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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th March 1841, Edition 1 of 5, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDS , Fkidat , March S . TbeDofceof AB 6 TI . T ., 11 * 0 mart be , judging from lflt aspirings , a political genius , unBe&red by the failure * the Lord Advocate and of the E&rl of Aberdeen , and untaagbt fey tbe sagacity of I'ord Melbourne , which- the N " oble Earl now acknowledges , —the new Doke of Abgtll announced that be would try his band at a Bill to put an end to discussions in tbe Cburch of Scotland . The -E « rl of Aberdeen threw tbe eold water of bis mm experience on the project of tbe Noble Dukej -who aid , however , that he should feel bonnd to perserare . The Earl of Glzxgall , in moving tor copies of eomapoadenee between the Poor Law Commissioners and landowner * at Clonmel , brought tmder the notice of the Honse of Lords one or two cases of what he described as gross corruption . a The Marquis of KosMiyBT reqttiped their Lord-Aips to suspend their judgment , till BS bad communicated with Mr . Xicbolls , the Poor Law Cemmisaioner ,

      od tee sabjedu . The Duke of Welli : » gto * conld hardly be persnaded to wait , and instantly gave notice of s motion for Monday , but at the request of the Marquis of . Xormanby-poBtponed it till Thursday . The Duke said he to grtAXiy disappointed at the working of the Poor law in Ireland . Lord ELLESBOROtGH denounced the proceedings as a gross breach of prmlegp , for the official and private letters Jor the use of the Hou £ 9 contradicted each other . The It-tarns moTed for by Lord Olengall were ordered , Bad their Lordships adjourned to Monday . We presume the matter , wheneTer it cornea to be discussed , will afford a nice subject for a most extensive party debate . Monday , March 8 . The Earl of Shaftssbvrt , in the ab ? enee of the Lord ChaneeUor , took bis seat open tee Woolsack , shortly after fire o ' clock .

      Lord REDES dale presented a petition from Touster in ^ Northamptonshire , complaining that the expences attending vaccination were paid out of the poor-rates and suggesting that as vaeeinstion was a national object , the expeoces attending it should be defrayed at the national fcipence . The Earl of MorsCASHEL wished to draw their Lordships * attention to the intelligence which bad arrived from America tLat day , and which was of the ntmost importance to th : « country ; it had created a great sensation in the city , and had produced an effect 00 the funds . He referred to the document which had appeared in the public papers purporting to be a Beport-of the Committee on Foreign Affairs presented to the . Congress of tbe United States on the 13 th of last month . It was chiefly respecting tbe detention of

      Mr . M'Leod , bat it & 1 &O related to other matters in disput * between this country and the Unittd States . Be did not internl to enter into the consideration of that document , it would be ill-judged in him to do sj ; but he wished to know whether the document ? con ! d be considered as genuine . Such a document might be got up for the purposes of stock-jobbing , an 4 his reason for doabting its genuineness was , that he had too high sd opinion of the understanding and capacity of the inhabitants of the United States . He believed that they were not se blind to their own interests as . to put forth a document of the kind ; more particularly did he dcubt its authenticity , when it did not appear , from the reports , that any Member of Congress had eTer risen tomovt an amendment to it ( Hear , hear . ) Surely , if that « Jocnrnent were genuine , the people of the

      United States must have forgotten the deranged state of their finances—they must have forgotten that in their States there were three millions of negroes ready t * take part with England in tbe event of a quarrel—they must have forgrotven the greet body of Indians whom they bad driven into the interior , and who ¦ wer e ready to advance at once into their territories , to revenge -the -wrongs they had suffered . They must have forgotten the Canadians , who were among the most loyal subjects of her Majesty . Snpposs they were to wreak their vengeance on the unfortunate victim who . was now in their hands , did they suppose that the Canadians would hot be ready to avenge his death in a thousand differeift ways •—did they suppose that they wim'd Dot Beite some person living in the United States ' Government * Did they forget the body of large

      txoops—be was happy to say , a large one—at present atationed in our North American coionii s , &nd the large naval force which could at once be brought to bear against them . He thought that , after calculating all things , , they wouid fiad that they were more likely to incur a loss than a profit by entering into io ? - tOit es with thi » country , asd therefore he could nut believe the document to be genuine . For these reasons he hoped this document could not be a . true one , but it bad produced so stp .-ng an impression on the public mind , that he thought it right to inquire of the 2 ? oble TiacouDt ( Lord Melbourne ) whether her Majesty's Government had received any official information respecting this Report , and whether they considered it to be an rfliciil document or not . If tie Government ilid consider it to be an official document , he iLord

      Mouutcasheli did not consider the present to be the proper time foT discussing it ; bat lie should certainly make some obsemtiens upoa it st the proper time . He though ; a document more violent had never be * n penned by one country respecting another . He therefore asked the Noble Viscouct whether any official information had been received on th * subject . Lord Helboce > e said he was really unable to give any other answer to tie question ef the Noble Earl thai that he was not aware that her Majesty ' s Government had received any despatches from our Ambassador to the Uaited States ; but he appreh * nded , from the form in which the Report alluded toby the Noble Earl bad appeared , and from the manner in which it came , there could be no doubt of its authenficity .

      Oa the mor . on of Visc * unt DrxCAN . NOx tbe Tithes Composition < Ireland ) Bill was read a second time , » nd ordered to be committed on Thursday . The Noble "Viscouat said the object of the Bill was to save expence in the case of persons against whom proceedings were taken far the recovery of tithes in Ireland . In the original BUI , each particular case was obliged to be proceeded against by the Attorney-General in a separate BUI , but it was found so extensive that the present Bill was breutht in to authorise the Attorney-General to include any number of persons in the same Bill provided they rtsided in the diocese . On the motpn of Yiscount Du > ca >> " 0 >" , the Court of Exchequer . . Ireland / Bill was read a second ¦ fem e , and ordered to be committed on Thursday . The Noble Yiscount said the object of the Bill was to amend an error that was supposed to exist in the former

      Bill-After a motion by the Earl of Glexgall , which ¦ was agreed to , fur a retorjj of copies of all correspondence between tbe P ^ ur Law Commissioners , and D = nis Phelim , Esq ., and the other corTe .= pondeBce od the sabject uf a local appointment , in the Union of Clunzael , tiie House auj corned .

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      HOUSE OF COMMONS— Friday , March 5 . In reply to Mr . O'Connell , Lord Palmersios stated that Uits trtaty with Texas was a general commercial treaty , and contained no provision to secure the " entrance into Texas of British subjects , being free persons of colour , such persons being prohibited to enter Texas . In answer to Sir R . Peel , Mr . LaBoucileke promised to consider whether he would refer the Railways Bill to a seleet committee , as one clause was complained of by railway companies ; but both Right Hon . Gentlemen srated that if the railway companies who petitioned for that , did 4 t only to gain time , they should oppose any £ uch plan .

      On the motion fur bringing up the report en Lord Eeane ' s Annuity Bill , Mr . HtME moved that it be postpone * : till the correspcnilfence between the Government asd the East India Company , relative to Lyrd KfMie'a service , be laid before the Heuse . The Hon . Member wished to have the annuity paid by the Eas : Tti ^ ji Company . Lord Jems RrssELL opposed Mr . Hume ' a motion , which on a division was lost by 12 " to 65 . The report "was brought up , and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Monday . The Ejs : India Rum Duties Bill was committed pro forma to introduce sume alterations into it . On the Order of the day for goingjjito a Committee Of Supply , " ^ Mr . O'Bbie 5 referred to our uneasy relations with the United States , and expressed an opinion that if we had a strong fleet within reach of the American ports , it would be betttr - . haa to have a strong force on the . frontier .

      Mr . E'WABT saw no reason for anticipating hostilities ; he relied on the good sense and interest of the inhabitants of-the United States , and he trusted our unhappy differences would be amicably terminated . Mr . Hu » E deprecated war in strong terms , and asked for information , &i though none was given . The silence of the Ministers on this important topic is of no pleasant augury . The Honse went into a Committee of Supply , and money was voted as complaisantly as usual Lord JoHJf BrsSELL , in answer to a question , stated that a monument is to be erectedto Sir Sydney { Smith ; and Sir Jakes Dcke gave notice that he should ¦ move that & momr-nent be also erected to Lord Ex-1 uouth .

      Mt . Macatlat moved the Army Estimates , which tie -explained in a business-like manner . One item will be considered by tne public , as we considered it , curioL * s : a vote of £ 5 uO for interest on deposits in Sari up Banks , of which soldiers could avail themselves That may make them careful and sane persons . Notwithst ¦ andiug the exhortation of the Times to increase the arn iy , we are glad to learn that the charge for the present year u only £ 10 , 09 * less than last year for the effective aenrioe . Mr . B che regretted our disturbed relations with Earope , ti \ e great expence caused thereby , aod recommended a 1 > roperty tax . Sir H . H- vbkisge thought tie estimates did not go tat enough ,. « id spuke as if he had written the leader in the-TuBss vt Thursday on the » ubject An addition of 5 . S 00 men would , he aaid , gire satisfaction to the army . Lori J . Bess * ll thought , of couwe , that the number was exacily righ % lJin « between the parsimony of Mr . . Hume and the ei ^ raTagance » f the Gallant General .

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      Tbe Noble Lord jasttfiei keeping oar force * up to their present footing by the state of foreign countries , and of onr colonies . In the course of tbe discussion which ensned , Lord Cardigan's case was brought under the notioe of the Honse by Mr . Hume . Lord Howick insisted strongly on the necessity 01 an inquiry , and pointed ant that th « Commander-in-Chief was not free from blame . An interesting conversation ensned . Several of the votes were agreed to , asd the Hoose resumed . Colonal Sibthohp gave notice that he would eall the attention of the Honse to the appointment of Mr . Yiiwd as Solicitor to tbe Home Bepartmeet The House adjourned at twenty minutes before one o ' clock till Monday .

      Tfweicm Snuuxzent

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      Untitled Article

      GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . MENACING REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . ( From iheHeve York Paper $ received to ih * 11 th ult ., by the Packet-bhip Westchester . J TWESIT-SIXTH COSGEESS . ¦ Wa shington , Saturday , Feb . 13 . Mr . Pickens , from tbe Committee on Foreign Affairs , made the following report , which was ordered to be printed : — The Committee on Foreign Affairs , to whom was referred the message of the President , transmitting a correspondence with the British Minister in relation to the burning of the sttam-boat Caroline , and the demand made for tbe liberation of Mr . Alexander M'LeoJ , respectfully report : —

      It appears that the steam-boat Caroline was sei »* d and destroyed in the month of December , 1837 . The Committee are induced to believe tuat the facts of the case are as follow : — The boat was owned by , and in possession of , a citizsn of New York . She was cleared from the city of Buffalo , and on the morning ef the 29 th of December , 1837 , she left the port of Buffalo , bound for Schlotsrr . upon the American side of the Niagara river , and within the territory of the United States . The original intention seemed to be , to run the boot between Buffalo and Schloeser , or perhaps from Black Rock

      Dam to Schlofsar , and , should it seem profitable , it was intended to run her also to Navy Island , and touch at Grand Island and ToDawanda . Her owner was Mr . Wells , said to be a respectable cittern of Buffitlo , and it is obvious his intenti on in putting up the boat was one of speculation and proit entirely . The excitement upon that portion of the frontier , at this period , had collected a great many in the neighbourhood—some from curiosity , some from idleness , and others from taking an iuterest in the unusual and extraordinary collection of adventurous men gathered together at that time on Navy lBland . Navy Island was " nominally " in the British ' territory . "

      The owner of the Caroline took advantage of these circumstances to make some money with his boat , by runaing her as a ferryboat over t » Navy Island . All these facts appear from testimony regularly taken ( s . ee H . R . Dec No . 302 , page 46 and 39 , 2 d Session , 25 th Congress ) , and tbe Committee know of no legal evidence to contradict them . There is no proof that any aims or munitions of war were carried in the best , except , perhaps , one small six-pounder field-piece belonging to a passeDger . The principal object was to run the boat as a ferry boat from Schlosser . on tbe American side , to N 3 vy Island , on the British side . It is believed that , even in war , a neutral power has the righl to trade in contraband articles , subject , of course , to seizure and confiscation , if taken within the jurisdiction of either

      of the contending parties . What is contraband of war is not always certain . Treaty stipulations frequently include some articles , and txdude others recognised iu the law of nations- Trading in contraband articles is no excuse for invading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power , whose private citiaens may choose to run the hazard of such a trade . In this instince tfctre were no two Foreign Powers engaged in waT ; but all concerned in the outbreak or excitement within the British jurisdiction , claimed to be British subjects , in resistance of the authorities of Canada , a province of the British empire- Even admitting , then , tkat the Caroline was engaged in contraband trade , yet it was with citiz-ais who claimed t » be subjects of the same empire with those who were styled the legitimate aicers of toe Province .

      Abstractedly speaking , how was a private citizen to de * cide who were right and who wtre wrong in these lota , disputes ? And which portion of tbe citizens of the same province must our cit ' . zens rt-fusa to have any communication with ! But tbe boat was merely used for one dsy as a ferry boat ; and on the night of the fey shd commecc * d running , she was seized while moored at the wharf at Schlosser , and buiut Several men were assassinated ; eertainly one , who fell dead upon the deck . New the insinuation of the British Minister , that Schiosser was " nominally" within the territory of the Unittd States , may well be retorted , as we can with equal truth say , that Navy Island was " nominally "'

      within the " territory" of the British Government ; for at the period to which we allude , tbe people collected there had as effectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of onr people disregarded onrs . Yet British authority thought proper to pass Navy Island , then in its " nominal" territory , and in the plenitudu of its power to cast the cegis of British jurisdiction over American soiL This was truly extending over us that kind gnardianship which they bad not the ability at that time te extend to a portion of their own territory , and which recommends itself to us , full as much from its assumption as from its love of right or law .

      The British Minister is pleased also to call the Caroline a " piratical steamboat . " The loese epithets of any one , no matter how high in place , cannot make that piracy which the law of nations does not recognise as such . Pirates are freebooters , enemies of the human race ; and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no flag and no herne . Piracy comes under the concurrent jurisdiction of all nations . Even in tne worst point of view that it can be considered , those connected with the sieam-boat Caroline were but aiders and abettors of others engaged in rebellion . And the Committee are totally at a loss to know upon what authority rebellion is recognised as piracy . Such conionnding of terms is resting the case upon epithets , instead of sound law or facts . But even supposing it to be a " piratical boat , " as the Minister asserts it to be ; yet the moment it touched our soil it fell under our sovereignty , and no power on earth could rightfully invade it .

      There is no doctrine more consecrated in English history , than that every human being who touches tbe soil of Great Britain is immediately covered by British la-srs . suppose ene of her vessels weru cut from the banks of tbe Tharees and burnt by Frenchmen , and British citizens were assassinated at night , and the French Minister were to avow that they acted under tbe orders of his Government , and that the vessel was " piratical , " and the citizens murdered were outlaws , then thtre is not an Englishman whose heart would not beat high to avenge the wrong , and vindicate the rights , of his country . The law there is the law here . And there is no international law consistent with tbe separate independence of nations , that sanctions the pursuit of even pirates to murder and arson over the soil and jurisdiction of one of the States of this Confederacy .

      No greater wrong can be done to a country than invasion of soil . If it can fee done vmh impunity at one point , and on one occasion , it can be done at another , and the nation that submits to it finally sinks down into drivelling imbecility . If a representation of the state of things at Scbiossar , and the conduct of those who had controul of the Caroline , had first been made to the proper authorities of New York , or of the United States , then there would have been some show at least of respect for our sovereignty and independence , and a disposition to treat us as an equal But in this case , as if to treat our authorities with contempt , there was no preliminary demind or representation made .

      It is hoped that the outrage was perpetrated by a party in sudden heat and txcitement , upun their own responsib . Hty . But the British Minister now avows , that " the act was the public act of persons obeying the constituted authorities of her Majesty ' s Province , " ami again affirms that " it was a public act of persons in her Majesty ' s service , obeying the orders of their superior authority . " If this had been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might not have excited

      such interest , but there is an assumption in most of our intercourse with that great power , revolting to tbe pride and tpirit of independence in a free people . 11 it be her deaire to preserve peace , her true policy would be to do jnstice , and show that courtesy to equals which she has always demanded from others . The Committee do not desiro to press views on this part of the subject , particularly as a demand has been made by our Government of Great Britain for explanation as to the outrage committed , the answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory .

      As to the other points presented in the demand made by the British Minister for the " liberation" of Alexander M'Leod , the Committee believe the facts of the case to be , that the steamboat was seized and burnt , as stated before , and that a citizen or citiasns of New York were murdered La the affray . And there were reasons to induce a belief that M'Leod was portictja criminit . He was at first arrested , and upon various testimony being taken , was then discharged . He was afterwards arrested a second time . Upon the evidence then presented , he was imprisoned to await his trial There was no invasion of British territory to seise or take him . Bat upon bis being voluntarily within our territory , he was arrested as any citizen of the United States , charged with a similar offence , might have been .

      We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offences charged to be committed against the " peace and dignity " of a State , because he is a subject of Great Britain , or because be committed the crime at the instigation or under the authority of British Provincial officers ; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President to deliver him-up without trial , at the

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      demand , and upon tb e assertion as to facts , of any agent of tbe British Government If we had been at open war with Great Britain , « nd M'Leod had committed the offences changed , then he might hav » fallen under the rules and regulations of war , and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Government , and would have been sutjeet to the laws of nations in war . But as the alleged criminal acts , in ' which M ' Leod is charged to be implicated , were committed in profound peaoe , it is a crime , as far as he may be concerned , solely against the " peace and dignity " ot

      the State of New York , and her criminal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive . If the crimes committed be such as to make a man hotti $ humant generis—&n outlaw—a pirate , in the legal acceptation of the term , then , under tbe law of nations , the Ynited States Courts and tribunals would hare jurisdiction . But the offence charged in this case , committed as it was in time of peace , as far M this individual was concerned , was one purely against the lew loci , and coming exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York . -

      The Minister , in bis letter of the 13 th December , I 84 n , says , " it is quite notorious that Mr . M'Leod was not one of the party engaged in the destruction of the steam-boat Caroline j and that the pretended charge upon which be bas been imprisoned rests only upon tbe perjured testimony of certain Canadians , outlaws , and their abettors , " & * . This may perchance all be so , but it would be asking a great deal to require an American Court to yield jurisdiction , and surrender up a prisoner charged with offences against tbe law , upon the mere ipse dixit of any man , no matter bow high in

      authority . Whether M'Leod be guilty or not guilty , is the very point upon which an American Jury alone have a right to decide . Jurisdiction in State tribunals over criminal eases , and trial by a Jury of tbe venue , are essential points in American jurisprudence ; and it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system , to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of the one , or thwart the jurisdiction of the other . If such a power existed , and were exercised , it would effectually overthrow , and upon a vital point , the separate sovereignty and independence of these States .

      The * Federal Executive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign State , but even then it might not be ebligatory to do so , unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation . This duty and right in on Executive has generally been considered as dormant , until made binding by treaty arrangement . —But when the matter is reversed , and demand is made , not of fugitives from justice for offences against a foreign Power , but for tho liberation of a man chafed with offences ar aiDSt the peace and dignity of one 0 $ our own States ,

      then it is that the demand becomes preposterous in the extreme . The fact that the offences were committed under the sanction of provincial authorities , does not alter the case , unless we were in a state of war . In such cases as the present , the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the Federal Executive by treaty stipulation . It could only be conferred in tkose cases over which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the Federal Constitution . Such , for instance , as treason , which is an offence against the conjoined sovereignty of the States , as de&ned in the Constitution .

      Over all cases , except those defined in tbe Constitution , and those coming clearly under the laws of nations , the States have exclusive jurisdiction , aud the trial and punishment for offences against them , are incident to their separate sovereignty . It is not protended , in this case , tuat there is any Treaty stipulation under which the demand is made ; and the Federal Executive , under eur system , has no power but what is conferred by the Constitution , or by special law of Congress . In the former it is declared that "the Executive power is vested in a President of the United States , " and tbat , power is then to be pointed out and dtanad by special laws paeseil from time to time , imposing such duties as are thought proper and expedient by Congress .

      Your Committee deem it dangerous for the Execntive to exercise any power over a niitter not conferred by Treaty or by law ; and to exercise it in any case in conflict with State jurisdiction , would be worse than dangerous ; It wouid be usurpation . But your Committee forbear to press these points further at present , aud they would not have said as much on such clear questions of international law , but that in this case , the demand for liberation has been made by the accredited agent of a great Power , and under circumstances of peculiar aggravation and excitement .

      We have other points of difference with Great Britain , which add interns ; to every question tbat arises between us at present . Neither our north-eastern or north-western boundaries are yet settled with her , and ihe subject is not entirely free from difficulty . She Las recently se asd our vessels , and exercised a power involving tbe riijht of search , under the pretext of suppressing the foreign slave trade , which , if persevered in , will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa , and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power . She has recently , in her intercourse with us , refused indemnity and denied our rights to property , on a subject-matter vital to near one half the States of this Confederacy , and whlih , considering her military position at Bermuda , and her growing power in the West Indies , is of the last importance to our national independence . All these sut-jacts make every question between us , at this particular juncture , of thu deepest interest

      Btgiiies this , we are both p « rmanently destined to have , perhaps , the most extensive commerce of modern nations . Our fligs float side by side , over every sea , and lay , and inlet , of the known globe . She juovts steadily upon her sheets , v / ith an ambition that knows no bounds . Aud wherever she baa had a cor . flict of interest she has rarely yielded to any power . At this moment she presents to the civilised world tbe spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination ever known . From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe , and her peculiar commercial system , she has bten mat ' s the reservoir of the wealth of nations .

      Her internal resource s , skill , labour , and machinery , with her capital , are beyond calculation . Her natural position , being about midway tbe coast of Europe , gives her great control over the outlets and currents of commerce . * Her military occupation of Gibraltar , Malta , the Ionian Islands , and recently of St . Jean d'Acre , give her ascendaucy on the Mediterranean and the Levant , while St . Helena and the Cape of Good Hope , give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive co . ists . Then Bombay , Calcutta , and her immense P' siesaion in tbe East Indies , together with her recent movements in the CLina seas aud islands , enable her to extend her power over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary aad enervated magnid-Cfcnoe . She posseses Falkland island but to control the commerce tiaut passes round the Horn—while Trinidad tjiTes her alt the dtsires in the Carribean sea . Halifax at one point , and Beimuila at another , stand out Iu great force over out own coast from one extremity to the other .

      Her positions all over the world are at this moment , in a military point ef view , equal to a million of men under arms . Her continual conflicts in the mighty regions of tbe Eist , only enable her officers to become skiiful and to improve in the arts of war , while her great armies and extensive fleets draw their support from the immense countries ceiled and occupied In the present juncture of affairs , no statesman can overlook these things . Steam power has recently brought us so near together , that in the event of any future conflict , war wivh its effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity thau formerly .

      Avarice and ambition are the running passions of modern times , and itis vain to shut our wyes to the state of things around us . It remains to be seen what effect fcteaui power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war . It may be a great engine for again levelling mankind , and reducing everything to a eontest of mere physical force . In tbat event it might be difficult to conjecture what system of national defence will stand the test » f time and experience . Wv hava a deep stake in peace , and fondly hope the repose ot the world will not be disturbed . We have certainly not the least desire for any rupture . Firmness and a wise preparation will long preserve us from such a catastrophe . But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice upon the one hand , so no consideration , on the other hand , should ever induce us to submit to permanent wrong from any power on earth , no matter what tha consequences may be .

      Your Committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief that all the points of difficulty may be honourably and amicably adjusted , and tuat harmony may long be preserved by both Governments pursuing a liberal policy , congenial to the interests and feelings of both people , and compatible with the spirit and genius of an enlightened age .

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      EXTE-WVE FOKGERT UPON THE BaHK OP ENGLA . m—11 has been , lately discovered that a robbery to ihe amount of £ 6 , 259 had been committed by means of a forged power of attorney on the Bank oi England by Cnristopher Picard , of Friday-street , linen-draper . The stock taken ont was in the New Three-aud-a-Half per Centi ., and Picard was , it is said , a trustee . The forgery was committed some months ago , but was not discovered until within the last few days . On Thursday Picard was iu town , and in such a state of health as to be unfit to leave his room . He was , however , doctored up in such a manner as to be able to go out in a coach , aad it is feneraily supposed that he is now on the Coutinent . 'he money was takea out at two different times . A reward of £ 100 haa been offered tor his apprehension .

      Adulteration of Tea . —At the Ilford Petty Sessions , Edward Glover , of Wesihara , appeared to answer an information for having in his possession 30 Qibs . of dried sloe and hawthorn leaves , tor manufacturing an article called •» Mochaiarina , " but which -was a decided imitation of tea , and as such the defendant was liable to the penahjes inflicted by the Act 17 George III ., cap . 29 . The case was clearly proved , and the defendant admitted that he had manufactured the farina , but had never sold it as tea . The Bench convicted him in the penalty of £ 200 , and iu default of payment sentenced him to twelve months' imprisonment .

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      THE CONTRAST . tO THB BDITOB OP THE HORTHEBF STAB . Sir , —A most admirable method has , for the last few weeks , been adopted for giving the readers of the Star a view of th « mass / of incongruities which surround us , and which ate tie effects of the cannibal system under which we , some way or other , eontrive to exist . / ¦ - , ¦ ¦ ¦• ' ¦ ¦ i- ' ¦ ¦' ' ¦' ¦ ' ¦¦¦ ' ¦ ' ; ¦ ¦¦ ' ; - ' : " ' ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦ W « have seen the expensive tomfoolery of royalty placed in juxtaposition with the wants and woes uf tbe tuefel portion of society . We have had the fulsome adulation which state sycophants and well paid panders heap upon the idols whom the poor are compelled to clothe : in purple and fine linen , and daily provide with sumptuous fare , contrasted with the contumely , insult , and cruelty , endured by the really useful but unfortunate members of the community .

      We bate Been the inequality , or rather the maladministration , of the . law—the titled blackguard being held up ( inaugre , the notoriety of bis vices ) as a paragon of moral perfection , while the untitled man , of spotless reputation , has been assailed with opprobrium , and treated aa the vilest . of , his species . The tyrant is held guiltless , wbila the patriot is tisited with all the vengeance which despots can inflict . These things , and many more , originate in the want of a properly regulated system of government } one based upon the nation ' s will , conducted , in all its ramifications , by men chosen . from among the people by the people themselves , and responsible to the people for their every act touching public aflairs . This is the consummation devoutly to be wished , " and to achieve it we must look at the two pictures immediately-before our eyes . I mean Chartism « ud Foxis ' . n ; and , when we have viewed both , we must act as reason dictates and justice commands .

      CUARTISH . FOXISM . Look on ihi $ Picture . And also look on this . Chartism recognises the Foxism unmans the man , right of all men . "Men and makes him a mere being by nature equal are THING j giving him no entitled to equal rights . " rights , but conf wring them upon inanimate matter , which to-day may be in tb , e possession of the sane and to-morrow in that of the insane—to-day in that of an honest matt , to-morrow in that of aa

      highwayman . Chartism will abrogate Foxism "will only cancel every law inimical to the such laws as militate general weal . It will lay against monopoly it usury the axe to the rpot of the It will only prune corrup-Dpas tree , and prevent the tlon ' s tree , and cause it to desolation produced by its be more fruitful , and its baneful influence . branches more extensive , that tbe cormorants may ' be fed thereby , and fresh birds of prey find a resting-place thereon . Chartism will cleanse Foxism will only stir

      the Augean stablein West- up the dung , and increase minBter . and make it a fit the stench , leaving it , as reoeptable for honest men . the scavengers of 1832 did , in a worae condition than they found it . Chartism will malce the Foxiam will lay its paw labourer first partaker of on the first fruits , it will the fruits of hia industry . profess a desire for the cheap loaf , but a greater desire for cheaper labou * . It will perpetuate the " coarser sort of food"

      regime . Chartism will abolish all Foxism will retain all useless places , unmerited ¦ the ' * nice pickings , " and pensions , and snug sine- comfortable places , for its cures . needy and gaping adherents . Chartism will oust bad Foxismwill allowshouldservants , or unjust stew- be representatives three ards , at the earliest possible years to " pick , " plunder , period . and perpetuate mischief-It will re-establish the parent of the septennial act , which , at its next lying-in might give birth to & sit-fast for life .

      Chartism -will disband Foxism will require the a useless and expensive continuance of tha physiniilitary establishment . It cal force corps , for the will carry retrenchment purpose of defending tbe into tbe naval department , old citadel , and clearing and send the " blue . devils" the way for its votaries , to the right about . who are anxious for a firm stage and solid favour , besides a good protection from lodgers , hutteis , and houseless vagrants .

      Chartism will be the Foxism will be , like the foundation of individual Whig Keforni , a steppingcomfort and national pros- stone for { lolitical advenperity , if carried out , and turers , and unprincipled improved , in proportion to charlatans to ascend to the increased knowledge place and power , while it and altered circumstances will be au additional , millef the people . stone around Ihe necks of the people . Chartism is just hence Foxism is a fraud ; hence its advocates art ) ptraeeut- its advocates are smiled cd , prosecuted , imprison- upon by " the powers that ed , transported , and put to be , " and the arm of persedeath , cution is turned awayvom them .

      These are a few facts which may be improved . Yet I trust that the Chartists know their course too well to be led into the traps of the FoxtB , even though some tciU-t * ! leaders may show the white feather . Yours , truly , An Oli > Cuartist . Leeds , March 2 nd , 1841 .

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      TRADES' HALLS . How few exist in this country—and those onl y in name ! Are any ot' them based on right principles oiequality , and pet Jed freedom of occupation f how have they Oceii buiJt ? By the united subscriptions of . working men , or the purse of the speculator ? Trades' Halls are now wanted more than ever , common sense and justice admit the claim of the great mass of the population to make known their opinions , and the law acknowledges its existence , aa a component principle in the British Constitution . " An Englishman has the privilege of forming his own opinion upon the policy , expediency , ana justice of the system that is adopted by his rulers . Having formed this opinion , it cannot be denied that he has a ritfhfc to promulgate it , to support his own opinion by his own arguments , and to recommend its adoption in what he may deem the must efficacious manner . "—Lord Brougham .

      Oh , yes ! the working classes may meet ! But where \ " If they turn their attention to the gTceu fields , or to the common heritage their forefathers possessed for their 'fulktnotes , ' their * tithemotes , ' and other public purposes , they are there met by the law of trespass , the power of exclusion , the opposition of all ihe squirearchy of the town . " Aud , last , but not the least , ** Torehlijjht" Proclamations I Trades' Halls are now the only direct barriers against the progressive suppression of public meet * iiitfs and free discussion . What is the use of Trades' Halls amongst the working men of the country ? "To unito in one general body , persons of all creeds and opinion * who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people . " — Chartism by Lovett and Cottim , p . 2-i .

      * ' To exieud the . utility , influence * and number of Trades' Societies , by oflViring a commodious building , where their meetings may be better and more economically accommodated than at public-houses . " London Trades Hall Laws , No . I , To provide a " Mechanics' Institution , " in spirit , as well as name , an extensive library and readingroom accessible to operatives throughout the day aud night , at aa expense of a few peace per week each . To offer cheap and liberal schools for the tuition of the children of both sexes belonging to the

      working class . To unite , and call forth in public meetings and festivals , the mutual feelings and sympathies of both sexes of the labouring population , on the ground of their common participation in every public measure calculated to oppress or benefit the rights ot labour . A substantial and extensive means for the accommodation of public meetings , of from 3 , 000 to 6 , 000 persons , at a lesser amount of rental thau the public ouildings already existing can be engaged , without any exclusivene 8 s on the score of politics or religion , and available at the same time for lectures , concerts , and social entertainments .

      Dapot 3 for concentrating ... tho- intelligence and operations of the numerous Trades' Societies of the country , and the promotion of an easy and permanent system of communication between them for mutual benefit and information . Trades' Halls will benefit all classes in the country , beneath the anstooratical one ; the interest in their erection and use is general ; and , amongst the working men of the kingdom , would prove au immediate source of pecuniary profit , and speedy political . improvement .

      The constitution , government , erection , and application of Tradea' Halls will be developed in ihe future numbers of the Star .

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      The Governor Fenner . —We have been requested by a surviving brother to publish the following names of a family who perished in the wreck of this unfortunate vessel : —James Holt , carpet printer , Bridleway New Church , Rosuendale . aged 36 ; Mary Holt , his wife , aged 36 ; Jane Holt , bi& daughter , aged 12 ; Fanny Holt , his daughter , aged 7 ; James Holt , aged 2 ; Alice Ann Holt , aged 7 ; and his wife ' s sister , Al'ce Barnes , aged 34 ; and Alice Cunliffe , cousin , fioja L ' . » jhSorongh , aged 28 .

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      OASTLER'S FLEET PAPERS . N 03 . IX . andX . It was our intention to give a lengthened notice , and aa extract from , these excellent numbers of the "Fleet Papers , " in our last ; but circumstances prevented our being able to do 80 . We will not mar with commendation the touching and pathetic introduction of a factory cripple to his readers , by Mr . Oastler . It will speak better for itself than any language of which we are master .:- * . / ., "I told you , in a preceding letter , I had heard that a young man , whe wan formerly a HnddersSeld factory boy , had left twenty shillings for me with a friend . I will now tell you somewhat more about it Believe me , Mr . Thornbill . it was the po « r , broken-down , wornout , turned-off . kicked out orphan factory cripple , Joseph Habergam ! The first time I saw that poor lad was in my drawing-room , at Fixby Hall . John Wood was there that morning . Joseph -had beard , from some ef

      bis comrades , that 1 loved poof little factory slaves . He was 'done up '—served with crooked legs and spine , swelled knees and ancles , and a broken constitution , at fourteen years , as the reward , from the factory monster , for his industry . ' He had crawled on bis hands and knees , and ,: in some hours , had manned to creep two miles ! The poor slave , having heard of my exertions for tbe factory children , hoped that I could help him to ' an iron frame , ' to put bis deformed and crippled body in ! This will only be understood in the factory districts , where it is common ( when the children are bo weakened and distorted as not to be able to stand or walk ) to make iron frames , like gibbets , to fix around their limbs and bodies , so as to enable tbe poor wretches to support themselves by that artificial aid . With the help of John Wood , I was enabled to procure an iron frame for Joseph ; and afterwards , William Osburn , jun ., and Robert Hull , Esqrs ., befriended liim , f [ ot him into the Leeds Infirmary , educated him , . and — : — but 1 am running on too fast ; I am not

      about , in this letter , to write a memoir ef poor Joseph . I have told you of the first time that I saw him ; the last time was in this prison—in No . 12 . Coffee Gallery : I have not seen him in this cell , but I have seen his kind master , Hull , and his benefactor , Osburn , here . When he entered ( very neatly dressed he was , but still Joseph was creoked , deformed , and crippled ) he said , Oh ! Sir , I am sorry to sre you here . ' . 'Do not grieve , Joseph . I am rejoiced to see you ; ' And then I asked him about his health , and about his poor mother , and his kind master and mistress ; all his answers were satisfactory , but his look was melancholy Then he seemed to be weeping , anrr ^ aid , 'Oh . ' Sir , I should hare been in ray grave but for your kindness ; you have saved many others , as well as myself . I am

      sorry to see you here ! ' Bless the lad ! I could have clasped him in my arms . Would not you have been moved under such circumstances ? I aaw that he was in some difficulty or embarrassment - he did know how f . o perform the task which he had set himself . I said , ' Joseph , was it you who gave Mr . a 8 ovt reign for me ? ' 'I never intended you to know that , Sir : 1 have brought you ten shillings , and has sent you a nice home-baked loaf ; she thought it would be a treat for you in prison . ' Talk of rents . Mr . Thornhill , of dividends , or of winning bets ! Why , Sir , the receipt of thousands , in such ways , is abject poverty , compared with the real wealth which Joseph Habergam thus poured into the lap of his imprisoned benefactor ! Joseph , ' said I , ' L do not despise your offering—it is too large ; your mother netdsit . I will take sixpence from each of your donations . ' ' I can

      well spare it all , ' replied Joseph , with a smuo that seemtid reflected from some celestial being' ; ' and you know I owe you everything ; but for you I should now have been in my grave . ' He saw that I was resolute , and then he eaiJ , I will send it to my mother , Sir , and tell her that you have given it to her . ' Do you not admire the delicate sensibility of tbat youth . Sir ? I do . Joseph was a noble victim—too noble for the waste and cruelty of the fell factory monster ' , I nev « r enjoyed anything so nmch as that interview ; and , afterwards , tbatioaf ! Ob ! it was good ! But that expression—with the celestial countenance , and sweet , yielding , conquering tone—• I will send it to my mother , Sir , and tell her that you have given it to Tier , ' was an angel ' s treat—a treat worth coming many times to prison to enjoy ! He thus , with his own gift , repurchased for me the prayers and blessings of his wirinwed mother !

      " I wish I could convey to you , and to all who read this , the feelings of tny enraptured mind at that 1110-inent Its very memory is sweet , and will be to my dying day !" Upon his favourite subject Oastler is , of course , at home ; and the treasure-house of his memory not seldom brings out matters in connection therewith not less annoying to the lukewarm friends or open enemies of England ' s infanc slaves , than serviceable to their cause . Suoh we apprehend the following reminiscences to be : — " The Select Committee of the House of Commons , on the operation of Althorp ' s Factory Act , is sitting ; and , although I may not discuss their proceedings , I may write something which will be useful to them . There is , I believe , no law to bar me from that .

      •• You are aware , Sir , that the present Factories ' Regulation Act , was passed by the Government , in 1833 , in opposition to the Ten Hours' Bill of Lord Ashluy . Lord Ashley had no hand whatever in the passing » f that Bill . His Lordship ha * l solemnly and publicly pledged himself to the Ten Hours principle , at a meeting , held in the City of London Tavern , the 23 rd of February . 1833 . Sir Pt-ter Laurie , on that occasion , ( Lord Mayor of this City , ) was the Chairman . Lord Ashley then said : — *•« Before he sat down , he begged to assure them , that he should not give way a single moment on the

      question of Ten Hours . He assured the meeting , that he should persevere in the course he had commenced . He had taken up Ihe questio / i as a mailer of conscience , and as such he was determined to carry it through . If the House would not adopt the Blil , they must drive him from ititheTen Hours' Bill . ) as he wouid not concede a single step . He most positively declared , that as long as he had a seat in that House , and God gave him health and a sound mind , no efforts , no exertions should be wanting on his pmto establish the sueqess of the measure . If defeated in the present session , he would bring it forward in the next , and so on in every succeeding session till his success was complete . '"

      " It was at that very meeting , Sir , where ' the monster Judas O'Connell' said : — " Gaod God ! tbat such a system should exist in a Christian country—that poor infants should be condemned to the deprivation of sleep , the inhalation of poison , and the endurance of the extremes of human anguish , to obtain a miserable pittance to save themselves and their parents , perhaps , from starvation ! The question was a question of blood , and those who should stand by , and acquiesce in the continuance of such a system after ihe fads which had been stated , uvuld be yuilly of murder . Every manufactory was open to be viewed , and was proved , by concurrent testimony , to be a hive of swarming misery . The miserable creatures themselves , too , were brought before the Committee ; and their sunken eyes , hectic cheeks , emaciated limbs , on which was stamped the decrepitude of premature old

      age , spoke for thorn , and gave a fearful corroboration to their testimony . He trusted that lie should not be mistaken in supporting the cause—the cause of thosen-ho had no protector , no voice but the voice of humanity ; and that it should have the support of all his energies , humble * s lliey were , he pledyed himself . It was said , that the number of hours it was proposed to reduce the labour of these children , was too small ; but he was surprised that human nature could bear , under such circumstances , to work even that number of hours . He , for himself , considered that Ttn Hours were too many ; but as medical men and men of experience , had decided , that labour during that period could be borne , he should go alung with them to that , extent , but he would not consent to the addition of one half- ' -bur—nay , one minute , beyond the time so decided to be capable of being ertdured . ""

      " It is true , that O'ConneU , afterwards , voted against these , his solemn protestations—nay , he even gave the casting vote against himself ! He also received one thousand pounds from tbe Manchester millowners and their friends . ? ? " Thoso solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , were mndein presence of Sadler ; that fact stamps them with double weight . Myself , and others , were immediately dispatched to public meetings in Yorkshire and Lancashire , to inspire the hopes , and restore tbe confidence of the factory slaves , who were downcast at the less of the Parliamentary services of their champion—Sadler . The . solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , at the London meeting , were quoted and requoted by us—until , at length , the hopes and confidence of the Ten Hours ' Bill men , were entirely centred in his Lordship . When tbe Bill was in committee , and Lord Ashley was defeated by the Government , on tho Ten Hours ' clause , he entirely withdrew from the discussion , and left Lord Althorp , to pass his own measure-

      "Now , Sir , it is Impossible that Lord Ashley could have given the measure of hia opponents & fairer chance than he ho * done ; for , even in the face of his solemn avowal before the London meeting , he deemed himself bound by honour to wait , and try if the Government measure would succeed . So determined was his Lordship to give his opponents' scheme fair play , that , when he was urged by the Ten Hours' Bill-men , to redeem his pledgo , he answered ;— 'I cannot interfere , until Lord Althorp s Act , has had a fair trial / Nay , even when his Lordship joined Sir Kobert Peel ' s ministry , in 1834 , and when many enthusiastic friends expected that he would avail himself of his official situation , act ! introduce his own Ten Hours' Bill as a Government measure , bo strong did he conceive the requirements of honour to be , that , even then , he teas silent , waiting for the proof of the tfficacy , or inefficacy of the existinglawl

      " The time , however , bas now arrived , when the same feeling of honour , which basso leng restrained bis Lordship , will impel him strenuously to exert himself for the fulfilment of his solemn pledge . * "Lord Ashley cannot now fail to be fully satisfied that he has waited till honour can wait no longer . He must now be persuaded , that the law of bis opponents has had every chance which time , the power of Govern-: ment , and the aid of his l ' riends can give it ; and that ,

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      after all , it it + fbiUin ! He will now , in the Hw » of Commons , redeem bis solemn pledge , and taketn ? the Ten Hours'Bill as a matter of conscience , and *» such , be determined to carry it through . And * U foiled by the power of wealth , ( which Hnow Is " a *' this moment , iubscribing Its blood-stained thonsandi * for the purpose of causing procrastination and delati ha will , ' as long as he has a seat in the House of ( W mons , and God gives him health aad a sound mind " take care that no efforts , no exertions will be ¦ wanting on bis part , to establish the necctu of the meuoref . and if defeated in the present session , ' he will keep bk vow , and ' bring it forward in the next , and so on ^ n every succeeding session , till his success is corn pieta * Never shall I forget the honest indignation of Lord Ashley at the perfidy ef OConnell , when the' aongS Judas'betrayed the cause , T ; ««« Thus has Oastler pinned Ashley to the post whence if he flinch ndw—no flogging can bfm ^ l severe than he will merit .

      Iwpmal 39srtfam*Ttt

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      1 — —

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      CORNER'S HISTORICAL LIBRARY-DFtt MARK , SWEDEN , AND NORWAY , fin don : Dean and Munday , Threadneedle-strpjik Nos . Land N . 8 Weet ' This is a very popularly , elearly , well-writ ten historical work , designed for youth , schools , j families . We do not recollect to have seen hiatorv so familiarly and yet bo ably written , and so wen suited f » r the class of readers into whose hands it 1 $ designed the book should fall , as in the numbers before us . One great desideratum in all works which are intended to convey useful knowled ge to the young mind is to present it in an agreeable and attractive form , such ae will engage the interest and absorb the attention of the student . This point jo fully attained in the edition before us .

      The two numbers . constitute parts twelve and thirteen or the series . They are occupied entirely with the histories of Denmark , Sweden , and NorV way , and are complete in themselves , arid independ ent of preceding or consequent parts . This is a merit in itself . We have Dot room for more than one two extracts Judging from the following , ' FEASTING AT' PDBLIC MEETFKGS WAS A SCINdINa . VIAM CUSTOM . ; "In Scandinavians well as in Gaul and ' Germany feasting was a part of every public transaction . Mai ^ riages . funerals , meetings on affairs relating to the state or assemblies hki . A f or religious purposes , all , » ere celebrated w \ th feasts . At the national assemblta . which held in the air

      were open , all free men -were allowed to attend , and to have a voice in every thitts connected with the public welfare ; All persons cam * armed ; the king and nobles took their seats on stODes placed for that purpose , the king ' s being higher than the ' rest , and then' the priest commanded silence and the king addressed the assembled multitude , -who signified , their assent to any proposed measure , by clashing their Bworiis against their shields , and their dissent , by a sort of groaning noise . When the latter was made , the proposition was usually withdrawn ; foj the king was not an absolute sovereign , but merely the chief of a free people , who elected him theniseWes , and were willing to be directed by him ; though they preserved the right of opposing his will , if they thought ho was not acting for the general good . "

      In another page we find the ORIGIN OF THE KING ' S CHAMPION . " . The office of champum was instituted in the time of Harold Harfaargre , and it was afterwards introduced into other . European countries . The duty of the champion was originally to guard tbe person of- . tfie . king , and to revenge his quarrels ; therefore , he was required to possess extraordinary strength and yaloor . He was frequently engaged in duels , in defence ef the rights of his sovereign , and the scene of combat ww usually some small uninhabited island in the Baltic . From this custem , perhaps , originated the trial by combat ; , in which champions were sometimes employed by females , or men who were too aged or infirm to fight for themselves . A battle of this nature was called the Holmgang ; and the island where it was foughi , the Holnu " And elsewhere is described the obstinacy of

      THE KOmVEGJANS' OPPOSITION TO CHRISTUMII . " In the meantime , his brother Haco used every effort to convert the people of Norway to Christianity . He built some churches and monasteries , and destroyed nany of tbe heathen temples ; but the prejudices ot the people in favour of their ancient religion , were too great to be easily overcome , and loud murmurs arose . Tbe landholders would not consent to a form of worship that made it a duty to rest one day in seven ; for they all had slaves to cultivate their fields ; and they began to reckon how much they ehonld lose , if these poor

      men were allowed to cease frem labour so of ten . i . Thing was , therefore , assembled to discuss the subject , at which the king was present , when one of the husbandmen got up and addressed him on tbe part ot his neighbours , saying , tbat they had elected farm to reign over them , on condition that he would snpport all their ancient institutions , and they bad come to a resolution , that if he did not do so . and attend tbi sacrifices according to the custom of his predecessors , they should elect another sovereign . "This , " said he , " is our determination ; therefore , king , take thy choice . " ' Haco chose to coctinne king . "

      ORIGIN OF MARKETS . " It was about this period , [ the tenth century ] that fairs and markets began to be established in the North of Europe , and these gave birth to towns ; for as long ns there were no regular places of trade , every person V > uilV bis house where it seemed most pleasant to him . But when regular markets came to be heid , it was found so convenient to live near them , that a great number of houses were soon built on the same spot , and formed towns , which gradually increased in size , wealth , and importance . "

      SLAVERY IN EUROPE . " Slavery was so general in Europe , at this time , [ tbe tenth century } that the principal merchandise at the fairs and markets in tho noith , and in Germany , consisted of captives taken in the wars , which were often made for the express purpose of obtaining them . Tbe common price of a slave was one mark , or eight ounces of silver . " Each number is illustrated with , a neatly executed steel engraving .

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      ADVICE TO THE REFORMERS IN REFERENCE TO THE TAXES ON FOOD . By Samuel Gordon , Esq . Dublin : West , 154 , Capel-street . Mr . Gordon has , in this little tract , demonstrated not only the iniquitous nature of the starratiorj laws , but also , whether he intended it or not , th 9 mischief which , mnst result from their repeal , without Universal Suffrage . Let those who complain that they are brought to the verge of ruin by these enactments , join the people for the attainment of their rights , and we will pledge ourselves for the repeal of 'hese and of all other bad and class-made Jaws , There are some facts added illustrative of the nice doings of that Bink of iniqnity , the Irish Court of Chstnceryj to whiohwe may find it convenient to invite public attention at some future time . The following remarks on the Whigs contain some sterling truth : —

      " Probably , it were better for the country that the Whigs should occupy the opposition benches ; while there they generally contrive to earn the character of virluous Magdalens , and even set the Tories jealous of their good name with John BulLand then the stmfile begins as to who shall do most ; but while in officethey are notorious for their profligacy and treachery . If they will give us no Reforms—if they will s « t their faces . against the repeal of the Corn Laws , against the-, revision of the Pension List ; if they will do nothing but betray the people on the subject of L « w Reform , the Septennial Act , and every other measure of relief , the sooner the Hero of Waterloo drives them from their position in Downing-street the better ; we sbalKhett

      know bow to act If he were to so to-morrow , it would be impossible to get up two meetings in their favour in the -whole kingdom . It is almost unnecessary to gofarther in citing instances of the real character of tha professions of Reform made by the Whig * ; they erected a humbug called a Board of Works for Ireland , and 1 * appears by a report of a Committee of the House of Commons in 1835 . that the attorneys and lawyrrs of the Board could put the Company of a Railway of five miles' length to the expence of ten thousand pounds for a deed of mortgage . ' tbat . ia , an expence of ten thousand pounds for tbe parchment or paper writing , and »« this by the way of encouraging employment for tee starving people of Ireland . "

      FIRST COLLECTION OF BIBLE HISTORY : A CATECHISM . OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND . First second , and third Catechisms of Common Things ; and first , second , and Uiira ¦ Lessons of Natural Philosophy for Children . W the Rev . T . Wilson . London : Darton and CiarK , HolbornHill . 3 , We have carefalJy looked over the pages of these new and excellent helps to juvenile education , ana have much pleasure in recommending them to tiia notice of onr readers , and the public generally . « " > Wilson has most ably executed his task , and ha » provided a rich fund of information for thejoutntoi mind , on a vast variety of subjects , and m such * manner as to combine instruction with delight . in « opening intellect will here find ample range for t ° « fcXArnicfv ftf it . a flYlvmfUnc DOWerfl- and Will DO

      pleasingly introduced into the paths of knowledge , gaining fresh acquisitions at every step , and thus Decoming imperceptibly led to more advanced stages of real , practical improvements . The lessons on Natural Philosophy are embellished with a neat ininature map of the globe , solar system , view of u » planets , &o ., ajid with highly useful wood cuts , u-Instrativ . e of several branches « f the subjects treatea of . These » dd much interest and value to the doom . We are sorry to observe some typograp hical error * , which detract from the beanty of these admirable works ; and what is worse , an inaccuracy in some « the dates , and a few of the details , which may ieau the young student into serious mistakes . * ? Ttilings we hope will be corrected in a sec ^ d edition . We most especially recommend Universal £ »** £ phy for Children , and the Catechism Common Things , to general adoption and approval .

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      6 THE NORTHERN STIR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1100/page/6/