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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th March 1841, Edition 1 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      * OB , IN " c O >* TiNUATrON , T 7 PO 2 T THE C ££ STIOXS OF EXPEDIENCY—TRANSFEKC OMPROMISE—POLITICAL TRAFFIC , AND CO ^ PEXSATIOy . Compensation , once the pamag of the Eaform BOI , w become a term Yery extensive in political rae ; but I ihall show that it , also , u the terms expediency ^ eonipramise , h » teen misapplied . C ompensation means recompense for loss sustaineft , -e quivalent for serrkftimdercd .

      5 o « the Reform Bill said , as plain as language ean jcreT meaning , that the people had sustained great 1 335 from the old system of representation , and the iUiorffl Bill was to bare insured the nearest thing to e -roeiizaiioai that is , a means , of preventing a recurreSlX of ti * ^ » * ^ * ° k ** * iTen compensation by Tai " en « » Tote M ** «^ ttiTBiect * ° taxation ; because , rt j ^ aj in mind , the -one and only jewel of the jj ^ ja Bill WM ike admission of the principle , that ^ jarion sad representation should be co-extensive and jj ^ as tent The peopled then , long cheated under a tonup t system , -were , as a matter of course , the igjaes in tbi * 8 ?^ ' w compact irho were to hare got ( a speosKJon-\ rell , let us see .

      Tb e fiat abase -which -was proposed to be remedied in £ grsad jury jobbing in Ireland , and the placing all old coa Saeis taken under the Road Act , and lines of jtad plseed in tbe hands of trustees for repair , ont of $£ bsnds of those who had long made a livelihood out 4 th 8 traffic , —ii being always understood that road jobbing in Ireland formed one of tbe principal means by -jbica country gentlemen in general , and county M . P . '» ja p articular , proTided for creditors , servants , bad tejaatt , poor relationi , and political supporter * . la nuay instances , one , two , three , four , and tire thousand i year hu been made by individuals in this sort of gjgg , ind , not satisfied with the undisturbed possesson of hicttu ' Te abuse , they had the matchless effrontery , ^ G oTessment had the matchless audacity , to grant - ojupeassiiflB , where the demand should have been for

      r ecirniiBB . jjgjsiS instance of compensation ( always barring jjjjjo ; com . ; , was the payment of twenty millions of y ^ ith money , as compensation to savages , human batatas , who had made immense fertunes by stealing , leHiaj , and "working human beings to death . Here , ^ i vijere a Reformed Parliament should have ordered q& ¦ ffest Indian planters to disgorge and restore all tiis property -which they had made by the foulest aboniiarioa , the -wrong parties step in , and get compensatkm far their own abuse .

      It ij not only to the poor negro that compensation ifcgsa hare been mada , but to the Eugliah wonting ( fcaa also ; as the Tery principle established by the li-reuade made those of the mother country slaves jl » , not onJy in the actual c * ntroul over their time and tussi , but in controul OTer their life and property . Hesce , impressment for the nary , ballotting for the Bilita , kidnapping , child-stealing , and even man-stealicg aad ican-selling , were all ao many abominations { jnin&ting from the parent abusa . Here , then , recompsse and equivalent -were given to the aggressors , and raid by the aggrieved .

      Wben Mother Church had dried up the paps of the poor old milch cow , by continuous milking— -when the pusoas had literally eaten the calf in the cow ' s belly , ltd -wfceu the Citholic people -were actually unable to jay for Protesant -worship , the peeple of England rare tailed upon to " lend , " as they call it , one million of soney to the Irish parsons , but to gite , as I call It , ever two millions in loan , gift , law expe&ces ,

      adjustman , sad disbursement , and management of ail jobbing matters . Here , then , inswad of the shepasxds -who , from time immemorial , had been fleecing the flocks , beitg compelled to sustain those flocks in the hour of aesd , aid season of alamity , we find the Tery poTerty which they bad in psrt caused urged as just grounds for compensation . Here , again , instead of the aggressors lecerriag reward , they should hare paid compensation to the aggrieved .

      Another , sad a most gmgni * r case of compensation , was thai of the Duchess of Kent ' s annuity ; she was aHotred , I thioi , seven thousand a year for the education of her o wo child , oar own Queen , and as soon as the work was perfected , and she was relit ved of tbe trouble and ezpence , oae would naturally gay that she * h 0 s ] d ha-re osased to receive an equivalent for her llbonr , bet no , so fax ethfirtrise , jPartiaineat in its wisapiE fioobl ? d it , wd cwlinn&d It lor ii / e , tisat is to tsr for life , and upon yon and your heirs for eTer . Ibatfce Duchess got the compensation , and I trust , -we shall one day hsTe an equiTaJent in the knowledge jet to be displayed as the fruits of the teaching .

      IhaTedisposedof country gentlemen , West India planten , parsons , and the Queen ' s mother , and now I come to fig old corporations . These were considered the most eczrapt , jobbing , snd expensiTe institutions in the exztrj , snd , in fact , their corruption went a great nj- ia demand for reform . The officers had long fatteasd upon abuse and plunder , which , as a matter of eonse , to reformed institutions , " the Busssll purge , " JbcsM haTe made them disgorge ; but no , they get dxpesstion .

      Mr . Q'Connell most haroicaUy demanded compeima- fea ioi ibe officer ! Of the Tri « h corporations , -whose ; fti ^ s Tna to suSer from the reformed system . As an ' Jaamdcal instance , not of corporation , bat of loss of i J » £ i as abase , Sir Abraham Bradey King stationer to the Crows , whe had made thousands and a title , i pn , 1 thick , compensation to the amount of £ 2 , 900 a jar . The Bar . It is naturally to be presumed that Judges « taken from that rank at the bar in which the btger . fortunes haTebeen made of public and priTate SKfortsaes , md during ^ bich season of prosperity ,

      WBKhiEg should belaid up for a rainy day , and some-2 zx % uuire in addition from the large salary of a judge , i ^ aino , eTen hers , -we find , after making thousands ttd fem of thousands , compensation is to be giTen , iftetfociteen years'receipt of from £ 5 , 008 to £ S , COt > pa tsxsox , in case of a Judge retiring ; and after re-« ept » of nearly £ 15 , 000 per annum in case of a ftai » Bor retiring . >" ow , I think , eTen sulking the Bi&ng at the bar , and taking the lowest salary of a 3 & £ £ e , that a gentleman may eontriTe to lay up enough j ¦ i of his own rescums , of £ 70 , 000 in fourteen yeais , ! to Ut * cemfortailv upon for life .

      L ^ se again , as I mean to do here and there , giTe Boei 3 iaSiTiOual instance of a gross job . Spring Rice Baths country into inexplicable difficulties , and got a ?* &P and £ 2 , 000 a yeai as compensation . 03 »* 1 am going throngh erery branch , and no-w K > oe to the most intricate , but you must follow me , l promise to make eYfcry child of twelTe years ef SSBden aadme . " * t ^ J- Let us , in analysing the immense and tSs ^ nzt machinery of a portion of military abuse , e ® aeatP as if we -were now beginning the system , ^ lad no half-pay officers .

      JpPpase , then , another French war , and an sugmen-* ° a of aaj- Hamper of troops , I care not -what , say * ^ waand . In the several regimente com-missioM ^ be soi ^ oj £ &way j | ^^ < -oTern . " ^ 'ouW receiTe the purchase money , say , aecording" Rgaladoa , " £ roo tot & coraetey of dragoons , oi j *« K 7 _ of foot . You pay the full pay of tie whole r * * bils oa ssnrice , but , suppose a reduction of the J * tfccusnd takes place , what do you pay ? Why , ^ tes than from fifteen to twenty per cent for erer w tt * Tery monies which GoTernment has recerred , * feea there is an end to the Berrke . You pay J " ni hilf . pay , ^ 4 x ^ eTK , r Sh&haU . , 2 *** CoIonel to the ensign , would amount to from ^™ * ° twenty per cent upon the original sums of *^« f or the lowest commission

      . ^ Ir ** notijingto do with priTate sales of eom-^^> between indlTiduals ; they are not goTerned by j ^^ kkon * price , inasmneh a » three times the regu-^ "sn be gj TOmij alien ibrw exchange t > y « ffioeii ^ « qial aak f rom « " « iow" to a , •« aack" regi-^* « * » r you p » y this for erer , and why Be-^^ « i ppose the ten regiments to haw three handled W fij J ° half -Pay . and suppose ererj man of them *•?*« * I ^^ iafiaeua upon- the sama night , and j ^ ^ e Chancellor m to make his demand f or the % * , yJa 8 eaeal « I Peaditute npon the following ** « a h ? * *?' heatoaB EiQ S e "word of the killed . » ^ m a marginal note . \ n . th ^ »™ w uCn > n

      ^^ T * » bich w ould go in sops to minisg ^ P ^ ars . Let me inustrateUiisfor you . ^¦ SLiTSS KiLS Bia ^ ** *« ' ¦^ * swa , j >^ e Susex , Duke Cambridge ,

      Untitled Article

      Queen Adelaide , and Queen Kent , and all the Royal Family , -were to die to-niorrovr , —do you suppose that taxes to tbe amount of what they now receiTe would be remitted , or * hat one far th ' mg of tbe earing -would go in ease of taxes yet to be laid on ? TTo , not one penny ; and , gvre me leaTe to tell you , that though -we bear nothing of it , it is this accumulation of ages of abuse , for -which the people are obliged to give compensation , instead of the aggressors making restitution , winch is fast hurrying the aristocracy and middle classes to bankruptcy , and the peo ple to beggary and reTolt Ton see , then , there is no such thing as annuitants of abuse . When the life interest ceases , the fee reTerts back to the original granter * , and becomes traffic-money for new abusee , and increased support .

      Obserre , that with respect to the three hundred officers , it makes no difference to you whether they h » Te purchased , or hare been presented with their commissions . All the purchase money goes into the hands of the Government ; you pay full pay daring the period of serrice , and half pay in peipetuitr . A Eophistrmay say , how could all purchase , as cornetcies and ensi ^ ncies are the only commissions sold ? Suppose we had now one hundred thousand trwps , and no half-pay officers , and suppose that an augmentation of

      ten thoasand was required for war purposes . The superior officers of the old force of one hundred thousand would get a step , and the new force -would be made up from their ranks , while , as all must commence with carrying the colours , you would have an appolntmtnt of subalterns for tbe whole one hundred and ten thousand , and even that would be too few ; so the first appointment of cornets aud ensigns would get a rapid step to the rank of lieutenants , and the thing would be done .

      If parties who have power fall in & speculation they reeerre compensati on fop their insolence ; iience , the Chinese war was nothing more or less than a war of compensation for a set » f English , and , Scotch jobbers , who took lands in India for the purpose of growing opium upon speculation and forcing it , as a contraband and prohibited article , upon tbe Chinese . Had those who lost their smuggled property never complained , you would never have heard of the war .

      See how different )/ they treat the poor speculator . If a man establishes a private still foi ^ he manufacture of unadulterated spirits , and if it is seized , he loses his property , and subjects himself to heavy penalties . So if he smuggles gloves , lace , pictures , brandy , anything , even knowledge , from foreign countries , his compensation is to lose all his property . The funders got an increase from £ 60 to £ 90 upon all Amounts in the funds , just at a time when they should have reduced their demand , in consideration of the great redaction upon aU tie necessaries of life . The landlords gaTe themselves compensation , by raising tbeir rents to nearly a war price , instead of reducing taxation -to the level of a peace establishment Observe -well , the people , in this instance , as in all

      others , pay fer all ; and last , though not least , of tbe lot , the parsons will look for their compensation ¦ when a repeal of the Corn Lzvrs reduces tithes by reducing rents ; and John Ball , be he Papist , Jew , Turk , Protestant , or Athiest , will not escape the nicely constructed meshes of the holy and sanctified Church net All is fish that comes to that net ; and now , believe me , good Christians , that nineteen iu every twenty State Parsons and Bishops in the Empire , would prefer receiving a guinea for cavilling with a nation of infidels , to a pound received from a pious congregat ion , of tbe y eij best of Christians . PhiJpotts , of coarse , won't tell yon so ; but , if the honour of the Lords Spiritual could be relied upon , and should they hereby pledge it , they would , one and all , say the " guiDea legally , npon my honour . "

      Again , in the Excise , when the English and Iri » h establishments "were consolidated , we had many young gentlemen of twenty-eight years of age , fox-hunting four days a week , and half drunk all the week . placed upon the superannuated list for compensation . Wliat a farce . ' . ' But so it is ia all matters affecting the powerful ; and now let us apply the rule to the different orders of the lower classes . If I walk in Greenwich Park I am delighted at the sight of old men who have spent their youth in fighting the battles of tyrants and misrale . I dont blame the men ; they have been pressed , and even if volunteers , better that than

      starvation . If I follow them to their abode , I see none of the machinery' of a cold bastile . I see B neat and cpnrfortaWe sleeping room well fnraiahed lor each . see a contented family sitting joyous around a smoking repast I see them well clad . I see their rules and regulations put in operation , by those of their own erder acd profession , and who have a fellow feeling for them , as members of the S 3 me profession . I hear of no restraint or punishment beyond an exchange for a different coloured dress for drank en nesa ; in short , I see them as men ought to be in tbe latter end of their days , happy , independent , and comfortable , and I see a noble school and college for the education of their children ; this is their just compensation . caiidren ; tnis is tneir just compensation .

      Bat when I come to look upon the autumn of the productive labourer ' s life , or rather the summer prematurely turned to winter ; when I reflect that an op ant tiTe of the age of thirty-five , has done more real service to his country anil society than all the sailors in England , and when I see Mm still willing and able to work , but made idle and thrown upon his own resouroes and handed over for his compensation to the tender merciei of three men , neither of his order or profession , nc play-ground , no school , no tender care , no comfort , but l » oked upon as so much proud flesh sloughed from the general sore ef over-population , then I am sick at heart . Again , look at the disabled and veteran soldier in Chelsea Hospital—look at the old man ' s Hospital .

      Bat , bat , but , and above all , look at the cheerfulness ¦ with which the unrepresented allow the Government to vote annual compensation to the Polish patriots , while they allow them to vote a larger sum for the prosecution of their own patriots . Think well over that one political liege in the picture . You cheerfuiiy pay for the support of tbe Polish patriots , while your own , fora less crime in the eye of the law , are banished , at

      your expence , after thousands being expended upou their mock trial and conviction . Again , I say , think oi that , and also think , and think well upon this factthit the present generation of paupers , thrown upon tbeir own poor resources , are compelled to pay com pensation for every abuse which has existed for ages , and been transferred to them , and that the liability is for ecer ; hence has the evil so multiplied , that it liasbecome a monsttr difficnlt to be grappled with . ucvuj-ue a wuiuier lumcuit lu uv grappieu wiixu

      A poor girl is seduced and has a bastard ; she and her child are thrown upon her own resources . A rich woman is seduced by a monarch , and she has a royal bastard , who receives compensation for his mother ' s loss of chastity , and distinction to cover the royal disgrace . Think of that also . Idle country gentlemen got commissions in the militia , acd when they were disbanded the staffs were kept in full pay as their compensation . I could cite instances innumerable , but I have said enoagh to arouse reflection and awaken pride . Think , O think of those things , and don't lose Sight of them . i » yi sow I take a moment's rest after this , I fear , too long and melancholy letter .

      My next shall be upon Church Chartism , Teetotal Chartism , Knowledge Chartism , and Household Chartism . But till you read all form no opinion ; in the mean time , though I mean to denounce one and all as trick , farce , cheat , or hninbug , don't mistake me ; I do not object to Chartitts being religious—to Chartists being teetotallers—to Chartists thirsting after knowledge , or to Chartists voting out of , and living in , their own bouses . No , no ; I approve of all ; but I frill show you the danger of establishing four different methods of arriving at the same end , in -which , although a perfect identity and namony 1 » professed , yet a totally different means of arriving at the end is proposed by one and all , which must inevitably split ranks , ( that should be united firmly npon a given principle , ) into four different detail sections .

      Working men , stand by your order . You have been too often deceived by tho se who professed friendship , ever again to trust , save in yourselves . They have thrown you upon your own resourcee ; use them , and yon are tree ; abuse them , and you are slaves for life . I am , Yonz faithful , devoted , and Unpureh&sable Friend , FlXBGCS O'COKKOB .

      Untitled Article

      monies , pledging myself , as usual , that the settlement s&all appear against myself , rathor thoii against the country . Send to mj credit to the Leeds and West Riding Banking Company your subseriptions at once ; it shall not be touched , but by my ' order , and that only given according to your instructions ; there shant be a sticking to the fingers , or deduction of half a farthing . _ ,, Tl »» At woe . proceed to elect ytfw delegates . Elect them at public meetings ; appoint Monday , the 22 nd , for the election , day ; you can give legal notice and need not have tremendous meetings ; they may be allin-door , or out-door , asyou please , but let them be public meetings , and not the meetings of any district , or separate bodies , and lei the people take care that each delegate is » South Shields CbartUt , " the whole ho £ , bristles and all . "

      Now , we will have no fending or proving , or afterclaps about this . I lay down the objecta and means distinctly , and simply give you a list of person * from whom you may o » may no * , select ten to carry out these objects . The ob ^ ecte are to release yonf friends from hells and mad-house » , » ud to reTive the Charter , and present the addxesses , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . The means are a mite from each district ; a national fund to release our prisoners . The mode of carrying out the object is , by electing ten persons from the subjoined list , or any other ten whom you may think proper . The persons whom I name are : — Mr . Moir , Glasgow ; Mr . Morgan Williams . Wales .

      They are pledged already by not having refused to present the addresses for Frost , Williams , and Jones , which- can be done while they are in London . Mr . Pitkethly ; Mr . Binns , or his partner , Williams ; Mr . Arthur , Carlisle . Some one of the Frost , Williams , wad Jotm » - Bestoxation Committee , from Birmingham ! He also must be Chosen it & public meeting . Mr . Beegan ; . Mr . Leech ; Mr . Jones , of the National Charter Association ,

      residing at Leeds ; Mr . Arran , ditto , Bradford ; Mr . Marsden , ditto , Bolton ; Mr . Duncan , Edinburgh ; Mr . Horer , Norwich ; Mr . Gill , Sheffield ; Mr . Charlton , Newcastle ; Mr . Martin , lately released from Gaol Mr . Smart , Leicester ; Mr . Skevington , Loughborough ; Mr . Greaves , Oldham ; Mr . Wilkinson , Halifax ;

      In fact , thousands , whom I dont recollect at the moment . I don't mention M'Douall , as I find that he will be engaged about his new publication just at the time . Now , if all those named will send in their assent , or dissent , to tbe Star , at once , the list can be published on the 2 oth , and the elections can take place upon the 22 nd . ; and , if more than the ten should be chosen , I propose that tbe names of all chosen should be sent to tbe Executive , at Manchester , who , from the numbers chosen , shall select ten , the names of which ten they shall submit to a public meeting , npon Monday , the 29 th , and should the meeting think proper to substitute any of those postponed by the Executive ,

      for one chosen , let a show of hands be taken . Always bearing in mind that three are already chosen , vis ., Moir , Williams , and the Birmingham delegate , and , I think Pitkethly's presence is absolutely indispensible : he is the most practical man for such business of our party , and works like a horse when humanity or principle moves him ; and here I take the opportunity of saying that whatever credit I may deserve for my exertions upon behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and the Glasgow Cotton spinners , that it is my firm conviction , and always has been , that but for Pitkethly , Frost , Williams , and Jones , would have been murdered , and the Cotton-spinners would have been trans-ported . He is the man for work—he knows every one , and never tpares himself .

      Then in London you have Sankey , Peat , Watkins , Neesom , Cameron , Boggis , Wall , Spurr , and the rest of the troops who have so nobly kept watch and ward during the winter , and you will have the invaluable aid of Lovett , as far as the remnant of health left him by the Whigs will admit In short , London won't be behind . If these things are worth £ 60 let them be done ; if not , let Martin , the Irishman , continue to shame you , one aad all , every week in the Star . Let the subscription be national , and should there be a surplus , the sarplua to be given to tbe Executive of tbe National Charter Association , to assist in beating and keeping down the cock-tails .

      Who will send me the first letter announcing that a lodgement has been made to my credit , as above ? Huddersfield , Bamsley , Carlisle , or Glasgow ; one of those against tbe field . When any sum has been transmitted , let » letter be sent to me stating the amount Chartists of England , here is a new , a safe , and a delightful field open to you , without a single briar in it ; no illegality , no hobgoblin : up then , and let us have a short ran , -what t > . e sportsmen call a " blood run , " { or the Charter , for fourteen days . The Spectator has asked when the people ' s business IB to come on in the House ? I answer , now , now , this instant Bear in mind , that a little from each will do , and will be money well spent , even if we take a mercantile view « f the case , as success -will relieve the country of the burden of the families of the Chartists .

      We have seen the effect produced upsn the House by humbug agitation ; let us shew them that " the most effective of all insurrections , is that which never actually breaks out , but which is always to be apprehended . " I thank the Rev . Mr . Hill for impressing the maxim of Mr . Buller upon my mind , and upon the minds of his numerous flock . Mark , Englishmen , Martin is my countryman , and I am proud of him ; and if I was the only Irishman in England , I hereby pledge myself to drag Master Shepherd to the bar of justice ( if we can find it ) , as be dragged Mr . Martin .

      Again , observe , you have the following Irish Chartists , prisoners , or liberated after suffering : —The schoolmaster , your teacher , O'Brien , Martin , Hoer , Ashton , White , Byrne , Dufley , Doyle , and O'Connor . Now , I tell you what : I know they won't let me out , and , in faith , I can scarcely blame them ; and I hereby release them from all obligation , and will be satisfied , if they let the others out , and will pledge myself not to send out another despatch during the whole period of my imprisonment ; so they will be better off than ever . Now , thea , let us put a leg under Chartism , and knock Whiggery and humbug off its crutch , otherwise , believe me , " plain John" will chuckle and say , Well , didnt I put the Chartists down for you , and got the Peers out of the Cardigan scrape " upon my honour : " he did , but , upon my soul , he shall » ot put down Chartism so long as Feargus O'Connor HreB .

      1 have no more to say , but that I will look upon every penny sent as a rich gift , from the poor bu . generous and grateful people . I am , A Beggar , But only for the Captive , and I am , Your Friend , Feargvs O'Cowtion . P . S . Mr . Hill should give a draft ef a petition with great care , and make it national , so that one will do for all , and then the several districts will merely

      require to have it read from the Star , and when adopted , without the slightest alteration , ( if adopted at all , ) as any alteration in a particular district would invalidate tbe signatures from that district , particularly in the form of prayer . Let the sheets be then signed , and sent at once to whatever address the delegates shall publish as their place of meeting , after arrival in London . Sign on one side , and have the paper ruled ; one pennyworth will contain six hundred signatures , if properly done . Let the men and women sign different sheets , so that the men ' s and women ' s petitions may be presented separately .

      I believe that not a man whom 1 have named can be purchased for gold , or corrupted by the influence of the Court , or the cock-tails . Let us hear nothing about dictation . Elect whom you please , but I have thought it right , as I have an abundance of time , to assist , as much as possible , in simplifying the arrangements . And , again , bear in mind , that Pitkethly , Moir , Williams , Deegan , Gil , Smart , Skevington , and Marsden have been already honoured with public confidence , by their appointaient to the Convention , and Deegan a second time , by being elected to the highly honourable and important office of distriot uiissittoary . Leech the talented aad honest missionary , has also been honoured with your confidence , and so has Choriton , of Newcastle , as I met him upon the Frost , Williams , and Joaes' Delegate Meeting at Manchester , and so hat » the gallant Williams and Binns been honoured , both by persecution , and election to

      sundry missions , and so has Martin , who ba » jast emerged , pore as gold , Irom bis twelve months' tomb in the hell madhouse , and ail Yorkshire will answer for Jones and Arran , and Robert WiJkinaon ; w tor Dover , the Bishop of Norwich , and all the nobility and < deigy will testify for him . Lancashire , will testify for James Greaves ; indeed , he - « as a delegate to Leeds upon the glorious 21 st . All Scotland will approve of John Duncan , and all Cumberland of honest James ArtUur , of Carlisle . In fact , to me it matters not one farthing , provided yon lelect no cock-tails , or Household Suffrage men , who would merely take oar money and their expencea , and thea sell us in the London market , while I defy the whole gang to purchase one I have named , and tuat is what you want If O'Brien knows any one in Brighton , er the South , let him name as many as he ean think of , and his recommendation will be enough .

      Let all who object to be put in nomination communicate at once with tUe Slar , and let any other person name ten , or twenty , or ten thousand , if they are as honest , as talented , and as well-tried as I have named , and as free from cock-tail influenza , and you cannot go wrong . c

      Untitled Article

      of the land ; none but an ass would have hit upon such an expedient , and no wonder tbat he found tvro burdens to crouch under . Yet this is the exact prototype of the soulless conduct of tbe weak producers of this country for many years back . They have laboured to make them rich who now look down with sovereign contempt upon them , and who , from all tbe fruit * their incessant toil , can afford them Be more than a " coarser food" diet , while they are capable of working * and the cold charity of a poor-house to solace the wmainder of their days . .

      Thank God , » new state things is approaching : a state of things in which the Bible tor ef equity will be acted upon , and " he that labonrelh will be first partaker of the fruits . " This is , as all unprejudiced people will admit , nothing more than : fair and reasonable . Sot the present usages of trade must be altered , and altered m « gt materially , before this state of evenhanded justice can be found amongst us . But we are on the inarch ; and it is beyond the power of men and devils to keep us kick . We have next to inquire Into what I have designated the influence of the Church ; but , as I have occupied all my space , I must conclude for the present

      I am , Madam , Your Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , NUMA . London , February nth , I 8 U .

      Untitled Article

      BRONTERRE ON THE MIDDLE CLASS UNION . ( Fivm « Utter to a friend in Edinburgh . ) Lancaster Castle , . Febrasury 18 th , 1841 . My dear M- — -, —The more I reflect on it , the more I am convinced that the new project of " uniting with the middle classes "was originated in Mochia veliam , snd will , if it goes on , eventuate in the disorganisation of the Chartist body . With every disposition to discard prejudice and factions feeling , I can still come to bo other conclusion than tbat it is the offspring of fraud , begotten npon the l » ody of folly ; the / mud ef the capitalists who have started it , —the folly of the few

      workpeople who bave become parties to it If tbe former were honest men they would have long ago come to some explanation with tbe Chartists ; or , at any rate , interposed between them and the late furious pro * scription in which so many thousands " of them hava suffered in and out of prison . That they have not done so proves that the despotic conduct of tbe Government ( and of its instigators ; the middle classes ) has had their sanction . It also affords the strongest possible presumptive evidence that bad not the tyranny of the Government bo si gnally failed to SUMUe Ot Crush US , W « should never have heard aught of the redoubtabW " Fox and Goose" Union .

      I have . already observed that I should not be opposed to a union between the middle aud working classes if I saw any likelihood of an * honest union ; a union having for its object equality of rights and mutuality of interests . But I see no euch prospect ; nor do I think such a union possible in the existing state of parties . Indeed , I regard the proposal as a downright insult to the Chartists ; for , let them twist and turn it as they may , what is it , after all , -but a proposal to us to unite vr ilh the very tyranti of whtse tyranny tee complain , and

      against whom me demand the protection ef se / f-govenitnent 1 A union with the middle classes against the Government , forsooth ! A union , as I remarked before , with the Creator against his creature . A union with the oppressor against the instrument be makes use of to oppress us ! Is there not folly on the face of it For whatelro U the present Government than a Government of tbe middle classes t What else is that Government than the foot and creature of the ' middle classes 7 at once tbe breath of their nostrils , and the instrument ; of alJ their liberticidal projects ?

      Is not the Queen the mere puppet of her ministry for the time being ? Are not these ministers the mere creatures of the House of Commons ? Can they hold office a single week without the consent and support of the House of Commons ? Can any branch of tba public service be carried on without the consent of tbe House of Commons ? Does not that House hold th « purse strings of the conntry ? Does not the official existence of every minister and ether public functionary

      depend on its votes of credit , and may it not , by withholding the supplies , suspend the entire action of the Government-machine ,- and make all the constituted authorities match in whatever diction it may chooa * to dictate ? These questions must be answered in the affirmative . It must be admitted that the House ef Commons possesses all this power , and admitting that , you must admit the corrollary—that the Government of the country resides essentially in the House of Commons .

      But by whom is the House of Commons elected ? By about 700 , 000 usurpers , of whom it is notorious that the vast majority belong to what we call " the middle classes . " Even your leading Whig organ in Edinburgh —the Scotsman—has admitted that the middle classes constitute upwards of three-fourths of the whole electoral body . I know they form a still larger proportion , but taking it even at three-fourths , we have thereby the fact established that the constituency is a middle class constituency ;—that the House of Commons is of middle class creation ;—^ that the representation of the country is bat the breath of the nostrils of the middle classes!—and consequently , ( every other department of the Government being dependent on the House of Commons , ) that in the middle classes resides essentially the government of the country .

      When , therefore , it 'is proposed to ns to unite with the middle classes , in order to bring about an organic change in the G » vernment , what else is it than a proposal to unite with the Government , what else is it than a proposal to unite with the usurpers to set aside their own usurpation , by helping 'them to break the instrument of their own despotism—the very Instrument by which they uphold their usurpation . ' If this be not delusion I know not what delusion is . Why , folly herself is outfooled by such a proposal !

      I might , if I chose , call your attention to the various institutions and local administrations of the country , and shew you , by thet irrefragable evidence of living facts , that the usurped dominion ef tbe middle classes is even more glaring ( as it is more absolute ) in these departments than in the general Government itself . But I know I am -writing to a man of sense and observation , and , therefore , I need not inform you tb&t middle-class influence reigns paramount in all our

      municipalities—in all our Town Councils—and in all our local administrations and jurisdictions . Are not all our corporate bodies composed almost exclusively of the middle classes ? Are not the civic authorities elected by them ? Are not all our borough magistrates ( though nominally appointed by the Crown , ) appointed at their suggestion , out of lists furnished by them te the Home-office ? And is not the local administration of justice ( or rather of the law > altogether in the hands of those authorities and

      magistrates?—I mean as regards criminal matters ; for the rogues will not trust civil cases ( which concern their own properties ) to other than the regular judges of the land ? And is not the military as -well as the civil force Of the country at the permanent beck and call Of those authorities , and obliged in all times or under all circumstances , to act upon their requisition—even to the extent of slaughtering the very people whopay for their maintenance , and towards whom our constitution declares they shall stand in no other relation than as defenders from aggression ? Do not the middle classes effectually control the police , through the commissioners elected b y them , as they do the military , through the civio

      authorities of their nomination . And is not the administration of the Poor JLaw entirely in their hands or in those of their creatures ? ¦ Except a few ex-ajjhios , have they not the election of guardians , overseers , masters , and mistresses ^ of workhouses , to ., and are not even the « a- « # cio guardians , as well as the Poor Xaw Commissioners themselvts , indirectly appointed by them throngb thelrtoolB intne O « fneTalGV »« iraB « fatT And , above all , is it not from the middle cUs « ei that juries are ¦ elected , and hsie they not , therefore , as life and death

      jurors , a sort of supr eme power of , liberty or captivity , happiness or misery , At , he ., ore * the rest of their fallow-subjects ? Bat it is only wast ing time and words to pursue the subject further . A single glance at our institutions must shew any man of sense that the whole substantial power of the country is wielded by the middle classes . Yet , we are modestly invited to coalesce with these classes for the demolition of the fabric of their own power ! I defy Daniel O'Connell himself to stomach the impudence and quackery of such a pror a jjsI ! • * « ' . . # * . * Yew's , devotedly , , : Jamks P . QV 3 RISW .

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      TO EVERY WORKING MAN , WOMAN , AND CHILD ; TO EVERY FATHER , MOTHER , SISTER , BROTHER , HUSBAND , WIFE , UNCLE , AUNT , COUSIN , RELATION , FRIEND , AND ACQUAINTANCE OF SUCH IN ENGLAND . One and all I ask , have yon read Martin ' s letter in last week s Star , and are the victims yet in tbe dungeoiu , and in the dutches of the tender Shepherds ? I cannot write tamely ' upon this subject ; who could ? My blood flies through my veins ; my brain is maddened , and my aottl is on the » ck , that I should be compelled to " read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest " this horrid , heart-sickening tale , and be debarred the privilege of flying through the land with my wonted speed , u > liberate the captive .

      I must be calm , lest I write libel in the damning language ot truth , and , thereby , allow the overzeal of the advocate to damage the cause of his clients . Yon are all at large ; Z am In one of the solitary cells f a felon ' s dungeon locked up from morning till night—but what is my suffering compared to the suffering pourtrayed by Martin , and silently endured by poor Carrier an 4 others , who have not even the privilege of complaining . ' nor indeed have I the privilege , but , being in a felons' gaol , I steal it Well , then , you are at large in the sea-bound dungeon ; cud my mind is more free , within the precinta ot my cell , than that of any one of my tyrant oppressors , who , though at large , are bound in mental fetters . Shall we join spirits , if not at hands ? shall we mingle voices on behalf of the friendless ,, the captive and the oppressed ' .

      Tbe men of Sheffield say they will follow whithersoever I lead . I thank them , from my soul , for their confidence , I never will lead them from the path of virtue , or a single hair ' s breadth from the safe and straight road to freedom .: not that 1 freedom which would degenerate into licentiousness , but freedom tempere * with reason and discretion . Will they , and you , follow me in the short and pleasing tour through the sweet fields of philanthropy for a little , a very little time ? Will you wipe off the past stain upon your country ' s honour , and pfove that you will have

      freedom , at all events ? Will you join me in opening the dungeon ' s massive door , and releasing its virtuous inmates ? I ask you in my own name , in your country ' s name , in God ' s name . I would go down on my knees , and beg , in a voice , more suppliant than ever beggar asked for alms , or sentenced convict pleaded for his life . Your task shall be an easy one ; your dnty shall be a pleasing one , tbe most delightful that man can perform , that of doing g » od to others , of relieving the oppressed , and setting the captive free .

      The value of my plans has ever been that they are inexpensive , and , if followed , must lead to success , while they close all the avenues against jobbing and political traffic . Here is my plan . Send ten goo * men to London , to meet there upon Monday , the 12 th of ApriL Call them " The Political Prisoners' Liberation and Chartist Petition Convention . " I must stuff the Charter in everywhere , as the means of putting an « n < j to a recurrence of the evil London , from « ar ranks , wiil add five to tbe number , making a compact Convention of fifteen . Let thtir duties be to receive petitions from all parts of the kingdom , for the liberation of all political offenders , and for the Charter—one prayer , and a short one , will answer for both . Let them divide Lsndon into

      ten districts , and let a delegato and a London friend attend somewhere in his district every night , for the purpose of creating a proper feeling , and of getting np petitions . Let tbe missionaries , and all class-leaders , and all news-vendors , and all barbers and friendly shopkeepers have sheets for signature , and let notice be given , at the several meetings , where tbe sheets lie , and have sheets at all the meetings . Let all the addresses and petitions in favour of Frost , 4 a , be sent at the same time . Thus you will have a compact working body of fifteen upon the spot , performing several duties at once . You will have your Transported Victim Convention , your Charter Convention and your Prisonera' -Release Convention all tria juncta in uno—three joined in one . 1 now come to the means .

      If every honest Radical in the kingdom will join me , we will do it at the slight expence of one penny . Bear in mind that I can only rely upon my own staff , and what do I ask them for I Why , one halfpenny a week , for two weeks , and so hi ore ! If all consent to give one halfpenny for each of the last two weeks in April , it will pay your delegates £ Z per week a man ; pay for a place of meeting , and leave a surplus ; but we must pin our friends to a sum , say £ 30 a week for ten country delegates ; the London friends will cheerfully give a helping hand in turn . I propose that tbe delegates shall remain in London till Monday , the 2 ( ith of April , just one fortnight , and arrive , say on Monday , the 12 th of April ; that they shall receive two weeks' salary , paid weekly , and that each district shall pay the expence of sending its delegates , and bringing them back from Lendon .

      On or before Friday , tbe 23 rd of April , all petitions should be presented ; and on or before Thursday , 22 d of April , Mr . Dunoombe , whom I recommend for the job , fchould give notice tbat on Friday , the 23 rd , ( upon the House going into committee upon the Irish Registration , i he -win more upon the first part of the prayer of the petition , namely , an Address to the Queen for the liberation of all political prisoners . Whigs and Tories stand by each other better than we do , and they both unite against us ; -whereas , if we were to unite heartily against them , their opposition would be but as the ripple upon the current .

      2 S * ow let me explain what we get by this . In the first place , we once more bring our question of national right before the world . You find that Lord John Russell attaches great importance to the effect produced by domestic feelings and excitement , upon our foreign relations , and unless you absolutely throw yourselves in the way of tbe press , it will not report your proceedings . What makes the Irish bubble of more consequence than the strong current of natienal opinion throughout Great Britain ? Why , the simple fact that tbe press keeps it eternally boiling and it has its due -weight . Recollect tbat Mr . Charles Boiler has told yon that the most effective insurrection is that which naver actually breaks out , but which IB always to be apprehended . "

      Now , what do you gain for your £ 60 ? Let us see . Firstly , you ought to have more than two millions ot signatures for the Charter and the release of your prisoners . Secondly , i nstead of allowing the Whigs to close the session , and snap their lingers at the Chartists , exulting in having for ever put them down , you will have proved your increased resolution ; for , observe , my friends , you must not iru . igine that because you are satisfied in your own minds , that we have now two Chartists f « r every ene we had before persecution led to the wider dissemination of our principles , that , therefore , those who read Whig and Tory newspapers , and who merely judge of questions according to their effect , as stated in the House , are equally well informed upon the fact of the increase of Chartism .

      There is one fact which , I think , ought to settle the question . It is this . I assure you that nothing could possibiy give the Whigs so much pleasure as your total and complete silence upon the question of the Charter . O'Connell and his party -wish to make the Ministerial Irish humbng agitation an extinguisher for all others ; let us just put an extinguisher upou his rushlight for a fortnight . Again , if we are to have a dissolution , it is indispensible that you should be able to judge candidates by their most recent acts , and , believe me , many -will willingly tell you , for the sake of another seven year ' s lease , that they have changed their opinions since the 2 s ' a ' . ional Petition , and would , if more recently tested , have voted for the Charter j and as for the Chartist prisoners , they never heard of petitions or any great anxiety about them .

      Again , London deserves well at your hands ; our brave and glorious Peats , Neesoms , Walls , Camerons , Spurs , and Buggis ' s have fought a glorious winter's campaign ; making -war to the knife , against the united factions , in the very citadeL They deserve aid , help , and succour from the provinces . I will , in another letter , prove to you that we were all to have been sold , first , at Leeds , on the 21 st of January , and then in London . Well , you invigorate our noble garrison ; you strike terror and dismay into the amalgamators , aad . above ail , alwaj-a bear in mind that Ministers never take tbe slightest notice of progression ; they are governed by results , and such results as would be produced by my plan would be more effective than meeting in thousands and tens of thousands in the provinces , and not noticed by the press .

      Again : the country never has , even to this hour , expressed itself upon the case of the incarcerated Chartists ; and well may Mr . O'Connell go to his patriots at the Com Exchange , and say , " Only just think of the rascally Chartists , with 431 prisoners , for mere political offences ; they allow them to die in gaols , upon the tread-mill , without an effort for their liberation . O . ' if we had but one repealer in , would ' nt he make the country too hot for any government tbat dared to keep him there against law and justice , and against Ireland ' s wilL Oh ( I always told you they were a paltry beggarly set , that did ' nt care for liberty . " Now could you blame him ? On my soul , I could not .

      Recollect that I but preach as I pwcfcUed . Again , i uk yon to think of my exertions for the Dorchester labourers , the Glasgow Cotton Spinners , Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all the Chartist * . I ask you t-j read over tbe numerons meetings that I convened for M'Dou * ll , Lovett , Vincent , Collins , and the Subscription Committees , that I had appointed all over Fing-Iand and Scotland , and how I stood by the deck on Frost ' s trial in December , 1839 , to the close at Liverpool in 1849 . Surely , -we have a deman / i upon every man who has been released , to come , boldly forward .

      But what is the expence ? Why , jojst a mite from each . Let us bear England , Scotland , and Wales speaking by next Saturday , and then the Editor will be prepared to lay a more detailed plan before you ; and , in ' the m eantime let the mite from each place be coU ected forthwith throughout the land , aad again I ofiV r to be tbe Prisoner ' s Convention Treasurer , aad fc o account for tbe

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      TO HEH MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE ; ' ; . /; - . ' . ; - QUEEN . . : Mi » ah , —Having noticed some of the points to which the attention of Government should be directed as to individual reform , we will nowproceed to examine those institutions of society to which immediate and searching attention should be given , in order to their being brought into accordance with the demands of justice and Christianity , and made to conduce to the general happiness- and Improvement of the people .

      On this subject , I must , notwithstanding its importance , be ; rery brief ; which , however , is of the less consequence , because t must of necessity return to it at considerable length , in the conclusion of these letters . For the sake of order . I will class the institutions of society which so imperatively demand re-organisation under three . heads , as subjects of observation and enquiry : —the arrangements of trade , the influence of the Church , and the constitution of Parliament , including , in the latter , the appointment of Magistrates and other Executive Officers .

      First , I say , that nothing like a sound , healthy state of society can be produced , consequently , nothing like a general davelopement of good and virtuous principles can be rationally expected to pervade the hulk of tbe nation , till a Radical Reform is effected in the prevalent customs and arrangements of the trading community . Persons engaged in trade , I include , of course , under this general description , manufacture and commerce , may with strict propriety be divided into three broadly marked and distinctly recognised sections : — those . possessing large capital , and who , by th&t means , have the power of ruling th «

      marketa , whenever they think proper to do so ; those who have small capital , and who are , therefore , only purchasers at such prices as the interest or cupidity of the others , may permit them , and who , besides , must render themselves the bond slaves of wealth , by taking long credit , and giving it in return , at the influence of which they are passive to the support of every base and nefarious scheme which is generated by the graspers of property , for their own use , and the aggrandisement of their families ; and , lastly , the working bees , who are compelled to labour in a state of most perfect competition , against accumulated gold , and untaxed machinery .

      The first of these sections would do well to obtain frtm the Herald ' s Office , a patent to adopt and use , in all their transactions , and to have emblazoned upon every part of their splendid equipages and mansions , the hone leesh , as a crest , and the words Give , give , " as a motto . To fancy anything more destitute of feeling or humanity ; to suppose any combination of intense selfishness and low cunning mor » perfect , than the grasping , wealth making capitalist , is impossible . The prophet Joel has drawn their picture to the life— "The land is as tbe Garden of Eden before them , and behind them s desolate wilderness , and nothing can escape them . " The ledger

      is their Bible , and the mill , or the counting house , their temple ; they would grasp at every green thing , and and would accumulate house to house , and field to field , till they were left alone in the midst of the land . Let your Majesty issue out a commission of enquiry , and let them report faithfully to Parliament how many landed estates , which had been in the bands of the nobility ever since the Notman conquest , have , within the last fifty years , by purchase or marriage , passed into the hands of those who have risen from the ranks of tbe working classes , solely by a system of legalised robbery ; a system which has enabled them to advance to opulence and

      affluence , by coining the life , and blood , and souls of men , women , and children , into heaps of shining ore , or to rear up for them places of almost imperial magnificence . Let the Commissioners also further inquire how many thousands of acres of land , once common right , have , during the same period , been misappropriated by the operation of Inclosure Bills , and how much of the said inclosed lands are now in the possession of the same raonied and mushroom aristocracy ; and , in conclusion , let the said commission ascertain , as far as possible , how many families who , in an age which rewarded industry , occupied comfortable homesteads , and brought up their families in habits of useful and productive labour , are now , in this age of

      mttls and machinery , of railroads and steam navigation , pining away in cellars , or dying slo-wly in 1101011 workhouses , Let your Mnjesly , I say , Issue out a commission to report faithfully on these subjects , ( the nation , impoverished as it is , will not grumble at the expence , ) and I will warrant that you will be convinced th&t the very class whose prosperity you are taught to consider as synonymous -with the prosperity of the empire , is in truth a vampire , sucking the very heart ' s blood of the nation , and seeking to gratify the insatiable craving of its own infernal avarice by at once undermining the legitimate influence of the landed interest , and the comfort , happiness , and independence of the industrious classes .

      Turn we now to the second section of the trading population—the men with small capital , who go to market at the utmost possible disadvantage , and are reduced to the necessity of resorting to meanB the most disreputable , in order to maintain their station in society . And even this they cannot effect , as the numerous failures among them abundantly testify . This section , as a section , are as bad as the rest . Their coat of arms should be the lash and short weights ,

      quartered with the N ew Poor Law ; the supporters , a slave driver and a vulture ; the crest , a spaniel ; and the motto , " Legion . " For , to wealth and station they are fawning as a spaniel ; to their dependents they are cruel as slave-drivers ; an inexperienced customer , a greenhorn , as they call him , they will cheat and bid " God bless him , " as the pious hypocrites of Glasgow have recently testified ; to be Poor Law Guardians , &c is their heart ' s delight ; and upon an unfortunate creditor they will fasten like a vulture .

      We never find these gentry ( I mean as a body , for , doubtless , there are many honourable exceptions ) trying to ameliorate the condition of society . On the contrary , the little wages of the labourer they make still less by their b ase adulteration of goods , and by their scandalous overcharging in price . It -would be au Herculean task to cleanse this Augean stable . Tne interest of the nation does , however , demand that the river of legislative interference should be turned in among these gentry without delay , especially among the licensed victuallers and beerhouse keepers , and the small shopkeepers . The latter ought to be placed under a salutary system of surveillance , that they might become honest by good looking after ; and the two others should be swept away altogether as an intolerable nuisance , no longer to be endured .

      The manner in which these small capitalists conduct their business is sufficient to prove that , whatever pretensions they may have to brains , they have none at all to hearts . They employ as . few hands , aa possible , and at rates of remuneration which will not permit them to procure the means of mental culture , even had they time to make u se of them , or to enjoy the more refined amusements of society . Time , however , they have not ; they are now considered only as machines , and are used accordingly . Late hours destroy at once their bodily health , and their moral character . Only think of the hundreds of young men and -women , who are Bightly compelled to travel the streets of this vast metropolis , and every other large town in your Majesty ' s

      dominions , exposed to all the moral contagion which walketh ab out in the d arkness , and with far more destructive consequences then the most fatal pestilence that ever visited the land . Yet , this is a small matter to their estimation ; the lives , and health , and soula of those young persons , are nothing in comparison with their fancied interests-Yea , not a few of them can keep them to an tour in which they would not suffer their own sona and daughter * to be abroad , without parental protection ; and can , in the plenitudeof their sanctimonious hypocrisy , -whine out that their business requires their late attendance ; but they hope they will be safe under

      the protection of Provideace , ¦ The above may serve as a tery imperfect sketch of two of the sections of the votaries rf trade . Eefc n » for a few moments survey the third . The portrait of the labouring classes of this country was painted long since by a masterly hand :- " Issachar is a strong city , reaching down between two windows . and he * w that rest was good , and the land that it was pleasant , and he bared his shoulders to bear , and became a servant unto tribute . " A likely way , truly , either to enjoy the goodness of » st , ot the pleasantness

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      a ; , TVH'E ^ Q R ; rHTE ) R ! N S TvA R . J

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1100/page/7/