the honest labourer is taught to consider himself the recipient of a favour ; whan a capitalist , or a money bashaw , condescends to bay his labour , he stoops to beg " a brother of the earth to give him leave to toll , " and how nften does he ;

      •• See his lordly fellow worm the poor petition spurn , Unmindful though a weeping wife And helpless offspring raourn . " It 1 s notorious , that it is not merely the ability to labour yrell , nor even the want of tbe' kind of labour that is sufficient to induce the labour buyer , or the money tyrant , to purebaso the labour he requires ; there must also exist the disposition to labour -with servility of soul , —the labourer must order himself " lowly and reverently , " er « he can be permitted to employ his Bkill in providing ftr his wants . He has no recognised right to think , and ( if it were possible ) still less to speak or to act in his own thoughts . He is a lion feeder , but does not get the jackal ' s share . He may have the crumbs after the dogs are fed , but then only

      when he exhibits dog gratitude , crushes his mind , and padlocks his tongue . There is no field upon which he can employ his talents or labour , but by the sufferance of those who have monopolised alL The lands , minerals , sea , and » U tbe materials * f existence belong to others , by jega ] fiction , and starving : fact There la no exigent haing more helpless than the human labourer . For a mere difference of religious creed he is mercilessly swept from toe land of his father * by the " clearance system" of a Protestant aristocracy in Ireland , while tbe English labourer is scourged by the Batne tyrannous principle in innumerable forma These thoughts and 1 del ings have been suggested and called forth , by facta which have come to my knowledge during a few days' journey amongst the collieries of this

      country . There is no class of w # rking men in Britain that are more vlllanously robbed and oppressed than the pitmen ; kind and unsuspecting , and too ignorant for their crafty tyrants , they are in many ways duped of their earnings , and plundered by regulations , par , tial , vexatious , unjust , and unncessary . It would , howerer , require far more time than 1 can now command , and more space than you can ipare , to make others not acquainted with them understand the system which exists in the colliery districts . My present object is to expose a system of extermination which is now being put in operation against all who have been or are connected with the Chartist cause . It is the practice amongst the collieries of Durham , and probably prevails in other districts , to

      bind' the pitmen to a year ' s servitude by a bond which they ore required to sign ; those bonds are without exception ( varying only in degree of iniquity ) framed for the protection of the master , and to enable him to plunder the workmen , by a system of fines and forfeitures unjust , mean , and tyranical ; of this , however , 1 shall have more to say hereafter with your leave . Within tbe last week or two , tbe binding for tho next year , commencing April 5 th , bas been going oh in all the collieries . It has been intimated to many , who during the last year were connected with the Chartist cause , tbat they would be marked , and accordingly the owners of South Hetton , Hetton , Elemore , and other collieries have marked all who had been guilty of doing their duty as men and as citizens . On Saturday

      last , all the leading Chartists working at those collieries were Informed that they might leave the colliery , that their services were not particularly required , and , therefore that-tbe masters were not disposed to bind them , because they had too many men . To shew , however , the hypocrisy and diBUOmestJ of this excuw , some of those persecuted Chartists went to Potter , the viewer and manager of South Hettci Colliery , and requested to be informed why they were discharged . He gave the reasons as above ; but when it was shewn , that contrary to usual custom , he had discharged many who bad been employed for some years , and had also bound several froh men , he was unable to assign a reason , and to get out of the dilemma , in which he found

      himself , called one of the overmen to ascertain whether he could discover anything against the character of the parties . The overman , in reply to Potter ' s question , stated that he bad nothing to ssy against them , that they were very canny men , but taming to one fHunter ) observed , " He is one of the Radical chaps . " Hunter demanded whether he was expected to bind himself to certain principles , and whether his Radicalism had anything to do with his abilities and conduct as a workman . He called upon Potter to stats whether , during the two years b « had J * ean with him , he had any - fault to find "Wo , " say « Potter , " "ittt I suppose you are discharged for some reason . " Yes , for some reason , truly , and a most discreditable one for you , Mr . Potter .

      Several pitmen working at Hetton Colliery -were refused work in consequence of having engaged a room to hold Chartist meetings , and to appropriate to a reading-room , and other means of improving their minds , habits , and character . There was less shuffling in this case , for tho parties were plainly told , that it waa intended not to bind ftu active Chartists ; but that if they wonld give up vthe room , and cease to agitate , they might have their work . The men , however , have nobly refused to comply With those degrading terms , and we rrjoice to State that the tyrants have , ia some instances , outwitted each other , Potter Laving got several Chartists from other collieries , and the lietton own « rs having got Potter ' s pestilent fellows ! A fair exchange ! one which we believe will be greatly advantageous to the Chartist cause . Thete ate many , however , unbound , liable to be

      discharged at a momma ' s notice ; this is done to intimidate them and induce them to forswear their principles , and as a warning to others . 'Tis in vain . The voice of oppressed humanity will find utterance . Tbe Coalpi Kings could not suppress it by imprisoning Williams and Binus ; the places they occupied and the -work they performed was done well and nobly by others . They are aeaia at liberty . Peri laps that is the reason why the Kings are so desperate just now . They dread that the coining summer will witness a great revival . It may not be exhibited in the same form ; we may not have our processions and demonstrations , but tllO CiUlSe tliall go on . Libraries , reading rooms , lectures , and otlior mental machinery i-i designed and shall be constructed U make England the land of free and happy citizens , and these are examples to other nations of the fruits of freedom and the means of achieving it . I am , Sir , yours respectfully , . T . Williams .

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      Appeal to Chbistians . —An advertisement under his head appears in another part of our present paper , affording an instance of the scandalous mods in which the immense revenues of the Established Church of this country are distributed . While many of its useless incumbrances are rol ing in luxurious affluence , this poor man , who seems to have been a working clergyman of good character during his ¦ whole life , is reduced in the period of affliction to tbe necessity of soliciting eleemosynary aid . We cordially commend his case to the consideration of the benevolently minded of the upper and middle classes of society . The very existence of such a case is fc scandal to those classes .

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      i ^ — sg ^ - ¦ - _ _ := ____ Tifera NO-R-TfliRNjjriR , ¦ •• • . ¦ - > . ¦ - 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 3, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1103/page/7/